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13 Aug 05:36

All-Purpose Order Denying Motion to Seal

by Kevin

Sources (e.g.Above the Law, Techdirt) report that Judge Charles Breyer (N.D. Cal., brother of Justice Breyer) recently issued an order refusing to seal certain documents on the grounds that they were already heavily redacted, and so who cares. Or, at least, we can infer from the order (PDF) that this was part of his thinking—and note: this is the order, not a redacted copy of the order. What's underneath the redactions is just random text pasted from some other document.

2015-08-12 at 10.40 AM

2015-08-12 at 10.401 AM

2015-08-12 at 10.41 AM
There is a little helpful guidance in the footnote at the end, suggesting that the defendant had not identified "compelling reasons" that "exceptionally sensitive information" needed protection. But the order does give you the feeling that the judge thinks they went overboard on the redactions.

Added this to the Noteworthy Court Orders page partly because it should come in handy for judges in future cases. You really just need to add a paragraph at the beginning and one at the end, or maybe just white-out the date and Judge Breyer's name.

13 Aug 05:17

nitratediva: From Experiment Perilous (1944).



nitratediva:

From Experiment Perilous (1944).

12 Aug 18:13

FEATURE: Black Is The New Black! - The Latest Work From Botswana Based Fashion Photographer Ray Geof

by Eye Candy

Take a look at the latest images from Botswana based fashion photographer Ray Geof. Posting the series on his Tumblr, the photographer (who describes his work as "abstract') captioned one of the image as, "Black Is The New Black!"; and these images are the perfect celebration of the bold and powerful color - shot at the RiverWalk Gaborone in Botswana and featuring models from the X models Agency. Explore below.

By Alexander Aplerku, AFROPUNK Contributor

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12 Aug 18:13

Anish Kapoor Threatens to Sue Over Chinese “Cloud Gate” Copy

by Claire Voon
(image by Hrag Vartanian/Hyperallergic)

(image by Hrag Vartanian/Hyperallergic)

Yesterday we noticed that a copy of Anish Kapoor’s “Cloud Gate” in Chicago is in the works in Karamay, China, promoted as a giant, stainless steel drop of oil. The artist is still unknown, but it’s definitely not Kapoor, who was “shocked at the blatant plagiarism” of his work when news of the Cloud Gate-gate reached him in London.

“It seems that in China today it is permissible to steal the creativity of others,” Kapoor said in a statement sent to Hyperallergic. “I feel I must take this to the highest level and pursue those responsible in the courts. I hope that the Mayor of Chicago will join me in this action. The Chinese authorities must act to stop this kind of infringement and allow the full enforcement of copyright.”

(screenshot via @PDChina/Twitter)

The offending sculpture, which circulated on Chinese news agencies with no mention of Kapoor’s name (screenshot via @PDChina/Twitter) (click to enlarge)

According to Wall Street Journal‘s blog China Real Time, the planning and construction management section chief of Karamay’s Tourism Bureau, Ma Jun, refused to name the copycat behind the oil bubble sculpture, revealing only that he or she is Chinese. While he had reportedly heard of Kapoor’s world-famous work, Ma noted that the similarities were simply coincidences and attempted to ward off accusations of plagiarism with unconvincing (but hilarious!) reasoning.

“The idea of the oil bubble comes from the Black Oil Mountain, which is a natural oil well in Karamay,” Ma told China Real Time. “People can enter the big bubble to visit and hold activities. There are some small bubbles around to make it more fun.

“You can’t say we’re not allowed to build a round sculpture because there already is a round one,” he added. “While we use similar materials, the shapes and meanings are different. ‘Cloud Gate’ intends to reflect the sky, but ours reflects the ground; that’s why we used granite to imitate oil waves (in the area surrounding the sculpture).”

Unless Kapoor successfully manages to have it removed, the sculpture is set to open to the public at the end of August. If it remains, we look forward to the day a replica of a Carsten Höller slide is wrapped around it to truly make the bubble a center for fun.

12 Aug 18:12

New tessellating pentagonal shape discovered

by 784721
New tessellating pentagonal shape discovered

Mathematicians and designers are rejoicing as the 15th pentagonal tile pattern has just been discovered.

Read more...

12 Aug 18:12

Cartoon: The Gender Fence

by Ampersand

gender-fence-550
If you argue with the more intelligent conservatives about gender issues, sooner or later you are challenged with a famous quote from G. K. Chesterton:

In the matter of reforming things, as distinct from deforming them, there is one plain and simple principle; a principle which will probably be called a paradox. There exists in such a case a certain institution or law; let us say, for the sake of simplicity, a fence or gate erected across a road. The more modern type of reformer goes gaily up to it and says, “I don’t see the use of this; let us clear it away.” To which the more intelligent type of reformer will do well to answer: “If you don’t see the use of it, I certainly won’t let you clear it away. Go away and think. Then, when you can come back and tell me that you do see the use of it, I may allow you to destroy it.”

That argument makes sense as far as it goes; but what it ignores is why the “modern type of reformer” wants the fence taken down. It ignores the possibility that the person wanting the fence taken down is reacting to real and immediate pain, and that there might actually be some urgency in the situation.

Transcript of cartoon.

This cartoon has two panels.
PANEL ONE
In the first panel, a genderqueer person whose gender presentation is ambiguous, is talking to a suburban-looking man wearing a polo shirt. There’s a old-fashioned wooden rail fence running between them.

CAPTION: How they see gender.
GENDERQUEER PERSON (sternly): We need to dismantle this fence.
SUBURBAN MAN (cheerfully): Whoa! Let’s not rush.

PANEL TWO
The same scene, except now the post of the fence is going through the genderqueer person’s back, pinning them to the ground, and they are in agony.

CAPTION: How I see gender.
GENDERQUEER PERSON (agonized): WE NEED TO DISMANTLE THIS FENCE!
SUBURBAN MAN (cheerfully): Whoa! Let’s not rush.

12 Aug 18:11

Famous Writers with Weird Jobs

by Kelly Lynn Thomas

Did you know that Chuck Palahniuk worked as a bike messenger? Or that both Stephen King and Ken Kesey worked as janitors? Or that Charles Dickens labeled jars in a shoe factory? Electric Literature has a fun infographic detailing these odd jobs and more.

This should make writers of any stage feel better about the weird workplaces they’ve endured.

Related Posts:

12 Aug 18:11

Tinder

by djw

The Tinder twitter feed’s overwrought, whiny, self-important meltdown over the Vanity Fair article is amusing, but it’s no defense of the piece itself, which is mostly lazy and content-free. It’s not much more than a collection of quotes designed and arranged as perfect clickbait to shock and titillate the kind of people looking to get unseemingly worked up by moral panics and jeremiads about how Kids These Days are doing everything wrong and it’s going to destroy the world. A considerably more interesting, and enlightening, approach would be to try to make sense of the rise of technologies like Tinder in light of empirical findings from research on generational sexual behavior; which strongly indicate millenials are having less sex, with fewer partners, than the previous two generational cohorts.

12 Aug 17:13

micdotcom: Yeah, this is probably the best Facebook post you’ll...



micdotcom:

Yeah, this is probably the best Facebook post you’ll read today. It’s also highlighting a problem that literally happens all over the world.

12 Aug 17:12

lefthandedtoons: Brain Cells | Left-Handed Toons Comic URL:...



lefthandedtoons:

Brain Cells | Left-Handed Toons

Comic URL: http://www.lefthandedtoons.com/1821/

12 Aug 17:11

High Horse

by jon

2015-08-12-High-Horse

We’re back at the Large Horse Collider today for an update on the Ultrahorse situation. Looks like everything is going swell.

Hope your Wednesday is superb! If you want it to be. No pressure.

goat-kwisatz[1]

The post High Horse appeared first on Scenes From A Multiverse.

