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29 Aug 19:58

Replication controversy in psychology: Bullying, file drawer effect, blog posts, #repligate.

washing hands. One of the studies that didn't successfully replicate had to do with a report that washing your hands makes you less likely to perceive moral failures in others.

Photo by iStock/Shutterstock

Psychologists are up in arms over, of all things, the editorial process that led to the recent publication of a special issue of the journal Social Psychology. This may seem like a classic case of ivory tower navel gazing, but its impact extends far beyond academia. The issue attempts to replicate 27 “important findings in social psychology.” Replication—repeating an experiment as closely as possible to see whether you get the same results—is a cornerstone of the scientific method. Replication of experiments is vital not only because it can detect the rare cases of outright fraud, but also because it guards against uncritical acceptance of findings that were actually inadvertent false positives, helps researchers refine experimental techniques, and affirms the existence of new facts that scientific theories must be able to explain.

One of the articles in the special issue reported a failure to replicate a widely publicized 2008 study by Simone Schnall, now tenured at Cambridge University, and her colleagues. In the original study, two experiments measured the effects of people’s thoughts or feelings of cleanliness on the harshness of their moral judgments. In the first experiment, 40 undergraduates were asked to unscramble sentences, with one-half assigned words related to cleanliness (like pure or pristine) and one-half assigned neutral words. In the second experiment, 43 undergraduates watched the truly revolting bathroom scene from the movie Trainspotting, after which one-half were told to wash their hands while the other one-half were not. All subjects in both experiments were then asked to rate the moral wrongness of six hypothetical scenarios, such as falsifying one’s résumé and keeping money from a lost wallet. The researchers found that priming subjects to think about cleanliness had a “substantial” effect on moral judgment: The hand washers and those who unscrambled sentences related to cleanliness judged the scenarios to be less morally wrong than did the other subjects. The implication was that people who feel relatively pure themselves are—without realizing it—less troubled by others’ impurities. The paper was covered by ABC News, the Economist, and the Huffington Post, among other outlets, and has been cited nearly 200 times in the scientific literature.

However, the replicators—David Johnson, Felix Cheung, and Brent Donnellan (two graduate students and their adviser) of Michigan State University—found no such difference, despite testing about four times more subjects than the original studies.

Aggrieved about several aspects of the replication process, Schnall aired her concerns, first to a journalist covering the special issue for Science, and then on her personal blog. When the Michigan State researchers told her that they planned to replicate her study, Schnall had gladly provided them with the materials she used in her experiments (the moral dilemmas she asked subjects to consider, the procedures she followed, and so on). She had also accepted the journal editors’ invitation to peer review the experimental protocol and statistical analysis the replicators planned to follow. But after that, she felt shut out. Although Schnall had approved of their proposed method of collecting and analyzing data, neither she nor anyone other than the editors reviewed the results of the replication. When the replicators did share their data and analysis with her, she asked for two weeks to review it to try to determine why they had failed to reproduce her original findings, but the manuscript had already been submitted for publication.

Once the journal accepted the paper, Donnellan reported, in a much-tweeted blog post, that his team had failed to replicate Schnall’s results. Although the vast majority of the post consisted of sober academic analysis, he titled it “Go Big or Go Home”—a reference to the need for bigger sample sizes to reduce the chances of accidentally finding positive results—and at one point characterized their study as an “epic fail” to replicate the original findings.

For “speaking truth to power,” Simone Schnall was compared to Rosa Parks.

After reviewing the new data, Schnall developed an explanation for why the Johnson group failed to replicate her study. But the guest editors of the special issue (social psychologists Brian Nosek of the University of Virginia and Daniel Lakens of the Eindhoven University of Technology in the Netherlands), having initially said that the original authors of some of the replicated studies “may” be invited to respond, now told her there was no space in the issue for responses by any original authors. The editors also disagreed with her argument that she had found an error in the replication that rendered it “invalid” and warranted editorial intervention. (Schnall’s claim of error involves some technical issues regarding measurement and statistics, and has been analyzed by several respected methodologists. At present, the consensus is running against her on this point.)

The editor in chief of Social Psychology later agreed to devote a follow-up print issue to responses by the original authors and rejoinders by the replicators, but as Schnall told Science, the entire process made her feel “like a criminal suspect who has no right to a defense and there is no way to win.” The Science article covering the special issue was titled “Replication Effort Provokes Praise—and ‘Bullying’ Charges.” Both there and in her blog post, Schnall said that her work had been “defamed,” endangering both her reputation and her ability to win grants. She feared that by the time her formal response was published, the conversation might have moved on, and her comments would get little attention.

How wrong she was. In countless tweets, Facebook comments, and blog posts, several social psychologists seized upon Schnall’s blog post as a cri de coeur against the rising influence of “replication bullies,” “false positive police,” and “data detectives.” For “speaking truth to power,” Schnall was compared to Rosa Parks. The “replication police” were described as “shameless little bullies,” “self-righteous, self-appointed sheriffs” engaged in a process “clearly not designed to find truth,” “second stringers” who were incapable of making novel contributions of their own to the literature, and—most succinctly—“assholes.” Meanwhile, other commenters stated or strongly implied that Schnall and other original authors whose work fails to replicate had used questionable research practices to achieve sexy, publishable findings. At one point, these insinuations were met with threats of legal action.

Brent Donnellan apologized for his use of “go big or go home” and “epic fail,” and another researcher apologized for comments that seemed to imply that Schnall’s original work might not have been “honest.” But for too long, the discussion continued to focus on who chose the wrong words or took the wrong tone, whose career and reputation were mostly likely to be hurt, whose research plans have been most chilled, and who did what to whom—and what their real motives were.

* * *

This all may seem like little more than a reminder of the adage that the politics of academia are so nasty because the stakes are so small. The #repligate controversy spiked to an unusual intensity, even for academia. But the stakes for the rest of us are anything but low. Scientific knowledge is not produced by scientists alone, and it certainly doesn’t affect only them.

Much science, including psychological science, wouldn’t be possible without funding from governments, foundations, and universities. Funders clearly have a stake in the quality and validity of research results. In recent years, many members of Congress (most of them Republican) have expressed deep skepticism about the value of behavioral science. The National Science Foundation, which finances a lot of behavioral science (including Schnall’s original 2008 study) is a frequent target of their criticism. Last month, the House of Representatives passed an amendment that would reallocate $15 million within the NSF budget from social, behavioral, and economic research to the fields of physical sciences, biology, computer science, math, and engineering.

Science often depends on the blood, sweat, tears, and other biospecimens of human subjects.

Those who oppose funding for behavioral science make a fundamental mistake: They assume that valuable science is limited to the “hard sciences.” Social science can be just as valuable, but it’s difficult to demonstrate that an experiment is valuable when you can’t even demonstrate that it’s replicable.

Science often depends on the blood, sweat, tears, and other biospecimens of human subjects, as well as on their time, willingness to assume privacy risks, or relive traumatic experiences, and so on. International guidelines and prominent scholarly frameworks state that in order for research involving human subjects to be ethical, it must be well designed to answer an important question. Subjects are seen as altruists who assume risks and costs, sometimes great and sometimes small, in order to help advance science. Neither a poorly designed study nor a study aimed at answering a trivial question is said to be capable of producing social benefit that offsets those risks and costs. Our own unorthodox view is that, since subjects are in fact often motivated by goals (such as payment, free medical attention, or scientific curiosity) that they will achieve regardless of whether the study advances science, it’s not automatically unethical to invite them to participate in a study that might be poorly designed or trivial. There’s also a danger in insisting that ethics boards enforce this rule too rigidly, because a lot of what passes for criticism of a proposed study’s design or importance is actually intramural disagreement among scientists, and scientists shouldn’t be allowed to block one another’s research on parochial grounds. Still, many subjects volunteer for research with the expectation that all reasonable efforts will be made to ensure that the results are correct. Replication is science’s most basic way of verifying correctness.