12 Aug 17:11

We’ve Always Been Here: A Portrait of the US by Two Black Artists

by Lenore Metrick-Chen
fig 1 Dread Scott, A Man Was Lynched By Police Yesterday, installation photograph, courtesy of Moberg Gallery, Des Moines Iowa, July 2015

Dread Scott, “A Man Was Lynched By Police Yesterday” (2015), installation view (image courtesy Moberg Gallery)

DES MOINES, Iowa — Divisions of race, class, and place haunt aspirations for equality and justice in the US. This is made clear in the exhibition Make Their Gold Teeth Ache, curated by artist and activist Jordan Weber at Moberg Gallery, which portrays the US from the perspective of artists of color. The exhibit signals its subject with two enormous flags immediately at the entrance: one, with white letters on a black ground, declares: “A Man Was Lynched by Police Yesterday”; the other, the Confederate flag, hangs from a noose above an auction block. Glimpsed just behind them is a painting of a black man painting himself white, and in the back of the gallery a video emits sounds of shouts, sirens, smashing glass, and the ceaseless report of gunshots.

On July 25, Jordan Weber presented an event hosted by the Des Moines Art Center and invited two prominent artists shown in the exhibit, Dread Scott and John Sims, to elaborate on their ideas. They pulled no punches, speaking with candor of their work and the issues it elaborates, detailing overt and covert disparities that result from unequal treatment of persons based on race — failures within American systems of jurisprudence, law enforcement, and education. The artists, in lively discussion with the audience, proposed solutions ranging from advocating radical change, to communism, and even revolution.

And all this talk of insurgency took place in Des Moines, Iowa.

fig 2 John Sims, The Proper Way to Buy a Hanging Confederate Flag, 2015, installation photograph, courtesy of Moberg Gallery, July 2015

John Sims, “The Proper Way to Buy a Hanging Confederate Flag” (2015), installation view (image courtesy Moberg Gallery) (click to enlarge)

People in Iowa are almost tired of explaining to amazed outsiders that, yes, there are black people in Iowa and racial inequities that matter to the nation are of consequence here. Despite the internet and increasing integration of local and global spheres, the divisions of race and place perpetuate the myth of an isolated and unchanging Iowa: an old-fashioned, quaint place, outside of time. Therefore there is no disharmony. Therefore it is imagined to be homogenous and white. This results in a sweeping erasure. The mythology about Iowa makes the black population become invisible to the rest of the nation.

Yet, like all cities in the US, Des Moines has multiple races. The 2010 census showed Des Moines’s black population at 10.2% — quite close to 13.2%, the national average for that year. And the mixed race population of Des Moines tops the national average, with 3.4% claiming two or more races compared to 2.4% for the nation as a whole. The city’s demographics present all too familiar disjunctions. Des Moines has basked in the glow of being identified as the best city for young adults, the second-best location in the country for business, and its unemployment rate is 5%. But these buoyant statistics mask the extreme 38% divergence between average income of blacks and whites, placing Des Moines below the median in wage disparities in US metropolitan areas: 27th out of 417.

The people in Des Moines have long participated in conversations of race and lived in multiracial communities. Among the audience members at the lecture was a woman whose grandfather was a corporal in the Corps d’Afrique, Company D of the Union Cavalry, fighting in New Orleans in the Civil War; her husband helped create an artist colony for artists of color in the 1960s. And, at the age of 16, she was the first black woman to integrate Drake University’s women’s dormitory. Another audience member had been the liaison for visiting emissaries such as Jessie Jackson; another’s older brother had been a leader in the Des Moines Black Panthers during the most turbulent years. And younger activists, who participated in the forceful protests in Ferguson, also numbered in the audience.

fig 3 Kohshin Finley, Camouflage for the Modern Man, 2015, oil and mixed media on canvas. Photograph courtesy of Koshin Finley

Kohshin Finley, “Camouflage for the Modern Man” (2015), oil and mixed media on canvas (photo courtesy the artist) (click to enlarge)

In The Location of Culture, Homi Bhabha asserts that agency is about “challenging the boundaries of discourse and subtly changing its terms.” By locating Make Their Gold Teeth Ache in Iowa, Weber’s exhibit challenges racial profiling and the provincialism people ascribe to areas outside of cultural centers. Dread Scott and John Sims go further than creating visual spectacles to question cherished values. At times, their art treads those values underfoot, burns them, discolors them.

Sims explained to Hyperallergic: “I like playing on opposites. I like playing with dualities clashing them and trying to find a mid-point or intersection. Sometimes out of that you get a good joke, sometimes you get a disaster, and sometimes a synergetic art work…” Proficient in math, Sims refers to himself as a “political math artist” — he discovered racialization in an unlikely arena, namely, in our culture’s bias toward the discipline of mathematics. At the lecture, he stated: “I’m very interested in the issue of race and identity — looking at white supremacy in the visual landscape but also in the classroom: the tension and civil war between math and art.” Introducing the term “ethnomathematics,” Sims described how math is encoded into culture to function as a silent but insidious agent for attitudes of superiority.

We tend to imagine math and art as opposites — proficiency in one arena means incapacity in the other. This false dichotomy is made even more divisive by delegating mathematics as the litmus test of intelligence. Math is taken as a stand-in for good reasoning, but such formal reasoning does not address the full scope of human intelligence. Yet math remains the gatekeeper for high-paid work such as medicine and law. It is telling that groups in inferior positions in society — blacks, women, artists — are assumed to be inferior in math skills. Sims said: “You tell someone they can’t do math and that is connected to the issue of intelligence. Then you’ve already cut them in half.” He didn’t have to connect the dots for the audience to understand that math serves as a cudgel, disadvantaging black children whose elementary education in math falls short of that taught in predominantly white schools.

Sims takes art and math out of the classroom by integrating both fields in his work. In his 13 different “pi-quilts,” math is both a structuring principle and a design element. For each numeral of the number pi, Sims designated a color: 3 was blue, 1 was yellow, and so forth. He then worked with Amish women, who quilted color grids of pi. A simple mathematic exercise allowed Sims to extend his visualization of pi to absorb cultural metaphors. For pi in base 2, Sims needed a binary color system, so he chose black and white — “Black White Pi.” For pi in base three, the triad of red, white, and blue became “American Pi.”

fig 5 John Sims, Pi in Black and White, 2008, 8’ x 8’, cotton, photograph courtesy of John Sims

John Sims, “Pi in Black and White” (2008), 8’ x 8’, cotton (photo courtesy John Sims)

Sims likes to work in multiples, creating projects in which each piece generates another, creating a network of meaning. This is seen in his work “Afro Confederate Flag” (2000), from his Recoloration Proclamation project. Reflecting on this year — 2015 — as the 150th anniversary of the end of the Civil War, and recent events in the South Carolina, Sims’s attention was drawn to the “visual terrorism” of the Confederate flag, a symbol of segregation and division between ‘your history’ versus ‘our history.’ Incensed that the flag had the potential to incite such emotions, Sims set out to undermine the flag’s power. “How to subvert it? First, recolor it red, black, and green” — colors deriving from the Pan-African flag. As Sim explained at the lecture, he then created a variety of color options that he took to the streets. “I asked people to pick which one they liked and here they are looking at this terrible image but I subverted it into this exercise about possibilities and desire and hierarchies. And it’s quizzical, so they got into it and for minutes they forget they were even looking at the Confederate flag. Now they were looking at the flag out of a particular context, looking at it in a commentary context: ‘oh I like this, no this should be green, you really need to have yellow.’ People started to put their own thing on the table.” By creating possibilities and inviting people to choose a preference, the flag no longer dominated emotions but, for the moment, was reduced to a pattern over which people had control. By working with the audience, Sims created art that countered — queered — a symbol that is usually divisive. 

John Sims, Afro-Confederate Flag, photograph courtesy of John Sims

John Sims, “Afro-Confederate Flag” (photo courtesy John Sims)

Like Sims, Dread Scott dissolves boundaries between categories generally understood as oppositions: art and politics, past and present, dream and action. We all know the maxim that those who don’t know the past are condemned to repeat it, but Scott’s work takes this several crucial steps further: from knowing about the past, to gaining insights into what the past reveals, to dreaming about using those insights to attain greater freedoms, to activism.

Scott’s art radically alters what we thought we knew about domination and oppression. He told Hyperallergic: “Even when I’m looking at the past, my work is really about the present and the choices people make now. Very radical thinking came from enslaved people and is something that modern day people can learn philosophically, methodologically and in terms of dreaming, dreaming about freedom.”

In Scott’s art, the past is not just the opening act for the present but it continues through the present, although in a new form. He refers to this as “bringing history forward.” Often taking “black history” as his starting point, he brings it into the present in such a way that we gain a new understanding of US history that resonates across racial groups. At the lecture, Scott explained:

A lot of my work is focusing on the conditions of black people in the society. Not exclusively — but there would not be a United States as it is today. Slavery is the foundation of America. And to talk about any sort of social change and not look at the condition of black people as well as the vital role we had to play in radically transforming the world would be wrong.

Through engaging with Scott’s work we see the long historical roots of present circumstance. Scott shared his intention: “It is very necessary to both reference this past and update it.” For instance, while most Americans are aware that lynching occurred, most do not know that 1965 was the first year in which no lynchings were publicly announced in the US. Scott’s artwork, “A Man Was Lynched by Police Yesterday,” was motivated by the epidemic of recent police killings. The piece riffs on the phrase “a man was lynched yesterday” printed on a banner that hung from the window of the NAACP offices in New York from the 1930s onward whenever a person was lynched, alerting passersby of the latest violence. By echoing the iconography and text, Scott prompts the audience to reflect on the legitimacy in equating recent police killing with lynching.

Scott’s performance “On the Impossibility of Freedom in a Country Founded on Slavery and Genocide” (2014) references an incident memorialized in an iconic photograph from the 1960s: fire hoses turned full strength on students who had left their classes to join the protest for civil rights. What startled Scott was the photograph’s brutal, graphic illustration of Jim Crow, a violence usually concealed in the daily patterns of life. Only resistance to the law made it visible. Scott’s art performance enacted some of the ferocity in the photograph as he leaned into the high velocity spray of water from a fire hose, his hands held in the gesture ‘Hands up don’t shoot.’

fig 9 Dread Scott, On the Impossibility of Freedom in a Country Founded on Slavery and Genocide, performance still 1, 2014, photograph courtesy of Dread Scott

Dread Scott, “On the Impossibility of Freedom in a Country Founded on Slavery and Genocide” (2014), performance still (photo courtesy Dread Scott)

Scott speaks of the impossibility of achieving freedom in a country founded on slavery and genocide. For him, this is one contradiction that cannot be reconciled. “America is a country founded on genocide and slavery, and there would be no America without it,” he told Hyperallergic. “The freedom dreamed of by the founding fathers was predicated on owning slaves … the economic foundation is slavery.” He pointed to what we know too well today: that a small fraction of the population controls the wealth and with it the legal system and much of the access to knowledge. “Billions of people are excluded from intellectual development and participation in society. What kind of world is this where the simple statement ‘black lives matter’ has to be said?”

The process of inclusion involves shifting power. No one relinquishes power voluntarily; therefore, such a shift is difficult. “In terms of responsibility, people that want to see a different world have to fight as if the future matters, fight as if our lives matter.” In bringing history forward, Scott’s ultimate objective is to help propel a future in which his work is not needed. He said:

I’ve tended to look at the most visible horrific excesses in some of my work, some of the real things people need to confront in this society, as part of imagining what needs to be different. I don’t want to be making work about the next hash tag person shot by a cop. I want my work to be obsolete some day. But at this point it’s very urgently necessary.

The artists do not exempt the art world from their biting insights regarding hierarchy and inclusion. Both Sims and Scott are well aware of contradictions in their own positions. All artists today who want to have an impact within the arts but at the same time address social issues face this difficulty. They have the uncomfortable position of having one eye on the prize — art world acceptance — and the other eye on a different audience, hoping to facilitate social change. Sims and Scott’s primary focus is to put their art into contact with more people, beyond museums and galleries. At the lecture, Scott reversed the usual thinking about the hierarchy between artist and gallery: “I’m trying to actually contribute to a movement for revolution that enables people to radically change the world and so I’m willing to go have conversations wherever they can be had including walking the complex dance of working with these institutions.”

fig 8 A Man Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress (1)

A flag hanging from a window of the New York City headquarters for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in 1936 (image courtesy Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress)

Categories are not inherent; they are constructed by authority to organize perception in a manner that maintains its power. In order to create a more just society, it’s not enough to just address disadvantaged groups — witness the failures in the “war on poverty,” “crime stoppers,” “no child left behind.” Categories are always relational and our success in increasing justice resides in how we construct the categories themselves. Both Sims and Scott link racial inequities to issues of class and access, and numerous other divisions, which their artworks reveal, resist, and re-contextualize. They create and perform art not just to depict political action but as a political action.

Weber’s curatorial initiative stimulated a rare and positive exchange that would otherwise not have happened, among local audiences and visiting artists eager for that discourse. Scott made this clear at the lecture: “This show, which is responding to the times we live in, is not happening in NY or in LA, but it is happening here.” Let’s continue having “here” be everywhere. And, echoing Sims: “However we can burn up the grid, let’s do it.”

Make Their Gold Teeth Ache continues at Moberg Gallery (2921 Ingersoll Ave, Des Moines, Iowa) through August 22. 

12 Aug 17:10

S onewall: the Movie (Because It’s Missing the T)

by helenboyd

Again, I’ve been doing this a long time, so here’s the shorthand:

If, as a director, you want to make a movie about a young gay man who has been kicked out of his Kansas home by his Christian parents for being gay who then, in turn, comes to NYC & becomes a queer radical, make that awesome movie. It’s needed.

Just don’t, um, call it Stonewall. It can even be about that era, or that particular guy’s experience in the uprising, but calling it Stonewall implies it is about the whole of the event, not just one person’s experience in it.

  • This isn’t hard. If you’re going to make a movie about one of the most important moments of queer liberation – globally! – then maybe try to get the history right.
  • The burden is on the filmmaker to get it right.
  • Gay white men did an awful lot for queer liberation, actually, and there are plenty of stories to tell about them, including at Stonewall and during it. They just weren’t the ones who threw the first brick.
  • Hiring a few trans people to work on the film would have been great. Also black and latinx actors.

Miss Major explains the rest, as far as I’m concerned.

People aren’t upset just because of this movie; they’re upset because this has been happening since 1970 when Silvia Rivera was first asked not to speak at the 1st anniversary of Stonewall, the very 1st PRIDE. And you would think that perhaps someone might do their research and realize how incredibly frustrating it has been for the trans community to experience this erasure, especially after being dumped from legislation that benefited the LG and not the T. That is, there’s a history to the history.

I think I’m most disturbed by the idea that the director and screenwriter were surprised by this backlash and calls for a boycott. There are about 800 people who do trans history and advocacy who could have warned them, and maybe they were warned and dismissed the warning. That said, I’ve also seen them called out for using the word “transvestite” which – although it’s not used anymore – was, in fact, the word used by Rivera and Johnson, whose organization was called STAR, after all, for Street Transvestite Action Revolutionaries. While I’m at it, there’s this:

What people fail to realize is that the Stonewall was not a drag queen bar. It was a white male bar for middle-class males to pick up young boys of different races. Very few drag queens were allowed in there, because if they had allowed drag queens into the club, it would have brought the club down. That would have brought more problems to the club. It’s the way the Mafia thought, and so did the patrons. So the queens who were allowed in basically had inside connections. I used to go there to pick up drugs to take somewhere else. I had connections.