Perhaps most importantly, science is intellectually ascendant. Research in the natural and social sciences increasingly—and rightfully—influences scholarship in other areas and reaches the ears of policymakers and leaders. Since leaving Freud behind and turning decisively to empirical research, psychology has told us much about human nature that we did not previously understand. Social psychology has an especially distinguished history of discovering fundamental and inconvenient truths. To name just two examples, the studies on conformity conducted by Solomon Asch in the 1950s and the studies on obedience to authority conducted by Stanley Milgram in the 1960s showed how our behavior can be influenced to a frightening degree by the actions of those around us. Milgram’s famous finding that a majority of research volunteers would follow instructions to the point of shocking a fellow human being with 450 volts of electricity was not predicted in advance, even by a group of psychiatrists.

Social priming, the field that is near the center of the replication debate, is like Asch and Milgram on steroids. According to social priming and related “embodiment” theories, overt instructions or demonstrations from others aren’t necessary to influence our behavior; subtle environmental cues we aren’t even aware of can have large effects on our decisions. If washing our hands can affect our moral judgments, then moral “reasoning” is much less rational and under our deliberate control than we think. Some social priming researchers have even proposed that their findings could underpin a new type of psychotherapy. What’s at stake in this research, then, is far from trivial—it is our most basic understanding of human nature. And law, economics, philosophy, management, political science, and other fields now rightly turn to psychology to ensure their own work reflects accurate and up-to-date accounts of human nature.

But if the funders, human subjects, and consumers who enable psychology research can’t trust that its veracity will be confirmed, then the broader social trust necessary to sustain that research enterprise will erode. Unfortunately, published replications have been distressingly rare in psychology. A 2012 survey of the top 100 psychology journals found that barely 1 percent of papers published since 1900 were purely attempts to reproduce previous findings. Some of the most prestigious journals have maintained explicit policies against replication efforts; for example, the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology published a paper purporting to support the existence of ESP-like “precognition,” but would not publish papers that failed to replicate that (or any other) discovery. Science publishes “technical comments” on its own articles, but only if they are submitted within three months of the original publication, which leaves little time to conduct and document a replication attempt.

* * *

The “replication crisis” is not at all unique to social psychology, to psychological science, or even to the social sciences. As Stanford epidemiologist John Ioannidis famously argued almost a decade ago, “Most research findings are false for most research designs and for most fields.” Failures to replicate and other major flaws in published research have since been noted throughout science, including in cancer research, research into the genetics of complex diseases like obesity and heart disease, stem cell research, and studies of the origins of the universe. Earlier this year, the National Institutes of Health stated “The complex system for ensuring the reproducibility of biomedical research is failing and is in need of restructuring.”

At the Vision Sciences Society meeting last month in Florida, members of the Springer behavioral sciences. At the Vision Sciences Society meeting last month in Florida, members of the Springer behavioral sciences team wore advertisements for new journal policies to upgrade the status of replications.

Photo courtesy Teresa Krauss

Given the stakes involved and its centrality to the scientific method, it may seem perplexing that replication is the exception rather than the rule. The reasons why are varied, but most come down to the perverse incentives driving research. Scientific journals typically view “positive” findings that announce a novel relationship or support a theoretical claim as more interesting than “negative” findings that say that things are unrelated or that a theory is not supported. The more surprising the positive finding, the better, even though surprising findings are statistically less likely to be accurate. Since journal publications are valuable academic currency, researchers—especially those early in their careers—have strong incentives to conduct original work rather than to replicate the findings of others. Replication efforts that do happen but fail to find the expected effect are usually filed away rather than published. That makes the scientific record look more robust and complete than it is—a phenomenon known as the “file drawer problem.”

The emphasis on positive findings may also partly explain the fact that when original studies are subjected to replication, so many turn out to be false positives. The near-universal preference for counterintuitive, positive findings gives researchers an incentive to manipulate their methods or poke around in their data until a positive finding crops up, a common practice known as “p-hacking” because it can result in p-values, or measures of statistical significance, that make the results look stronger, and therefore more believable, than they really are.

A few years ago, researchers managed to publish a few failures to replicate prominent social priming experiments. Partly in response, Nobel Prize–winning cognitive psychologist Daniel Kahneman, whose work has had far-reaching influence in law, government, economics, and many other fields, wrote an open letter to social psychologists working in this area. He counted himself a “general believer” in the effects and noted that he had cited them in his own work. But Kahneman warned of “a train wreck looming” for social priming research. “Colleagues who in the past accepted your surprising results as facts when they were published … have now attached a question mark to the field,” he said, “and it is your responsibility to remove it.”

The recent special issue of Social Psychology was an unprecedented collective effort by social psychologists to do just that—by altering researchers’ and journal editors’ incentives in order to check the robustness of some of the most talked-about findings in their own field. Any researcher who wanted to conduct a replication was invited to preregister: Before collecting any data from subjects, they would submit a proposal detailing precisely how they would repeat the original study and how they would analyze the data. Proposals would be reviewed by other researchers, including the authors of the original studies, and once approved, the study’s results would be published no matter what. Preregistration of the study and analysis procedures should deter p-hacking, guaranteed publication should counteract the file drawer effect, and a requirement of large sample sizes should make it easier to detect small but statistically meaningful effects.

The results were sobering. At least 10 of the 27 “important findings” in social psychology were not replicated at all. In the social priming area, only one of seven replications succeeded.

* * *

The incivility and personal attacks surrounding both this latest replication attempt (and prior attempts) may draw the attention of researchers away from where it belongs: on producing the robust science that everyone needs and deserves. Of course, researchers are human beings, not laboratory-dwelling robots, so it’s entirely understandable that some will be disappointed or even feel persecuted when others fail to replicate their research. For that matter, it’s understandable that some replicators will take pride and satisfaction in contributing to the literature by challenging the robustness of a celebrated finding.

But worry over these natural emotional responses should not lead us to rewrite the rules of science. To publish a scientific result is to make a claim about reality. Reality doesn’t belong to researchers, much less to any single researcher, and claims about it need to be verified. Critiques or attempts to replicate scientific claims should always be—and usually are—about reality, not about the researchers who made the claim. In science, as in The Godfather: It’s not personal, it’s business.

At least 10 of the 27 “important findings” in social psychology were not replicated at all.

One way to keep things in perspective is to remember that scientific truth is created by the accretion of results over time, not by the splash of a single study. A single failure-to-replicate doesn’t necessarily invalidate a previously reported effect, much less imply fraud on the part of the original researcher—or the replicator. Researchers are most likely to fail to reproduce an effect for mundane reasons, such as insufficiently large sample sizes, innocent errors in procedure or data analysis, and subtle factors about the experimental setting or the subjects tested that alter the effect in question in ways not previously realized.

Caution about single studies should go both ways, though. Too often, a single original study is treated—by the media and even by many in the scientific community—as if it definitively establishes an effect. Publications like Harvard Business Review and idea conferences like TED, both major sources of “thought leadership” for managers and policymakers all over the world, emit a steady stream of these “stats and curiosities.” Presumably, the HBR editors and TED organizers believe this information to be true and actionable. But most novel results should be initially regarded with some skepticism, because they too may have resulted from unreported or unnoticed methodological quirks or errors. Everyone involved should focus their attention on developing a shared evidence base that consists of robust empirical regularities—findings that replicate not just once but routinely—rather than of clever one-off curiosities.

Those who create the incentives to produce particular kinds of research should do their part to reset expectations and realign priorities. Funders, for example, should earmark some money for confirming the science they’ve already funded and, as NIH has recently done, consider changes in the way they review grant proposals. Journals, science writers, and academic hiring and promotion committees should view well-conducted exploratory research and well-conducted confirmatory research, including replications, as contributing more equally to our shared knowledge base, and therefore as both worthy of attention. Original authors whose work doesn’t replicate might feel less threatened by that outcome, and those who fail to replicate canonical work might feel less need to take victory laps, if single data points were regarded as just that, and if the rewards for producing these data points—whether through original research or replication, and whether the results are positive or negative—were more evenly distributed.