[From Rivera’s piece “Queens in Exile, the Forgotten Ones,” in J. Nestle, ed., Genderqueer: Voices from Beyond the Sexual Binary, at pp. 67-85 (2002).]

 

Does all this mean the movie will suck? Maybe not. It does mean that I won’t go see it.

12 Aug 17:09

Photo





12 Aug 17:08

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12 Aug 17:08

Artist Cai Guo­-Qiang Sends a 500-Meter Ladder of Fire into the Sky Above China

by Christopher Jobson
ladder-1

Sky Ladder, realized at Huiyu Island Harbour, Quanzhou, Fujian, June 15, 2015 at 4:49 am, approximately 2 minutes and 30 seconds. Photos by Lin Yi & Wen-You Cai, courtesy Cai Studio.

In the early morning hours of June 15, a huge white balloon filled with 6,200 cubic meters of helium slowly ascended into the sky above Huiyu Island Harbour, Quanzhou, China. Attached to it was a 500-meter long ladder coated completely with quick burning fuses and gold fireworks that was then ignighted by artist Cai Guo­-Qiang (previously) who has become known for his ambitious pyrotechnic artworks.

Titled Sky Ladder, the piece burned for approxmiately 2 minutes and 30 seconds above the harbor and was the fourth and final attempt to realize the performance. Guo­-Qiang had earlier attempted Sky Ladder in Bath (1994), Shanghai (2001), and in Los Angeles (2012), to varying degrees of success, but never considered his vision complete until now. He first imagined a ladder of fire as a child and has pursued the idea for 21 years. He shares about this last successful iteration of the event:

Behind Sky Ladder lies a clear childhood dream of mine. Despite all life’s twists and turns, I have always been determined to realize it. My earlier proposals were either more abstract or ceremonial. Sky Ladder today is tender, and touches my heart deeply: it carries affection for my hometown, my relatives and my friends. In contrast to my other attempts, which set the ignition time at dusk, this time the ladder rose toward the morning sun, carrying hope. For me, this not only means a return but also the start of a new journey.

Unfortunately there’s no official video of the performance available yet, but a few shaky cell phone videos have emerged. You can see more images of the performance on the artist’s website. All photos by Lin Yi and Wen-You Cai courtesy Cai Studio. (via Booooooom)

ladder-2

ladder-3-up

ladder-4

ladder-5

ladder-6

12 Aug 15:49

Optical WTF

by tinylotuscult


12 Aug 15:49

Photo optics

by tinylotuscult





12 Aug 15:48

No, The Washington Post-Kaiser Family Foundation Survey of Sexual Assault Is Not Bogus

by Guest Writer

nationalreivew

This is another guest post by Carla, which originally appeared on her blog Writing in Water, and appears here with her kind permission.

For more than 20 years, the idea of a crisis of sexual assault against women has been under attack; this attack has acquired new vigour in the wake of the White House’s focus on sexual assault on college campuses. When in June the Washington Post released a survey, in conjunction with the Kaiser Family Foundation, appearing to confirm the claim that one in 5 women will be sexually assaulted while at college, it was inevitable that critical articles would soon start appearing in the media. The National Review was one of the first to respond with a piece titled ‘The Post’s New Poll on Campus “Sexual Assault” is Bogus.’ While there are other surveys with larger sample sizes and more rigorous methodology that offer better evidence for the alarming levels of sexual victimisation faced by college women, the National Review article, which I will discuss here, nonetheless illustrates why we should be wary of laypeople in the media purporting to debunk sexual violence research.

Claim 1. This survey’s results resemble those of the unreliable 2007 Campus Sexual Assault Survey

The National Review begins by noting that the results of the Washington Post­ Kaiser survey are similar to the 2007 Campus Sexual Assault Survey (CSA), whose results, it is claimed, were “suspect from the start” because that survey used “an exceedingly generous definition of sexual assault and its response rate was relatively low.” This is misleading. To start with, the Washington Post­Kaiser survey is consistent with a body of research over several decades, not a single survey.1

Second, it is completely untrue that CSA used “an exceedingly generous definition of sexual assault.” CSA defined sexual assault as 1) oral, anal and vaginal sex and 2) “forced touching of a sexual nature (forced kissing, touching of private parts, grabbing, fondling, rubbing up against you in a sexual way, even if it is over your clothes)” that took place in the context of physical force/threats of physical force or incapacitation. Some critics have attempted to claim, unconvincingly, that the questions about incapacitated sexual assault in CSA are worded in such a way that they capture consensual sexual activity; I discuss this here. A smaller number of critics, including the National Review, have also attempted to argue that “forced kissing” is not really sexual assault. As Van Jones’s swift takedown of the editor of the National Review when he attempted to make this claim on ABC’s The Week shows, we need only ask the (male) proponents of this idea how they feel about being forcibly kissed by another man to underscore how thin this objection really is.

The second part of the National Review’scriticism of CSA, that “its response rate was relatively low” (around 42% of invited participants responded) is also unconvincing. There is little evidence that the survey’s results were affected by response bias. The authors of the survey actually went to some trouble to gauge if it was a problem—for example, they compared respondents who responded early with those who had to be prompted several times—and found no evidence of any. (Incidentally, the problem of bias in sexual violence surveys is more likely to work in the opposite way from which critics imagine. That is, reluctance to disclose these sensitive and traumatic events means they are more likely to undercount episodes of sexual violence.)

Claim 2. The survey’s results are much lower than those of the National Crime Victimization Survey

The National Review article next brings up that favourite of rape survey critics, the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS). Describing it as a “more comprehensive and rigorous” survey than CSA, the National Review notes that it found a sexual violence rate
of 7.6 per 1000. In reality, NCVS is widely recognised as a poor measure of sexual violence prevalence and its results are completely out of step with the collective results of 30 years of sexual violence surveys. These problems are recognised by the Bureau of Justice Statistics, which is currently contracting with researchers to improve the sexual violence portion of the survey.

NCVS primarily owes its unreliability to the wording of the question about sexual assault. In this question, respondents are first asked if anyone has “attacked or threatened you in any of these ways,” before being read a variety of violent crimes; the one asking about sexual violence is worded “Any rape, attempted rape or other type of sexual attack.” This question relies upon victims of sexual assault recognising that they have been raped and/or viewing it as an “attack,” and the context of the question makes it clear that the interviewer is asking about crimes that are on a par with being violently attacked with a weapon.

There are many reasons why victims of sexual assaults that fall within the purview of this question would not realise that they do, however. The dominant conception of ‘real’ sexual violence is that it is perpetrated by strangers with weapons who attack chaste women who actively resist. Sexual violence, including rape, that doesn’t fit this script (in other words, the vast majority), such as that perpetrated by intimate partners or in the context of heavy drinking, is routinely trivialised or not viewed criminal, and its victims are blamed or disbelieved. Unsurprisingly, therefore, it is extremely common for victims of sexual assault to blame themselves and downplay what happened (note that this does not mean that they were not traumatic events). We also know that the majority of victims of rape do not use the word “rape” to describe their experience. Moreover, the word “attack” in the NCVS sexual violence question implicitly excludes sexual violence that takes place in the context of incapacitation, or where the victim didn’t actively resist. It is, therefore, wholly unsurprising that many victims of sexual assault would not consider their experiences to align with the kinds of assaults that NCVS is asking about, even if they do.