Another key to depersonalizing the replication wars is to recognize that, contrary to some claims that original authors are unfairly targeted, there are legitimate reasons for focusing limited replication resources on some findings rather than others. There is little point in replicating a random sample of the studies conducted within a single field, since science doesn’t advance by forming general judgments about whole areas of research. It advances by establishing whether a specific effect is true or false—or, more precisely, by establishing the size and reliability of specific effects. As Carl Sagan famously warned, and as students are now taught, extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence. This means that original findings that are surprising, that feature large effects, or that seem to conflict with other established findings should be subject to greater scrutiny—including replication.

Of course, reasonable people may disagree about what claims are extraordinary. Many social psychologists find social priming results unsurprising, and some of the impetus to replicate them has come from people in a related field, cognitive psychology. This is not because cognitive psychologists habitually prefer tearing things down to building them up, or because they have run out of creative ideas of their own. Rather, some cognitive psychologists find social priming claims to be extraordinary because they seem to conflict with what their own field has found about how the mind and brain work. Science is a grand web of cause-and-effect relationships between concepts, and these relationships must, in the long run, be mutually consistent between fields as well as within them.

Doesn’t this mean that some replicators will be motivated, consciously or not, to fail to replicate original research that conflicts with their favored theory of reality? Sure. But most replication attempts in fact arise from a sincere interest in an original finding and a desire to understand and expand upon it. There’s no reason to think that replicators are any more motivated to “fail” to replicate original findings than are original authors, as a group, to “succeed” in finding evidence of an effect in the first place. Scholars, especially scientists, are supposed to be skeptical about received wisdom, develop their views based solely on evidence, and remain open to updating those views in light of changing evidence. But as psychologists know better than anyone, scientists are hardly free of human motives that can influence their work, consciously or unconsciously. It’s easy for scholars to become professionally or even personally invested in a hypothesis or conclusion. These biases are addressed partly through the peer review process, and partly through the marketplace of ideas—by letting researchers go where their interest or skepticism takes them, encouraging their methods, data, and results to be made as transparent as possible, and promoting discussion of differing views. The clashes between researchers of different theoretical persuasions that result from these exchanges should of course remain civil; but the exchanges themselves are a perfectly healthy part of the scientific enterprise.

This is part of the reason why we cannot agree with a more recent proposal by Kahneman, who had previously urged social priming researchers to put their house in order. He contributed an essay to the special issue of Social Psychology in which he proposed a rule—to be enforced by reviewers of replication proposals and manuscripts—that authors “be guaranteed a significant role in replications of their work.” Kahneman proposed a specific process by which replicators should consult with original authors, and told Science that in the special issue, “the consultations did not reach the level of author involvement that I recommend.”

Collaboration between opposing sides would probably avoid some ruffled feathers, and in some cases it could be productive in resolving disputes. With respect to the current controversy, given the potential impact of an entire journal issue on the robustness of “important findings,” and the clear desirability of buy-in by a large portion of psychology researchers, it would have been better for everyone if the original authors’ comments had been published alongside the replication papers, rather than left to appear afterward. But consultation or collaboration is not something replicators owe to original researchers, and a rule to require it would not be particularly good science policy.

Replicators have no obligation to routinely involve original authors because those authors are not the owners of their methods or results. By publishing their results, original authors state that they have sufficient confidence in them that they should be included in the scientific record. That record belongs to everyone. Anyone should be free to run any experiment, regardless of who ran it first, and to publish the results, whatever they are.

Moreover, there may be downsides of collaboration between originators and replicators of important findings. According to that 2012 survey of the top 100 psychology journals over the past century or so, “replications were significantly less likely to be successful when there was no overlap in authorship between the original and replicating articles.” It’s possible that original authors might correct errors in the replicators’ methodology or data analysis that would otherwise have resulted in a non-replication. But it seems just as likely that original authors could bias the outcome in a variety of ways, mostly pointing toward success. Independent, arm’s-length replication is the best test of the validity and reproducibility of a scientific result; all else equal, replication by or in league with the original researchers will have lesser evidentiary value.

But is all else equal? Kahneman rightly notes that the methods sections of most articles reporting original research are insufficiently detailed to allow third parties to conduct precise replications. As a result, if the goal were to replicate what the original researcher actually did, initial communication with original authors to learn more about their methods would indeed often be necessary for a replication to be scientifically valid.

As psychologists know better than anyone, scientists are hardly free of human motives that can influence their work.

However, an alternative legitimate goal that does not require consultation with original authors is replicating what the authors reported. That, after all, is what has entered the public record as a claim about reality. If an original study reports that, “if X and Y are done, A occurs,” it will not do for its author to respond to a replicator’s failed attempt to produce A from X and Y by suddenly insisting that another condition, Z, is also critical to reproducing the effect. A good-faith attempt to replicate exactly what was published cannot be criticized as invalid.

Rather than compromise the independence of replications by requiring their authors to consult with original study authors, the scientific standards of the future should require original authors to make all materials necessary for a precise replication of their study publicly available upon publication. This is analogous to the bargain that lies at the heart of U.S. patent law. An inventor is granted a limited monopoly in exchange for publishing a sufficiently precise description of the process of making the invention, and of the “best mode” of using it, so as to enable “any person of ordinary skill in the relevant art” to reproduce and use it herself without “undue experimentation.” In principle, a patent that fails to meet this requirement violates the social bargain and may be invalidated. Scientists who publish their results profit in the form of jobs, promotions, recognition by their peers and the public, and grants. In exchange, they, too, ought to disclose the “best mode” of reproducing the effect they claim to have found.

As in patent law, where it is not always clear who counts as a “person of ordinary skill” in the relevant art, scientists may disagree about who is qualified to conduct a proper replication. For brain imaging, say, years of training are required. But some critics of replication drives have been too quick to suggest that replicators lack the subtle expertise to reproduce the original experiments. One prominent social psychologist has even argued that tacit methodological skill is such a large factor in getting experiments to work that failed replications have no value at all (since one can never know if the replicators really knew what they were doing, or knew all the tricks of the trade that the original researchers did), a surprising claim that drew sarcastic responses. It’s true that brain imaging is a lot more complicated than turning on an MRI scanner and sending your manuscript to Nature. But many psychology experiments are so non-technical, and some findings are so robust, that they can be easily replicated by college and even high school students.

Like all researchers, replicators and those who publish their work have obligations to adhere to standard—not special—procedures of peer-review, information disclosure and sharing, and so on. Replicators and journals should not replace a bias in favor of positive results of original research with a bias in favor of failed replications. Such a “reverse file drawer problem” would be unfair not only to original researchers but to everyone with an interest in the accuracy of the scientific record.

* * *

Psychology has long been a punching bag for critics of “soft science,” but the field is actually leading the way in tackling a problem that is endemic throughout science. The replication issue of Social Psychology is just one example. The Association for Psychological Science is pushing for better reporting standards and more study of research practices, and at its annual meeting in May in San Francisco, several sessions on replication were filled to overflowing. International collaborations of psychologists working on replications, such as the Reproducibility Project and the Many Labs Replication Project (which was responsible for 13 of the 27 replications published in the special issue of Social Psychology) are springing up.

Even the most tradition-bound journals are starting to change. The Journal of Personality and Social Psychology—the same journal that, in 2011, refused to even consider replication studies—recently announced that although replications are “not a central part of its mission,” it’s reversing this policy. We wish that JPSP would see replications as part of its central mission and not relegate them, as it has, to an online-only ghetto, but this is a remarkably nimble change for a 50-year-old publication. Other top journals, most notable among them Perspectives in Psychological Science, are devoting space to systematic replications and other confirmatory research. The leading journal in behavior genetics, a field that has been plagued by unreplicable claims that particular genes are associated with particular behaviors, has gone even further: It now refuses to publish original findings that do not include evidence of replication.

A final salutary change is an overdue shift of emphasis among psychologists toward establishing the size of effects, as opposed to disputing whether or not they exist. The very notion of “failure” and “success” in empirical research is urgently in need of refinement. When applied thoughtfully, this dichotomy can be useful shorthand (and we’ve used it here). But there are degrees of replication between success and failure, and these degrees matter.