Claim 3. The survey includes “unwanted sexual contact” in its definition of sexual assault, which is so broad that it includes legal acts and even innocent misunderstandings

The National Review‘s main criticism revolves around the fact that the survey questions asking about sexual assault include the phrase “unwanted sexual contact.” It claims that this is a much broader term than “sexual assault” and “can encompass behaviors that are not only not criminal, but may not … even constitute unlawful sexual harrassment.” In addition, the article claims, ‘“unwanted” is not the same as “without consent”’ and can “encompass a variety of circumstances, up to and including entirely legal misunderstandings and legal (though immoral) emotional manipulation.”

First, however, there is no formal definition of “sexual assault.” It is simply a term used by researchers to include a set of behaviours, usually broader than just rape; exactly what it includes depends on the researcher. Some states use the term in legislation, but its definition varies. Second, the question respondents were actually read lists possible types of “unwanted sexual contact” as 1) vaginal, oral or anal sex and 2) “Forced touching of a sexual nature,” with interviewers instructed to “read if needed” the following clarification: “forced kissing, touching of private parts, grabbing, fondling, rubbing up against you in a sexual way, even if it is over your clothes” (as can be seen, this question was modelled on CSA). Respondents were then asked if they had experienced any of these kinds of unwanted sexual contact in the context of 1) physical force or threats of physical force and 2) incapacitation. Sexual acts that take place in the context of physical force, threats of physical force and/or incapacitation do not involve ambiguity about consent.

Claim 4. The survey’s definition of sexual assault doesn’t “come close” to legal definitions of sex crimes

The National Review goes on to claim that “These definitions don’t come close to matching the legal definition of the various sex crimes prohibited by various state laws.” For example, it says, “the phrase ‘forced touching of a sexual nature’ isn’t precise enough to encompass ‘sexual battery’ under Tennessee law.” In answer to this, it should first be pointed out that legal definitions are not necessarily a good way of defining sexual assault. At one time, not always so very long ago, for example, spousal rape, rape of men, incapacitated rape and rapes where the victim did not actively resist were not criminalised. As this paper points out, legislation in some jurisdictions still reflects these outdated ideas. We surely do not believe that, say, spousal rape only exists if it is written into law. But even putting this aside, it’s hard to understand the National Review‘s quibble.

The National Review gives a link to Tennessee definitions of sexual assault and invites readers to compare the definition of “sexual battery” with the Washington Post­Kaiser survey’s definition of “forced touching of a sexual nature.” The Tennessee definition of “sexual battery” is as follows:

(a) Sexual battery is unlawful sexual contact with a victim by the defendant or the defendant by a victim accompanied by any of the following circumstances:

(1) Force or coercion is used to accomplish the act;

(2) The sexual contact is accomplished without the consent of the victim and the defendant knows or has reason to know at the time of the contact that the victim did not consent;

(3) The defendant knows or has reason to know that the victim is mentally defective, mentally incapacitated or physically helpless; or

(4)The sexual contact is accomplished by fraud.

(b) As used in this section, “coercion” means the threat of kidnapping, extortion, force or violence to be performed immediately or in the future.

Tennessee legislation defines “sexual contact” as:

the intentional touching of the victim’s, the defendant’s, or any other person’s intimate parts, or the intentional touching of the clothing covering the immediate area of the victim’s, the defendant’s, or any other person’s intimate parts, if that intentional touching can be reasonably construed as being for the purpose of sexual arousal or gratification.

“Intimate parts” are defined as “the primary genital area, groin, inner thigh, buttock or breast of a human being.”

This definition of sexual battery, which includes “sexual contact accomplished by fraud” and non- violent threats, actually includes acts that are not included in the Washington Post­-Kaiser survey’s definition of forced sexual touching. Moreover, it’s mystifying why sexual touching that takes place in the context of physical force, threats of physical force or incapacitation should be considered inconsistent with this legislation. The National Review does not elaborate. And while I am certain creative minds could come up with ways in which the Washington Post­Kaiser definition of forced sexual touching could be misconstrued, this does not translate to it being misinterpreted in practice. We are, after all, talking about ordinary people responding to a survey, not lawyers hunting out technicalities for a court case.

One final point: although the Washington Post-Kaiser survey does not ask about experiences of rape separately from experiences of forced touching, other surveys have found that victims disclosing only non­rape forms of sexual assault make up a relatively small proportion of the results. CSA, for example, upon which the Washington Post­Kaiser survey is modelled, found that only 28% of victims of physically forced and 23% of victims of incapacitated sexual assault disclosed only forced sexual touching. Since, as I mentioned earlier, it is well-known that women tend to downplay experiences of sexual assault, this is unsurprising. Respondents to surveys of sexual violence are probably less likely to disclose less serious assaults, meaning these surveys probably undercount episodes of non-rape sexual assault.

A final word

Because most people are not familiar with sexual violence research, and probably lack the inclination to even read the survey instrument, the claims in this article may seem more plausible than they are. Certainly, if the comments section is anything to go by (I did not see a single person questioning the criticism of the survey), this piece has convinced some readers. But calling the Washington Post­Kaiser survey “bogus” is an inappropriate way to characterise the work of the researchers who designed and carried it out—nor does it change the fact that, yes, it is very likely that one in five American women will be the victims of sexual assault while at college.

References

  1. For example, see Gross, A et al (2006), ‘An Examination of Sexual Violence Against College Women,’ Violence Against Women 12.3: 288­300; Smith, P et al (2003), ‘A Longitudinal Perspective on Dating Violence Among Adolescent and College­Age Women,’ American Journal of Public Health, 93.7: 1104­9; Cloutier, S et al (2002), Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 56: 265­71; Fisher, B et al (2000), Sexual Victimization of College Women, Washington DC: National Institute of Justice; Humphry, J and White, J (2000), ‘Women’s Vulnerability to Sexual Assault from Adolescence to Young Adulthood,’ Journal of Adolescent Health, 27: 419­24; Greene, D and Navarro, R (1998), ‘Situation­Specific Assertiveness in the Epidemiology of Sexual Victimization Among University Women,’ Psychology of Women Quarterly, 22: 589­604.
12 Aug 15:47

How Many Earths Can Fit Into The Sun?

by Brad
E73
12 Aug 10:17

Dan Weiss’s Morning Coffee

by Dan Weiss

What is up with all this terrifying spider news this week?

Here come the Zero-G leafy greens.

Let’s all take a trip to the mysterious Alaskan Dr Seuss house.

We’ve discovered a new pentagon. Good for us!

Asking the hard questions: why do hotels have ice machines?

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12 Aug 09:12

Cops: We "Expected Privacy" Because We Tried to Smash All the Cameras

by Kevin

As you can probably guess, they didn't get all of them.

vcr
When it's ok for a masked man to steal your TV

About a week ago (ars technica, Orange County Register), some of the officers who raided a medical-marijuana shop in California asked a judge to suppress a video of their actions on the grounds that they didn't know they were being recorded. California is one of the states in which it is illegal to eavesdrop on or record a "confidential communication" unless all parties consent. (It doesn't apply to law enforcement, of course, or, you'll be glad to know, to hearing aids.) What is a "confidential communication," exactly? I'm glad you asked:

The term “confidential communication” includes any communication carried on in circumstances as may reasonably indicate that any party to the communication desires it to be confined to the parties thereto, but excludes a communication made in a public gathering or in any legislative, judicial, executive or administrative proceeding open to the public, or in any other circumstance in which the parties to the communication may reasonably expect that the communication may be overheard or recorded.

The law authorizes a civil lawsuit against the recording party, and also says that any illegal recording is inadmissible.

screenshotThe apparently novel argument here is that although the officers were fully aware that the shop had a surveillance system—in fact, it was required to have one by law—they claim they had a "reasonable expectation of privacy" in the shop once they thought they had successfully destroyed the system. They did, but they missed the backup surveillance system of hidden cameras, probably designed to catch people who try to destroy the visible ones. Oh dear.