For example, suppose an initial study of an experimental drug for cardiovascular disease suggests that it reduces the risk of heart attack by 50 percent compared to a placebo pill. The most meaningful question for follow-up studies is not the binary one of whether the drug’s effect is 50 percent or not (did the first study replicate?), but the continuous one of precisely how much the drug reduces heart attack risk. In larger subsequent studies, this number will almost inevitably drop below 50 percent, but if it remains above 0 percent for study after study, then the best message should be that the drug is in fact effective, not that the initial results “failed to replicate.”

Maybe a drug that consistently reduces cardiovascular risk by, say, 2 percent lacks enough practical value to offset its costs; that’s for patients, doctors, and payers to decide. And not every scientific question concerns effect size; sometimes the point of an experiment is just to show that two processes or relationships are not identical, in which case it doesn’t much matter exactly how different they are. But measuring and calibrating effects is a vital task for any science that aspires to real-world relevance, as psychology should. Of the 17 studies in the special issue where replication “succeeded,” five found smaller effect sizes than the original studies reported. A 2 percent effect can have a much different meaning from a 10 percent or 50 percent effect. If Milgram had shown that only 2 percent of people were willing to shock to 450 volts, rather than more than 50 percent, would we care as much? 

Besides muddying the scientific waters, excessive focus on the binary question of failure versus success may generate more heat than light, as #repligate suggests. According to the Science article on the special replication issue, several authors of original studies described the replication process as “bullying.” But a different view was offered by another researcher, Eugene Caruso of the University of Chicago, who reported in 2013 that priming subjects by exposing them to the sight of money made them more accepting of societal norms. This result also “failed” to replicate. Caruso acknowledged that the outcome “was certainly disappointing at a personal level,” but added, “when I take a broader perspective, it’s apparent that we can always learn something from a carefully designed and executed study.” This is exactly the broader view of success that everyone with a stake in good science should keep in mind.

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10 Aug 21:26

Mental Health Break

by Andrew Sullivan

Your favorite British commentator tries to decipher NASCAR:

05 Aug 01:03

Wikimedia Foundation Now Accepts Bitcoin

by wikimediablog

We’re fortunate that millions of people all over the world support the work of the Wikimedia Foundation through donations. It has always been important to the Foundation to make sure donating is as simple and inclusive as possible. Currently, we accept 13 different payment methods enabling donations from nearly every country in the world, and today, we’re adding one more: bitcoin.

For those unfamiliar with bitcoin, it’s a relatively new digital currency, currently being accepted by a growing number of institutions and merchants throughout the world. Members of our community have asked the Foundation to start accepting bitcoin. These requests, coupled with recent guidance from the US Internal Revenue Service, encouraged the Foundation to once again review our capacity to accept bitcoin.

During this review, we identified a new way to work around past technical challenges, as well as to minimize the legal risks of accepting bitcoin. Through our work with Coinbase, a bitcoin wallet and payment processor, we’re able to immediately convert bitcoin to U.S. dollars, requiring minimal technical implementation on our end. Since we now also have guidance on how to account for bitcoin, there is a clear understanding of how to legally manage it.

If you are interested in donating bitcoin to the Wikimedia Foundation, you can now do so on our Ways to Give page. Thank you again to all our friends and supporters. Your support enables us to realize the Wikimedia vision – a world in which every single human being can freely share in the sum of all knowledge.

Lisa Gruwell
Chief Revenue Officer, Wikimedia Foundation

2014-07-30: Edited to clarify implementation details

05 Aug 00:50

A classe alta e a desigualdade de riqueza na Suécia

by Valdenor Júnior

Por Tino Sanandaji

Tradução por Pedro Galvão de França Pupo, publicado originalmente aqui

A Suécia é vista como uma utopia igualitária por estrangeiros, mas a realidade é complexa. De algumas maneiras, a Suécia tem menos igualdade social do que os Estados Unidos. Se, por um lado, a classe alta americana é principalmente meritocrática, a classe alta da Suécia ainda é definida em grande parte pelo berço.

Na história da Europa, somente Suécia, Noruega e Finlândia nunca passaram pelo feudalismo (a Dinamarca era mais próxima da Europa continental). A nobreza nórdica era uma parte pequena da população e não era tão poderosa quanto a nobreza na Europa continental, apesar de ainda ser influente. A classe alta na Suécia hoje consiste da nobreza e de famílias burguesas ricas que se uniram socialmente a ela. Famílias burguesas ricas vivem nas mesmas vizinhanças e adotam comportamento e identidade parecidos com os da nobreza. Apesar da antiga predominância da social-democracia, eles continuam sendo um grupo social coerente, com sotaque, vestimentas, valores etc. distintos e fáceis de reconhecer.

Pertencer à classe alta não é somente uma questão de riqueza, e na verdade depende mais da linhagem. Assim como nos tempos antigos, um membro nouveau riche (N.T.: “novo rico”) da classe média não vai ser aceito automaticamente como um membro das classes altas, a não ser que ele busque adaptar seu comportamento para ser aceito socialmente pelas classes mais altas.

As classes altas na Suécia possuem uma parte desproporcional da riqueza e do poder. A nobreza formal na Suécia consiste em aproximadamente 0.2% da população. Alguns anos atrás eu vi uma lista dos suecos mais ricos. 10% dos suecos mais ricos são membros da nobreza. Por outro lado, não havia um único imigrante não-europeu entre eles. Entre os primeiros-ministros suecos da era moderna, 20% pertenceram à nobreza.

A Suécia também é conhecida pela desigualdade de renda. Estudos indicam que a Suécia é um país cada vez mais caracterizado pela alta mobilidade de renda entre gerações. Porém, distribuição de renda não é a mesma coisa que distribuição de riqueza. O que alguns talvez não saibam é que a desigualdade de riqueza é relativamente alta na Suécia. O 1% mais rico é dono de aproximadamente 35% da riqueza nos Estados Unidos. Na Suécia, por causa dos altos níveis de evasão fiscal, o número é mais difícil de calcular. Quando são incluídas estimativas da riqueza mantida fora da Suécia, Roine and Waldenström estimam que o 1% mais rico da Suécia possui 25-40% da riqueza total, não muito longe dos níveis americanos de desigualdade, e crescendo mais rapidamente.

Ao mesmo tempo, a mobilidade das grandes riquezas entre gerações é muito baixa. Um estudo recente descobriu que um assustador 80-90% de desigualdade de riqueza na Suécia é transmitido para a próxima geração!

De acordo com outro estudo, a porção dos suecos mais ricos que herdou sua riqueza é por volta de 2/3, sendo o restante 1/3 de empreendedores, enquanto que nos Estados Unidos é o contrário, com 1/3 dos mais ricos tendo herdado sua riqueza e aproximadamente 2/3 sendo empreendedores.

Portanto, enquanto a classe média sueca é grande e tem uma distribuição de ganhos comprimida (N. T.: próxima à renda média), no topo da pirâmide você tem um número pequeno de famílias aristocráticas controlando grande parte da riqueza. O ingresso de novos membros nesse grupo é raro, provavelmente mais raro do que nos Estados Unidos. Um motivo são as barreiras informais mais fortes entre as classes; o simples ganho de riqueza não é suficiente para ser aceito como um membro da classe alta aristocrática. Outro motivo mais interessante pode ser o efeito colateral de políticas econômicas do Estado de Bem-Estar Social.

Durante a era da predominância dos social-democratas, eles perguntaram-se como lidar com a desigualdade de riqueza. O dilema que os sociais democratas enfrentavam era esse: as famílias de classe alta responsáveis pelos negócios fizeram um bom serviço gerenciando a indústria de exportação sueca, a chave da riqueza da Suécia. Isso é especialmente verdade para a família Wallenberg, a principal família industrial na Suécia, que entre outras empresas controla a ABB, Ericsson, Electrolux, Atlas Copco, SKF, AstraZeneca e Saab e faz um serviço excelente.

Os social-democratas decidiram aceitar a distribuição desigual de bens, mas simplesmente reduzir o valor desses bens usando altas taxas de impostos punitivas. Por causa da inflação alta, impostos sobre o capital frequentemente ficavam entre 80-100%.