Because the resulting video appears to show the officers engaged in questionable conduct like insulting disabled customers, playing darts during the raid, and possibly even eating a pot brownie, they would like the video suppressed so that it can't be used against them in the department's investigation of their conduct. They filed this request for a TRO, arguing that they might suffer "irreparable harm" because they might get fired or demoted based on the evidence of what they did. The business has sued the department based in part on the same evidence. (As the video itself states, it has been edited by the business's attorneys, who have also added some commentary. We don't yet know what's missing, but judge for yourself what it shows.)

A judge heard argument on this last week but deferred a decision (another hearing is set for Thursday). He did express some reservations, though, saying "I'm troubled by the fundamental request of halting an investigation based on the theory that the recording that's triggered this investigation is illegal." Right, because it seems troubling that police could suppress evidence of their wrongdoing by trying really hard to destroy that evidence or prevent it from being gathered in the first place. That's what he's saying, right? I hope that's what's troubling him.

The business's lawyer cites a case called People v. Nazary, in which a defendant tried to argue that a video should be excluded from his embezzlement trial for similar reasons. The court noted that he was clearly aware that the business owner had installed cameras, partly because he had "plaster[ed] over them as soon as he knew of their existence," so it wasn't "objectively reasonable" to expect later conversations there to be private.

In other words, the court did not reason that, because he thought he had successfully plastered over all the cameras, he could reasonably expect privacy there in the future. Sorry—you have to take the risk that you may have missed one, which should be the problem for the cops here, too.

12 Aug 08:58

thehumanarkle: marvelgifs: I’m gonna be fine. The most...





thehumanarkle:

marvelgifs:

I’m gonna be fine.

The most realistic scene in any Marvel movie.

12 Aug 08:50

Photo



12 Aug 08:50

cadet-r-kelly: someone waited their entire life to publish...



cadet-r-kelly:

someone waited their entire life to publish that

12 Aug 08:49

Scott Walker: Reverse Robin Hood

by Scott Lemieux

141106-bango-timeline-3

The fact that Scott Walker has abominable positions on abortion shouldn’t cause us to forget his abominable positions on pretty much anything. He has savagely cut education spending in order to fund tax cuts that of course did not produce the promised stimulative effect.

This is all driven by Walker’s principled commitment to small government, right? Haha no:

Tomorrow, Scott Walker will stand on a stage at State Fair Park in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, and betray virtually every conservative economic principle there is by handing out up to $450 million in taxpayer money to wealthy sports owners to pay for private infrastructure at a time when public infrastructure is crumbling.

The massive sum will go toward the building of a new sports arena for the Milwaukee Bucks basketball franchise, pleasing the team’s billionaire hedge-fund-manager owners, who threatened to move the team if they weren’t given taxpayer tribute. Conservatives in recent years have feigned concern about corporate welfare, and this deal is really the ultimate expression of it: hundreds of millions of dollars from teachers, waitresses, factory workers and shop owners funneled to pay for an aristocrat’s show palace rather than needed public service.

Of all the things desperately wrong with this, perhaps the most salient is the fact that the “old” arena, the BMO Harris Bradley Center, is only 27 years old, inaugurated in 1988. Incredibly, this makes it the 3rd-oldest arena housing a professional basketball franchise, behind only Madison Square Garden in New York and the Oracle Arena in Oakland, both of which have been substantially renovated over the years.

The fiscal principles of Scott Walker are 1)redistribute wealth upward and 2)that’s it.

12 Aug 08:49

Pettus, Schmettus!

by driftglass


I don't ever remember Dr. King telling his organizers, "Pettus, Schmettus! Remember, stay away from anyplace where the locals are actively working against our cause and only march randomly and in areas where people pretty much agree with us already."

Well perhaps I'm just deeply ignorant of history, because according to Black Lives Matters protester Marissa Johnson, that's exactly the plan (emphasis added):
TAMRON HALL (speaking about Bernie Sanders): After this incident he addressed this a with new sweeping policy platform, he says to combat racial inequality. He points out a number of things as to how to reinvent how police in America operate and package his criminal justice plan with ones that preserve voting rights and protect against racial violence. And he went on to list a number of other things which includes the wearing of body cameras to a number of black lives matter protesters who have also pointed out were necessary especially after Mike Brown. With that said, and a lot of people are wondering, every politician deserves to be scrutinized, whether they’re liberal or conservative, but there seems to be far more, far more politicians, let’s say, on the far right who are less than sympathetic to your cause than a Bernie Sanders. Why attack Bernie Sanders in that way? Why not meet with Bernie Sanders? Why not attempt to find a common ground with someone who seems to be more willing to support a progressive agenda as it relates to focusing in on black lives?

MARISSA JOHNSON:  Absolutely.  There’s really no point in confronting the GOP, at least I think during the primaries because GOP members will pretty much flatly tell you that they don’t care about black lives. So instead we really need to put pressure on people who claim that they care about black lives, claim that they’re closer...
It's also kind of a neat trick to use the platform MSNBC has repeatedly handed you to complain that no one will give you a platform.

Reminds me of someone but I can't...quite...remember...who...


driftglass
12 Aug 08:48

Bodycams Delay Will Cost About Four Lives In Boston Per Year

by Alex Marthews
Commissioner Evans of the Boston PD came before the Boston City Council last week to counter activists’ arguments that adopting … Read More →
12 Aug 08:48

The Rumpus Interview with Alice Dreger

by Angela Chen

In 1638 the scientist Galileo Galilei, convicted of heresy for claiming the earth revolves around the sun, was put under house arrest near Florence. He stayed there for the rest of his life.

This, writes historian and activist Alice Dreger, could never happen in America. The Founding Fathers, whatever their faults, “understood the critical connection between freedom of thought and freedom of person,” and so Galileo’s actions—finding evidence to challenge prevailing ideology in the search for truth—were the work of democracy itself.

But that ideal has become fraught as activists and scholars clash over what scientific findings mean for social justice. Ideology sometimes takes precedence over evidence but, as anyone familiar with the history of scientific racism knows, “data” isn’t always pure either.

Dreger has spent the past two decades exploring this divide. Her book Galileo’s Middle Finger is half memoir—documenting her early work in the intersex rights movement and the period spent investigating academic scandal—and half a call for freethinking and letting the data guide beliefs

She spent a year documenting the controversy surrounding J. Michael Bailey, the sex researcher who authored The Man Who Would Be Queen. His book claimed that some men, called autogynephiles, want to transition to women because they are sexually aroused by the idea of themselves as female. Prominent transgender activists pilloried him, claiming that the book was inaccurate and that Bailey had committed gross ethical breaches, such as sleeping with a research subject and practicing psychology without a license. Dreger, in a peer-reviewed paper, exonerated Bailey from most of these charges and found that his book was based on credible research, even if the conclusions were not to the liking of activists.

If there’s a science-activist scandal in the past decade, chances are that Dreger has looked into it. She investigated claims that anthropologist Napoleon Chagnon engineered a measles outbreak among the Yanomamö people while doing fieldwork, and talked to Craig Palmer about the death threats he received after feminists claimed that his Natural History of Rape—which argues that rape has a sexual component in addition to a power component—made him an apologist. She’s crusaded against the scientific establishment herself, fighting against the use of the drug prenatal dexamethasone, which doctors continue to prescribe to pregnant women despite it being proven to cause birth defects.

Dreger is active on Twitter, where she recently caused controversy for live-tweeting her son’s abstinence-only sex-ed class. She’s pushed against “anti-anti-vaxxers,” cautioned against outlawing gender conversion therapy, and found herself embroiled in an academic freedom fight with her employer, Northwestern University.

Dreger lives in East Lansing, Michigan. She spoke to me via phone about the responsibility of science, her evolving attitude toward feminism, the Tim Hunt affair, and why knowledge should be a little dangerous. This interview has been condensed and edited for clarity.