As famílias de classe alta ainda eram donas da maior parte da indústria privada, mas, por causa dos impostos, esses bens simplesmente não valiam muito. De maneira paradoxal, os altos impostos e regulações sobre o capital que impediram investimentos financeiros parecem ter ajudado a congelar a distribuição de bens, com a porção da riqueza possuída pelos ricos permanecendo razoavelmente constante entre a década de 70 e a década de 90.

Apesar da Suécia historicamente ter sido um país com altos níveis de empreendedorismo, a política econômica dessa era dificultou o acúmulo de novas riquezas. Das maiores firmas da Suécia, apenas algumas foram fundadas depois de 1970. Obviamente, isso reduz a mobilidade para as classes altas. Enquanto isso, a combinação de pensões generosas e altas taxas de imposto de renda reduz o incentivo da classe média para acumular capital.

Eventualmente, ideias de livre mercado se tornaram populares na Suécia. Isso levou a impostos reduzidos, um ambiente melhor para negócios e aboliu restrições sobre o capital. O resultado foi que o valor dos bens que até então estavam suprimidos explodiu. Entre 1980 e 2000, a bolsa de valores de Estocolmo aumentou por um fator de 56! Os valores de imóveis em áreas afluentes da Suécia também subiram. Quem era dono desses bens? Principalmente a classe alta.

Por razões que eu não entendo plenamente (talvez medo de que os ricos movessem sua riqueza), a Suécia tem continuado a reduzir impostos para quem já é rico, enquanto mantém altos os impostos sobre nova riqueza obtida por trabalho ou empreendedorismo. Em 2005 a esquerda aboliu totalmente o imposto sobre herança. Isso significa que hoje a maior taxa cobrada de alguém que herda sua riqueza é de 0%, e a taxa cobrada de alguém que cria nova riqueza construindo uma nova empresa é de 67%.

A experiência sueca mostra que o livre mercado não é necessariamente o inimigo da mobilidade social. Os social-democratas reduziram a mobilidade para cima obtida por trabalho e empreendedorismo, ajudando a congelar a sociedade de classes em vez de permitir a entrada de novos ares. Não é fácil resolver a desigualdade de riqueza. Talvez uma ideia seja reintroduzir um imposto razoável sobre herança, somente para os ricos, e usar a renda obtida para reduzir os impostos cobrados de empreendedores.

_________________________________________________________________________

N.E.: Dados da OCDE também confirmam que a Suécia é bastante desigual em termos de riqueza.

04 Aug 15:45

5 motivos para a ONU assumir o controle de Gaza

by Gustavo Chacra
Adam Victor Brandizzi

¡¿Avigdor Lieberman propondo coisas razoáveis?!

O ministro das Relações Exteriores de Israel, Avigdor Liberman, sempre foi criticado por ser um dos mais radicais políticos israelenses, flertando certas vezes com o racismo contra os árabes-israelenses. Mas hoje o chanceler fez uma proposta interessante que deve ser examinada com atenção, independentemente de outras posições políticas dele

Na visão de Lieberman, a ONU deveria assumir o controle de Gaza por um período, assim como ocorreu em Kosovo e Timor Leste em períodos de transição para a independência. Esta proposta é muito boa por pelos menos 5 motivos

1. Israel (ou pelo menos seu ministro das Relações Exteriores) aceita

2. Os palestinos têm ótima relação com as Nações Unidas

3. A alternativa seria o Hamas no poder, mais conflitos ou um longo processo de transição para a Autoridade Palestina (e este pode ser feito via ONU)

4. O bloqueio poderia ser levantado aos poucos com o monitoramento da ONU

5. A ONU, com tropas brasileiras do Batalhão Suez, monitorou Gaza entre 1956 e 1967 (por isso o célebre campo de refugiados Brasil)

Haverá, sem dúvidas, obstáculos. Mas talvez sejam menores do que em outras alternativas. E, antes que me esqueça, Lieberman também tem sido um vanguardista dentro de Israel na defesa de uma negociação de paz levando em conta a proposta da Liga Árabe, na mesa desde 2002 e ignorada por Israel. A oferta de todos os países árabes prevê o estabelecimento de relações diplomáticas de Israel desde que o país retorne para as fronteiras pré-1967 (Cisjordânia, Gaza, Jerusalém Oriental e o Golã sírio) e uma solução justa para os refugiados, sem necessariamente demandar o retorno

Para completar, vale lembrar que Israel tem relações diplomáticas com dois de seus vizinhos – Jordânia e Egito. Nos outros dois, Síria e Líbano, há forças da ONU monitorando a fronteira. A divisa com a Síria é a mais segura de Israel há décadas e a com o Líbano tem se acalmado bastante nos últimos anos. Por que não testar em Gaza? 

Não sei como faz para publicar comentários. Portanto pediria que comentem no meu Facebook (Guga Chacra)  e no Twitter (@gugachacra), aberto para seguidores

Guga Chacra, comentarista de política internacional do Estadão e do programa Globo News Em Pauta em Nova York, é mestre em Relações Internacionais pela Universidade Columbia. Já foi correspondente do jornal O Estado de S. Paulo no Oriente Médio e em NY. No passado, trabalhou como correspondente da Folha em Buenos Aires

Comentários islamofóbicos, antissemitas, anticristãos e antiárabes ou que coloquem um povo ou uma religião como superiores não serão publicados. Tampouco são permitidos ataques entre leitores ou contra o blogueiro. Pessoas que insistirem em ataques pessoais não terão mais seus comentários publicados. Não é permitido postar vídeo. Todos os posts devem ter relação com algum dos temas acima. O blog está aberto a discussões educadas e com pontos de vista diferentes. Os comentários dos leitores não refletem a opinião do jornalista

Acompanhe também meus comentários no Globo News Em Pauta, na Rádio Estadão, na TV Estadão, no Estadão Noite no tablet, no Twitter @gugachacra , no Facebook Guga Chacra (me adicionem como seguidor), no Instagram e no Google Plus. Escrevam para mim no gugachacra at outlook.com. Leiam também o blog do Ariel Palacios

04 Aug 13:24

The Good 'Ol Days

by DOGHOUSE DIARIES

The Good 'Ol Days

Plus gas. Comments here.

03 Aug 20:44

Photo





















03 Aug 17:03

Silicon: After the chip, another revolution?

Sand

Summer is upon us and you are almost certainly planning at least one trip to the beach. This year, as you lie back in the sun, put down your book or magazine and sift the sand through your fingers - and take a moment to reflect upon how much of the world economy is built on the stuff.

I don't mean "built on sand" in a philosophical sense, however true that may be. I'm talking about three technological revolutions that are literally based on sand, one of which is only just beginning and, if it lives up to its potential, has mind-boggling implications.

You've probably already guessed the element at the heart of these revolutions - silicon, the main component of sand.

The original silicon revolution was of course, glass. Man first began to explore its properties a million and a half years ago - that's when our ancient ancestors discovered that obsidian, the almost jet black glass which is sometimes formed when lava cools rapidly, was useful.

Obsidian breaks leaving a very keen edge, so was good for weapons and tools including, in some ancient cultures, knives used for ritual circumcisions.

Obsidian tool

But it wasn't until the first civilizations arose in the plains of Mesopotamia that we learned to actually make glass.

The recipe is simple, but must be followed carefully. The main ingredient, silicon dioxide or silica, is everywhere. Three-quarters of the earth's crust is made up of this compound of oxygen and silicon. Silica is the basis of most rocks, the reason they all seem so different is because of the different processes by which they are formed and the different crystals silica creates with other compounds.

Having got your silica, usually in the form of sand, you heat it until it melts - about 1,600C. You melt in a little soda ash and dash of limestone and then cool the mixture fairly quickly.

With any luck - and it has taken 5,000 years to perfect the process - you'll have created an "amorphous solid", which is what glass is.

What that means is that the atoms in glass are locked in place but, instead of forming neat orderly crystals, they are arranged randomly - so glass is rigid, like a solid, but has the disordered arrangement of molecules of a liquid.

Once we'd discovered we could create this incredible tough-but-see-through stuff there was no stopping us. Think what life would be like without glass windows, windscreens and bottles and what would the world's scientists do without the lenses in their microscopes or telescopes?