***

The Rumpus: Galileo’s Middle Finger is about, broadly, the tension between science and social justice, and your experience investigating that divide. For those who haven’t yet read it, what would you say is the cause of that divide, and what is the “rallying cry” of the book? Is there one specific anecdote that you think best sums up the core of the book?

Alice Dreger: I would say the book is about the tension between scientists and social justice activists—not their fields—because I believe science and social justice don’t have to be in tension. In fact, the ‘rallying cry’ of the book is “Can’t we all begin by caring about facts?” I try hard in the book to get people to understand that free inquiry or research requires a just system around you, and that sustainable social justice requires good research, so the search for truth and the search for justice depend on each other. As I say in the book, when one is threatened, the other is harmed.

When I live-tweeted my son’s sex ed class, the book was the backdrop. My son had bothered to look at the scientific evidence, and the day I attended, it began with him telling the “guest educators”—there to teach a very negative view of sex and a very positive view of “abstinence until marriage”—that if their goals were reduction in unwanted pregnancy and sexually-transmitted disease infections, then teaching abstinence was not the most effective means. He has been “raised” with this book and so he gets the importance of research to effective social policy, and how sometimes people base social policy on ideology rather than science. So he was very frustrated by that, as was I.

That said, the social activism I engaged in, live-tweeting, helped to shed light and make way for more scientific approaches to be introduced. So it turned out to be an accidental instance of tension between science and social justice activists like (in this case, anti-sex, anti-choice activists brought in as “educators”), followed by what I think has been a space being made for more cooperative work between science and social justice. Everyone wants to reduce unwanted pregnancy and STD infection rates, so the question becomes “how do we do this effectively?” Not everyone likes the answer.

Rumpus: A lot of Galileo’s Middle Finger centers around “science” and to what degree it’s something objective that leads us closer to truth or, as some activists and scholars argue, is rife with prejudice and biases. You generally champion the “objective truth” standpoint, but stepping back to the basics, what do you think “science” is and how you use that word?

22571733Dreger: The word “science” can stand in for lots of things and there’s a spectrum. There are popularizations that draw on science—these are the kinds of things that writers do in Scientific American or National Geographic—but they’re reporting. I wouldn’t call them “doing science,” but they represent the doing of science.

When I talk about science, it’s a way of doing inquiry into generalizable findings, a process that uses stringent guidelines, not a product. Certainly science has come in lots of different methodologies and some of them are more rigorous than other, and that distinction is important.

Rumpus: So what about Mike Bailey, who used “The Science of Gender-Bending and Transsexualism ” as the subtitle for The Man Who Would Be Queen? A lot of people criticized him for using the word “science” and saying that it gave his conclusions about autogynephilia way more heft. Do you think that was a responsible way to use the word?

Dreger: He was relying on scientific studies, looking at all that different stuff, trying to draw from that scientific literature and figure out how to present it to a different audience. And that’s not doing science; it’s science popularization. The word popularization has been badmouthed, but a well-done popularization is incredibly useful to people.

Bailey’s book was very much a popularization. It was meant to bring a lot of scientific studies to a popular audience in an accessible fashion. I don’t really see a subtitle that begins “The Science of….” as controversial for a science popularization. Imagine, for example, a book called Voids: The Science of Black Holes or a book called Figments of Reality: The Science of Memory. But Bailey made a mistake in not extensively footnoting the book so that readers could go and look at the science on which he was drawing.

Rumpus: Activists for transgender rights went after Bailey because they thought his findings would threaten their cause by making transgender people seem like perverts. In Galileo, you discuss how one activist posted photos of his children with pornographic captions under them. Other scientists have received death threats, had people contact their departments demanding they be fired, or had their careers almost destroyed. With social media and such, these reactions become more common.

But on the other hand, calling someone out can be effective when it causes them to see the error of their ways. How has your research, and seeing how lives are affected by this, informed your opinions on this type of behavior? Where is the line?

Dreger: There’s a difference between “calling out bullshit” and “shaming.” “Calling out bullshit” is saying, “what you’re saying is not true.” But shaming is going after the individual. It’s definitely easier to do now and it happens rather accidentally, both of which are disturbing to me. Things move faster and have more power on social media.

What happens is that often it starts with the calling out of the bullshit, but it becomes very ad hominem very quickly and it’s kind of scary to watch. Like the Tim Hunt thing [where the Nobel Prize winner made sexist remarks about female scientists]. I think that morphed really quickly from calling out bullshit to public shaming, and I felt very uncomfortable with what happened.

Rumpus: What should have happened? How could we stick to calling out bullshit without shaming? Right after we spoke the first time, you were involved in another controversy on Twitter. A surgeon wrote about watching her teacher do an unnecessary cut to teach her a lesson. You tweeted that you didn’t know the best course of action. Did you feel that that, too, became ineffective shaming? Were you satisfied with how that played out?

Dreger: I ended up asking people how we should deal with it—how do you deal with someone who is espousing some bullshit idea and can’t seem to see it or admit it? I was very uncomfortable during it all because of the idea that we might be causing harm to this person when trying to just call bullshit out.

I feel strange still about how that played out, because we got no real resolution. Kevin Pho [the owner of the blog where the story was posted] took down the post but really didn’t appropriately pursue the questions that were tied up in it—did it really happen? If so, is that awful surgeon still practicing and training others? Does the patient know how she or he was injured for “teaching purposes”? Are the other “Hope Amantine” stories real or fake? What has Kevin Pho learned about screening stories? Too much unresolved. All we seemed to do was to drive a pseudonymous surgeon underground. Was the person even really a surgeon?

I thought that if it incident was managed well we could get a teachable moment, get a Nobel Laureate saying, “god, I can’t believe I said those things, it was out of line,” but he was so quickly shamed that he turned very defensive and started making all sorts of claims that were problematic, like “it was a joke” when it clearly wasn’t really.

So that kind of thing—where you get that lightspeed shifting—is really troubling to me because when you’re trying to judge souls you very quickly reach the point where you’re talking about eternal judgment and damnation.

I really like what Janet Stemwedel wrote. I got the sense she might have written that in response to the conversation she and I got into on Twitter about Hope Amantine—which ended up in some discussion about Tim Hunt. Anyway, I think her questions were useful for thinking about how Hunt could have done this better. But people have a hard time seeing when they’ve said something really stupid and need to make good.

Rumpus: What do you mean there? You think we shame because we’re too quick to assume that people are inherently terrible and won’t change?

Dreger: People tend to be kind of tribal, and I think they go into tribal mode when they discover someone who has a view very offensive to them. The Internet seems to have exacerbated this, perhaps because everything feels pretty safe. Anyway, they end up concluding that the other person is some kind of simple evil enemy who must be taken down, and they go into rhetorical war mode. The other side then reacts accordingly. It’s kind of maddening to watch.

A big point in my book is that most of the harm done in the world is done by nice people with pretty good intentions. I’d much rather talk about ideas and realize that people are capable of changing their minds on things and also capable of reaching consensus, instead of dividing people into armies of supposedly good and supposedly evil.

It’s incredibly unproductive, and that’s what we’ve seen around the Tim Hunt stuff. But if I say that publicly, all my fellow feminists are going to say that I’m taking too lightly what Hunt said. I’m not, but I’m going to suddenly be in that camp of supposed apologists. I’m not an apologist for Tim Hunt but I think that the attacks shifted so fast and happened so overwhelmingly that he did not understand there could be an opportunity to learn and concede, which is so powerful and so rare. I wish he’d read what Janet Stemwedel said in that post.

Rumpus: It’s interesting that you say that your “fellow feminists” would think you were an apologist for wanting to be more moderate with the Tim Hunt affair. That makes me think—in one chapter of the book, you discuss a threatening encounter you had with an activist at a women’s studies conference, and said that the encounter made you question whether you were a feminist. How has your relationship to feminism and social justice changed after years of doing this research?