Glass blowing C15th Flemish or German miniature depicting a 15th Century glass-blowing factory

And chemistry is very dependent on glass too, as Prof Andrea Sella of University College London - the king of our chemical sandcastle - was keen to point out as I make my now ritual visit to his lab.

He ushers me into the university's glass workshop, where the glass beakers and burettes, and test tubes and pipettes, are created by UCL's glassblower-in-chief, John Cowley. But while he inflates a spectacular ball flask over a roaring gas jet, Sella explains that the next silicon revolution was based on a very different form of the element.

We are talking, of course, about the computing revolution driven by microprocessors etched into silicon chip. The silicon in these chips uses silica that has been stripped of its two oxygen molecules and refined into one of the purest materials on the planet.

Silicon
  • Word silicon comes from the Latin silex, which means pebble, stone, or flint
  • Second most abundant element in the world
  • Atomic structure makes it an extremely important semiconductor
  • Silica is the main ingredient of glass
  • Symbol Si and atomic number 14

Encyclopedia Britannica

Sella pulls a silver-grey metallic-looking lump from a box by his side. It is, he tells me with a note of awe in his voice, 99.9999999% pure silicon - the standard level of purity in the microprocessor industry.

But why silicon?

The answer is the fact that it is a semiconductor - a substance whose electrical conductivity can be manipulated. Computer chips are in essence tiny assault courses for electrons.

"The whole of the semiconductor industry," explains Sella, "is based on deliberately adding impurities to tweak the behaviour of the silicon. These impurities create tiny obstacles for the electrons to negotiate. You can turn the obstacles on and off to tweak the behaviour of the electrons and vast numbers of these obstacles allow us to do all of the logic functions associated with a computer processor."

The obstacles are known as transistors.

The first integrated circuit - as computer chips were originally known - was a relatively simple affair. It was created by an engineer named Jack Kilby at Texas Instruments and demonstrated on 12 September 1958. Kilby's chip was made of germanium, another semiconducting element.

But within months a team led by Robert Noyce at a rival company, Fairchild Electronics, created a chip based on silicon. The entire modern computing industry can trace its lineage back to this one chip, though modern chips are millions of times more complex.

Indeed, the miracle of the modern microprocessor is the vast number of transistors the industry has learned to pack on to a tiny wafer of silicon. It's why even tiny devices can have incredible computing power these days.

Integrated circuit chip

It was a colleague of Noyce's, Robert Moore, who first realised how quickly the power of computers would multiply. A few years after that first silicon chip was created, he predicted that the number of transistors on a chip would double roughly every two years.

Even he didn't expect what became known as Moore's Law to hold for more than a couple decades, but it has - thanks, in good part, to the innovations of company that he and Noyce founded, Intel, the biggest computer chip manufacturer in the world in terms of revenue.

In the company's in-house museum there is a display that graphically illustrates Moore's law in action. The first chip, produced in 1969, contains 1,200 transistors. By 1972 that had almost doubled to 2,500. It went on doubling and then doubling again - Intel's latest chips have two billion transistors or more packed on to a single tiny chip of silicon - and almost 50 years after he first formulated his law we are still asking how long this incredible miniaturisation can continue.

"I've been in the industry long enough to remember when the experts were saying you cannot make devices smaller than 100 nanometres," says Mark Bohr, the man in charge of working out how Intel can pack even more transistors on to even smaller slices of silicon. "Now we are making devices that are 10 nanometres in size and we don't see an end to it yet."

To give you a sense of scale, a human red blood cell is about 4,000 nanometres across.

But he admits that operating at this nano scale does produce weird and fascinating new challenges. One is a phenomenon called "quantum tunnelling". That happens when the circuits are so small that you can't say with any certainty where an electron is, you can only attach a probability to where it might be.

It means electrons "jump" or "tunnel" across all those carefully created obstacles. And this creates all sorts of problems. It can lead to power draining or "leaking" from chips, it can stop your chip working at all, and it can make your chips get very hot.

In response, the computer industry has had to completely redesign the transistors. New materials have been introduced - including the element hafnium - and new more complicated layered structures.

But Bohr acknowledges that tackling these challenges isn't delivering the same increases in processing speed we used to see. That's why, as you may have noticed, desktop computers haven't got much better in the last 10 years or so, but you can now cram the same processing power into a much smaller device, like a smartphone.

Notebbook Jack Kilby's original notebook and the two first integrated circuits, manufactured from germanium
  • Jack St Clair Kilby came up with the idea of the integrated circuit during the summer of 1958. According to Texas Instruments, most of his colleagues had left for the traditional two-week holiday period, but Kilby "as a new employee with no vacation, stayed to man the shop"
  • Left to his own devices at work, Kilby decided to try and crack the "tyranny-of-numbers" issue facing the industry
  • Kilby's first integrated circuit was about half the size of a paper clip - it's now possible to get about 100 million transistors in the same space
  • The invention led Texas Instrument to win a contract to supply chips for Minuteman intercontinental ballistic missiles

Completely new technologies will be needed, he says, if chips are continue to shrink. New devices may not be based on the flow of large numbers of electrons - as they are today - but by modulating the spin of electrons, for example.

"If I think ahead 20 years from now," he says, "it's not so much how many transistors you can pack on a chip but how many transistors you can pack into a cubic volume."

Until now all microchips have been circuits etched on to a two-dimensional plane, if it becomes possible to manufacture a three-dimensional chip that would open up the possibility of far greater connectivity. The chip would function more like a human brain, Bohr says.

But he wonders whether silicon will retain its stranglehold on the world of high technology. There is a lot of research into alternative materials - compounds containing gallium, carbon, molybdenum, indium and arsenic among others. But the low costs and easy availability of silicon mean it may still be the foundation on to which these new elements are deposited.

Silicon also remains the foundation of the final of my three technological revolutions - the only one you probably haven't already guessed. This technology is already one of America's fastest-growing industries, creating tens of thousands of jobs, and it is no coincidence that, like the computer industry, it has been nurtured in Silicon Valley.

The first consumers weren't techno-nerds, however, but a bunch of cannabis-growing hippies, way up in the California hills... They were entranced by solar panels.

The man who turned them on to the sun's power was John Schaeffer, a counter-culturalist who had left San Francisco in the 70s for a hippy commune in the backwoods. Pretty soon he realised his fellow adventurers in alternative lifestyles needed somewhere to buy the shovels and lentils with which new utopias are constructed, so he opened up a general store - and one morning a guy drove up in a Porsche and asked if he was interested in a new line of business. Curious, John walked over to the car.

Manufacturing solar panels Blocks of silicon being prepared for the manufacture of solar panels

"He pulled out a couple of photovoltaics he'd rescued from the Space Programme," John recounts with a chuckle. "We hooked them up, and pretty soon all these hippies from the woods started filtering into the store and started going crazy about these things."

Those first solar panels were pretty modest by modern standards.

At just nine watts they would barely power even the tiniest torch and they were pricy - he sold them at $900 a pop - but his customers were rich from the profits of their pot plantations and full of tree-hugging zeal. Within a few weeks he'd sold more than 1,000 panels.

"Before long these executives from Arco Solar, the first solar company down in LA, flew up in Lear Jets in business suits to this hippy general store in Willets find out what was going on," John remembers, still laughing at the ridiculousness of it all.

But unfortunately the rest of the world was neither as wealthy nor as idealistic, and after that initial flurry of interest the development of the industry was to be a long slow slog.

The problem was the first solar panels were just too expensive.

We've already learned how Moore's Law powered an exponential increase in the number of transistors on a silicon chip. Well, another exponential law explains why the price of solar panels has fallen a hundredfold since that man in Porsche first pulled up outside John's store.

The law was first formulated by an engineer and photovoltaic pioneer called Dick Swanson, who I met in the factory down in Silicon Valley where his company Sun Power constructs solar panels.

Swanson explains that, like the computer chip, photovoltaic cells exploit the fact that pure silicon is a semiconductor.

"Silicon has the interesting property that when light hits it, it can knock loose the electrons that are bonding the atoms together," he says. Those electrons are now free to wander around.

They can go from one edge of the wafer to another, he explains. "They have no idea where they are supposed to go, so they wander aimlessly."

It's his job, as a photovoltaic cell designer, to give those electrons a sense of purpose.

"We put materials on the surface of the cell so that if an electron gets close to it, it pulls it out," he says. Every electron the sunlight knocks out leaves what he calls "a hole".

"The whole game in designing an efficient solar cell is to convince the electrons to come out one wire and the holes to come out the other," he says.

And the challenge for engineers is to do that progressively more efficiently and more cheaply.

Solar panel installation

Swanson flushes with embarrassment when I mention "Swanson's Law". He doesn't want to claim credit, but he was the first to realise just how quickly solar prices might fall.

"If you look at refrigerators, pencils or aeroplanes", he says, "they all tend to come down in cost as you make more of them, because you learn how to drive costs out and you get efficiencies as volumes increase."

Just as Moore's law forecast an exponential increase in the number of transistors on a chip, Swanson's Law predicts an exponential decrease in the price of solar. What he forecast is that every time the number of solar cells in the world doubles, the cost of making one would fall 20%.

And this law too has proved remarkably accurate. Prices have fallen like a stone since - from $100 per watt in the 70s, down to less than $1 per watt now.

That exponential fall in price is why the solar industry is beginning to really take off now. To use the jargon, solar has reached "grid parity". What that means is that in sunny places with relatively high electricity costs - like Hawaii (LINK to Vanadium), California, Japan or Italy - the cost of supplying a watt of electricity from a solar cell to the electricity grid is now very similar to the cost of generating power from coal, gas or nuclear energy.

And according to Dick Swanson there's room to cut prices still further. He thinks the price per watt could fall to 35 cents. What that means is that solar could be on the verge of delivering plentiful cheap power to much of the world, and it's very hard to understate just how important that is.

That means solar could pretty soon deliver cheap, plentiful power without- it almost goes without saying - all the consequences of the pollution of other forms of electricity generation.

Now that really would be revolutionary - and all thanks to the potential locked away in the sand of your holiday beach.

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Bookmarked at brandizzi Delicious' sharing tag and expanded by Delicious sharing tag expander.
03 Aug 16:55

Church Sign Of The Day

by Andrew Sullivan

e6TKykh

Hemant Mehta, whose reader flagged the above church sign, captions that “it’s good to see a church finally breaking away from the whole ‘abstinence-only’ thing.”

Previous CSTD here.

03 Aug 13:21

What Do The “Spiritual But Not Religious” Really Believe?

by Andrew Sullivan

In her new book, Belief without Borders: Inside the Minds of the Spiritual but not Religious, Linda A. Mercadante attempts to find out. Kristin Aune runs down the essentials of “SBNRs”:

[Mercadante] explores their thoughts on transcendence, human nature, community and afterlife and finds that they don’t believe in an interventionist or personal God (if “God” exists, they think God is part of creation, not separate from it). As for human nature, they don’t see themselves as sinners needing salvation, but as “inherently good” selves needing freedom and choice so that their “purity, even divinity” can shine.

This focus on the self affects their view of community. “Many interviewees did much more than just ‘question authority’,” Mercadante says. “Instead, they relocated it within, relativized it to each person, and detached it from any particular spirituality community.” Some belonged to recovery groups such as Alcoholics Anonymous, but none had a longstanding affiliation with a spiritual community. This makes it hard for them to sustain shared group beliefs or behaviour, and Mercadante thinks it impedes their ability to benefit society.

On life after death, SBNRs share ground with Hindu beliefs, reflecting what Colin Campbell calls “the Easternization of the West”. Most believe in reincarnation and “karma, endless opportunities, inevitable progress, expanding consciousness, and the very American ideal of free will and personal choice”. Their optimism is clear: reincarnations will be better, not worse, than their previous life. Actions have consequences, but only positive ones.

In a recent column on the subject, Mark Oppenheimer depicts Mercadante as pushing back against claims that SBNR thinking leans shallow and unserious, noting that “she makes the case that spiritual people can be quite deep theologically” (NYT):

An ordained Presbyterian minister whose father was Catholic and whose mother was Jewish, Dr. Mercadante went through a spiritual but not religious period of her own — although she now attends a Mennonite church. For her project, she … found that these spiritual people also thought about death, the afterlife and other profound subjects.

For example, “they reject heaven and hell, but they do believe in an afterlife,” Dr. Mercadante said recently. “In some ways, they would fit O.K. in a progressive Christian context.” Because they dislike institutions, the spiritual but not religious also recoil from the deities such institutions are built around. “They may like Jesus, he might be their guru, he might be one of their many bodhisattvas, but Jesus as God is not on their radar screen,” Dr. Mercadante said.

While she was writing the book in 2012, Mercadante gave an interview in which she addressed the role of stereotypes involved in these discussions:

I think it does come, in part, from portrayals of conservative Christianity in the media, as some kind of hegemonic, monolithic authority. This whole thing is fraught with stereotypes. Most people don’t take the time to listen to each other, to ask questions. There are terrible misconceptions on both sides, as to what Christians are, and what SBNRs are. SBNRs see “religion” as the external structure and the dogma, whereas “spirituality” is the individual’s personal experiences of transcendence. That definition really is not an accurate portrayal of religion or of spirituality. Nevertheless, the majority of my interviewees insist that spirituality is the personal center and quest for an individual, whereas religion is something external, rule-ridden and institutional. In their thinking, religion is nothing more than a dispensable shell.

02 Aug 19:44

Como promover a liberdade individual e a justiça social na política estadual e municipal?

by Valdenor Júnior

Por Valdenor Júnior

As eleições estão chegando, e acredito que muitos de vocês, assim como eu, não colocam muita fé no processo político para promover mudanças profundas. Entretanto, penso que abandonar completamente essa campo é equivocado. Como a política pode fazer um mal maior ou menor, pode ser mais ou menos contida quanto aos prejuízos sociais que acarreta, é importante que tenhamos pessoas nessa frente, dispostas a representar a proposta da liberdade pessoal, da justiça social e da economia livre.

Isso é válido mesmo para os cargos municipais e estaduais em nosso país. Quero mostrar aqui como um deputado estadual e um vereador (quiçá um prefeito ou governador, especialmente em relação ao poder de veto) podem contribuir para o bem.

Penso eu que um político (estadual ou municipal) verdadeiramente progressista, libertário e liberal, deve pautar sua atuação na defesa radical da liberdade pessoal, da justiça social e da economia livre, com uma opção preferencial pelos mais pobres e pelas minorias, e focado na redução de danos gerados pelo próprio Estado.

Como? Seguem alguma sugestões para a atuação de um político assim, a título de exemplo, e pode-se perfeitamente acrescentar mais (não diferenciarei quais são para o nível municipal e estadual, mas acredito que será de fácil apreensão):

1) Sempre votar contra as desapropriações, que afetam principalmente as pessoas mais pobres, votar contra as remoções de pessoas que moram em favelas. O direito à propriedade e habitação destas pessoas deve ser respeitado, e é preciso ser uma voz para essas pessoas. Caso a desapropriação se torne inevitável (a maioria do legislativo municipal a apoia, por exemplo), reivindicar e insistir em que as pessoas sejam indenizadas o suficiente para que sua vida não piore e mesmo melhore. Pode-se usar alguma heurística, como a de pedir sempre o dobro do valor do imóvel e terreno em favor dessas pessoas, exatamente para insistir que elas sejam adequadamente compensadas, e não enxotadas repentinamente como costuma ocorrer.

2) Defender que as licenças para trabalhadores ambulantes se tornem mais seguras, e protestando contra qualquer revogação municipal repentina dessas licenças. (lembre que as licenças são precárias, e podem ser revogadas a qualquer tempo, na situação atual) Lutar em favor de projetos que deem mais direitos e mais segurança jurídica aos trabalhadores ambulantes de exercerem seu trabalho em paz, e para proibir o confisco arbitrário pela polícia de suas mercadorias. Cobrar que todas as denúncias de confisco do investimento desses empreendedores, que em muito promovem o comércio e facilitam a vida de inúmeras pessoas em nossas cidades, sejam investigadas adequadamente, e que haja indenizações adequadas.