Dreger: I really want people to understand as feminists that social policy can’t be based on wishes. It has to be based on fact.

What’s frustrated me is that I continue to run into branches of feminism that are trying to do social policy based on wishes. Of course there are huge branches that do follow fact, like the reproductive health section, but there are pockets which tend to be about simplistic equations of oppression and say that if somebody comes from a group that’s historically oppressed, that’s all we need to know, we have to accept anything they say is truth, have to back them on whatever they say, and I find that very, very frustrating.

I see that in huge parts of the academy. So I tend to hang out with feminists who are scientists more than with people in the humanities these days because I get really impatient.

I think knowledge has to be dangerous sometimes. The quest for knowledge has to be dangerous sometimes if you’re doing it well, and that may include with coming up with findings that challenge your assumptions and ideology. What was useful for me was one of my best grad student professors, who was a young philosopher of science, saw me stuck in a rut and he said, “If you haven’t changed your mind lately, how do you know it’s working?” I thought that was so interesting and helpful for me, though I don’t know if it is for anyone else.

Rumpus: Why do you think activists resist evidence-based knowledge? It’s clear you don’t think people who resist are stupid or “evil” people, so what have you found are the motives? Is it more because they distrust the possibly biased methodologies that produced that evidence? Is it because they think that such knowledge would threaten any political progress they’ve made? Or is it just because a lot of times evidence does come from, and science is produced by, heterosexual white men?

Dreger: I’m not sure most activists do resist. As I say in the book, today, activism is smarter than ever and some of the smartest people are activists. That said, I think we all are inclined to want to believe what we want to believe. One of my Twitter followers the other day said he was wondering what would happen when activists who believe in “the blank slate”—that people are born with no brain wiring already set—find out they’re wrong. I wondered if they’ll ever believe they’re wrong. The human tendency to believe what we want appears to be hard-wired into us, although I get the blank-slaters will not believe that!

Rumpus: So, what have you changed your mind about lately?

Dreger: Well, I don’t simply think anything done in the name of feminism is good. In the past I would have assumed that anything done in the name of feminism is good, but now I think there are pockets of feminism that are problematic.

Another issue: I keep wavering on the question of whether or not the academy deserves special protection. I think somebody has to have the special protections to do the hard work of democracy, which is fact-checking. Investigative journalists are in a bad place, so we need academics, but there are many days when I want to smack the entire academy and say, “for God’s sake, if you want this privilege, do something to earn it, do daring work, protect each other, and do the hard work of democracy. Look into stuff that makes people uncomfortable and go where the facts are and find out what is true.”

Rumpus: But academic freedom is supposed to allow you to do unpopular research, the kind done by the people you wrote about. Why are you ambivalent about that protection?

Dreger: I don’t think getting rid of tenure is the answer because when you get rid of tenure you become even more afraid. I mean, I don’t have tenure myself.

What I run into a lot is tenured professors who feel an enormous amount of privilege to spend time on whatever they want, which is also fairly low-level meaningless things and then expect all of the protections that come with the privilege of being in the academy. I just think that if we’re going to have the exquisite protections that we’re going to afforded—well, that until recently were afforded—that there’s some responsibility that goes to that and that many individuals aren’t living up to that responsibility.

Rumpus: Let’s talk more about investigative journalists being in a bad spot. There are so many new investigative journalism outlets cropping up, but you think that it’s really been crippled.

Dreger: Twenty years ago when I started, I could call all these people who were investigative journalists and they would go and do fantastic work and sometimes show me I was wrong about something, though they’d often support what I was finding. Today there’s virtually nobody, not even the ones I know from twenty years ago, who hasn’t left the business. It used to be they could work on a story for three weeks, and now I’m lucky if they can spend an hour looking at what I’m sending them. It’s horrifying and I don’t know where it’s going to go.

I am really worried about investigative journalism in this country because it’s so absolutely, fundamentally important to the functioning of democracy. I don’t think the American public understands. They think they have more information than ever. They’re on fucking Twitter and they think that that’s news but so much of what they’re reading is just commentary, and it’s commentary on things that aren’t even true.

On the other hand, just after [New York Times columnist] David Carr died, I listened to an old interview with him and he had the most interesting thing to say. When he started out he needed a camera crew and a transcription device and now, just his phone allowed him to do recording audio, recording video, look things up real-time to challenge his source, everything you need to do good investigative journalism. And he felt what we needed was to recognize that and mobilize people to do journalism. But they have to be mobilized, and trained, and inspired to care about facts. And that’s turning out to be harder than I thought it was going to be.

Rumpus: I think your work could be considered a type of investigative journalism, but some of the methods are very different. You said that you would transcribe interviews, then give the transcription to the interviewee and let them add or delete whatever they wanted. As a journalist myself, I had this shocked, knee-jerk reaction that someone would give an interviewee that much leeway to erase things, so I want to know how that process affected your research and work.

Dreger: Well, they’re not transcriptions. Sorry if I wasn’t clear. They are notes I take during the interview. Often they are essentially transcriptions because I type really fast, but they are not the same as transcriptions. When I clean up the notes to give back to the person, I take out the “ums” and fix sentences to cohere into what I think the person intended. That’s why I really need them to check it. Transcriptions often get you garbled, incorrect information. This strikes me as both more efficient and more accurate in the long run, as well as more respectful of the source.

That method grew out of doing facilitated autobiography for people with medical trauma. As part of the intersex rights work, we had to record people’s histories and a lot of these people were too traumatized to write down what had happened. I would do an interview and write it in their voice and they would change it to make it more accurate. That became very useful to me, to go back and forth and get it better and they could use the autobiography later. In that sense, it’s less real in terms of being a record of what the person said on a given day at a given moment, and I never would represent these as being raw conversations, but it was really meant to try to get the history better.

I definitely found that people were more willing to talk to me because I was willing to let them have more control. It was partly to protect myself so that I couldn’t be accused of having mis-transcribed or willfully misheard anything. Humans make mistakes, both the interviewer and the interviewee, and I wanted to make sure I had a representation of what they actually thought, not what they blurted out or what I might have misheard.

It did lead to frustration on my part because there’s stuff I found out that I couldn’t use in the end. Obviously, I wouldn’t publish anything that would be counter to what I know to be true, but sometimes somebody phrases thing in a way that’s so revealing and they change it and it’s so frustrating.

I respect what professional journalists do and understand why they have their rules, but also like the way I do because I think I get closer to what’s true in terms of what the person wishes to represent.

Rumpus: It took you a very long time to do these investigations and get to the bottom of these issues. For the person who doesn’t have the time and resources, how can we do better? We’re all so cognitively lazy.

Dreger: I get this question a lot, but there’s no easy answer. One of the things I wish people would do is not conclude quite so quickly what they know is true.

Rumpus: What are you up to now? What’s next for you?

Dreger: I’m kind of pooped. The amount of incoming correspondence has been so overwhelming. Positive in many ways, but it’s a lot of people needing to talk about what’s happened to them and a lot of what I do is just try to witness it. It’s a lot of academics who have tried to do the right thing and been through hell because of their own university systems, and some activists who have been struggling hard to affect change and have been ignored by people in power.

It’s a lot of listening to people who have been harmed and a lot of it is confidential, so it makes me look unproductive. And maybe I am by a normal definition, but I learn so much and they deserve somebody to listen to them, so it’s a kind of privilege.

But. It’s quite emotionally exhausting because people think these are all stories of good and evil, but it’s good people for the most part doing bad things and it’s hard to watch good people do bad things over and over again. The species really sucks. It’s really good in some ways and incredibly stupid in some ways. I put myself in that category too. I am not exempt.

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12 Aug 08:40

I mean, I think this was inevitable. Feel free to use it, MTA!

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I mean, I think this was inevitable. Feel free to use it, MTA!