3) Votar em projetos de lei que estimulem/facilitem o empreendedorismo, por exemplo, possibilitando isenções de impostos (dentro do âmbito municipal ou estadual) para pequenas e médias empresas durante o período inicial de sua instalação e execução (digamos, os 6 primeiros meses). Ter uma economia mais livre estadualmente e municipalmente, com mais empreendedores fazendo frente inclusive aos interesses de empresas grandes já estabelecidas (e por vezes favorecidas por políticas estaduais de incentivo à indústria), é essencial.

4) Não apoiar “políticas industriais” onde o estado concede incentivos fiscais para empresas específicas selecionadas, geralmente grandes corporações. As isenções devem abranger sempre todas as empresas que se dediquem ao setor, devendo-se denunciar e protestar sempre em discursos e votações contra a manipulação da política para favorecer empresários específicos em conluio com políticos ou burocratas.

5) Lutar em favor de uma política de urbanização das favelas e de moradias irregulares nas grandes cidades. O objetivo sempre deve ser o de integrar, cedo ou tarde, as favelas e moradias irregulares à infraestrutura urbana básica, e deve-se promover o diálogo e informação com os moradores locais sobre como se procederão às obras. Um foco deve ser o saneamento básico, que pode em muito contribuir para melhorar a saúde da população que mora nessas áreas.

6) Promover ações e políticas em favor da regularização fundiária urbana, onde pessoas que moram em lugares antes desocupados devem ter sua posse resguardada e sua propriedade reconhecida. Propor também que mesmo áreas pertencentes ao Estado possam ser adquiridas dessa forma por pessoas de baixa renda, independente da inconstitucionalidade potencial desse tipo de proposta. Tentar achar um meio de burlar essa inconstitucionalidade de reconhecer a posse dessas pessoas, digamos, criando alguma figura jurídica que permita o pagamento de um aluguel simbólico pelo morador ao município ou estado, e oferecendo em contrapartida esse reconhecimento da posse da pessoa pelo município ou estado. Enfim, pensar em alguma coisa criativa em termos jurídicos-políticos que, ao menos, dificulte/postergue a expropriação dessas pessoas.

7) Promover ações e políticas em favor da regularização fundiária rural, inclusive para demarcação de territórios indígenas, quilombolas e de reserva extrativista, e apoiar ações firmes contra a grilagem. Defender a prioridade (em geral) da devolução de áreas originalmente pertencentes a indígenas, mas promover o diálogo entre indígenas e ocupantes atuais (quando houver), de modo que se faça uma mediação bem-sucedida que permita compor os interesses em jogo. Uma política ambiental levando em conta os incentivos dos atores relevantes, em especial comunidades tradicionais (indígenas, quilombolas, extrativistas) que podem bem gerir seus “comuns” conforme regras próprias (conforme demonstra o trabalho de Elinor Ostrom), e focada na arbitragem dos interesses em jogo, deve ser promovida. (Aqui é preciso entrar o trabalho de um ramo relativamente negligenciado no Brasil: ambientalismo de mercado)

8) Atacar e lutar pela revogação dos dispositivos dos Planos Diretores municipais que aumentam as distâncias, dificultam os usos mistos (comerciais e residenciais) dos prédios, estimulam o uso exagerado do carro (“cultura do carro”), impedem uma verticalização benéfica (que existe quando há aumento de densidade), complicam a criação de habitações residenciais de baixo custo para pessoas de baixa renda, encarecem os imóveis, intensificam a segregação residencial entre pobres e ricos contribuindo para a higienização social de certas áreas da cidade, etc. Aqui é preciso consultar teorias avançadas de urbanismo, e você necessariamente deve ler e/ou pedir conselhos ao nosso colunista Anthony Ling, que conhece bastante esse assunto (o blog dele é uma fonte muito boa de ideias para fazer esse importante trabalho político).

9) Lutar em favor da modificação do regime atual de concessão do transporte público, e favorecer a livre concorrência entre empresas de transporte coletivo, com livre definição de linhas e de tarifas. Deve-se também defender a legalização do transporte (atualmente) clandestino de vans e micro-ônibus, o qual já contribui para suprir a demanda por transporte que o sistema atual falido dos municípios é incapaz de satisfazer nas grandes cidades. Ou seja, o transporte informal deve ser todo legalizado, mirando-se no modelo descentralizado da cidade de Lima, capital do Peru. Uma boa ideia pode ser também projeto de lei para criação de “direitos de meio-fio”, permitindo que as companhias de ônibus possam construir paradas específicas e evitando a colisão de companhias indo atrás de clientes em uma mesma parada (veja mais detalhes aqui e aqui).

10) Quando o problema da segurança pública for levantado nas votações ou discursos, lembrar sempre que a guerra às drogas e a política repressiva do Estado brasileiro é um fator que intensifica a criminalidade e a violência nos grandes centros urbanos, e que tem levado que cidades brasileiras constem (desnecessariamente) do ranking de cidades mais violentas do mundo. Portanto, sempre a legalização das drogas deve ser mencionada como um passo imprescindível para pensar a segurança pública em nossas cidades.

11) Defender projetos de lei estaduais que eliminem a revista vexatória, uma prática abusiva que tem afetado negativamente pessoas com familiares presos, ao condicionar as visitas à realização de inspeções íntimas. Como alternativa, deve-se adotar a chamada “revista humanizada”, que já é aplicada no estado de Goiás. (Ou seja, é importante olhar para esse exemplo, e defendê-lo em seu respectivo estado)

12) Se posicionar radicalmente contra propostas que visem eliminar a assistência social aos mais carentes e aos trabalhadores de baixa renda (os respectivos do bolsa-família, salário família, etc., caso haja em nível estadual ou municipal, incluindo ajudas de custo para estudantes carentes, merenda escolar em escolas públicas, etc.) sempre que haja subsídios sendo oferecidos pelo município ou estado às grandes empresas e/ou às classes rica e média. Defender que referida assistência social, atualmente, é a melhor forma de reduzir os danos causados por uma carga tributária abusiva e por uma legislação que dificulta a criação de mais prosperidade para as pessoas mais humildes, além de ser uma medida interessante para prover um mínimo de renda e um acesso a oportunidade básica para pessoas muito carentes.

13) Quando há programas de gasto social com pessoas carentes ou trabalhadores de baixa renda no município ou estado, defender que tais programas devem ser remodelados caso sejam paternalistas. Isso significa que devem ser priorizadas transferências diretas de renda, permitindo que a pessoa compre o bem/serviço essencial no mercado fazendo suas próprias escolhas, ao invés de burocracias, políticos ou grandes corporações escolherem por elas.

14) Caso o seu estado ainda não ofereça “carteiras estaduais com nome social”, para transexuais, lutar para que isso seja implementado. A carteira de identidade federal não pode continuar privando os trans de direitos civis fundamentais,  notadamente sua autodeterminação da identidade de gênero e privacidade, além de evitar constrangimentos e preconceitos (que essa minoria ainda sofre muito). De fato, deve-se promover ações informativas para conscientizar as pessoas acerca das condições peculiares desta minoria, e valorizar iniciativas da sociedade civil que lutem contra o preconceito e promovam maior inclusão destas pessoas no mercado de trabalho.

15) Promover ações e investigações mais sérias pelas polícias estaduais acerca do tráfico humano,  da prostituição forçada e da prostituição infantil no Brasil. É um tema que ainda não sai muito no noticiário, mas que significa grande sofrimento para mulheres, meninas e meninos ao redor do país, que são vítimas desse crime hediondo. A conscientização da sociedade civil também é primordial, devendo-se chamar atenção da população contra esse grave crime de escravidão moderna, que ofende todos os valores mais caros à humanidade.

16) Caso os cartórios do seu estado ainda não realizem casamentos para homossexuais, lutar por projetos de lei que vinculem e/ou incentivem os cartórios a realizar o casamento civil de casais do mesmo sexo. Deve-se valorizar iniciativas da sociedade civil que lutem contra o preconceito.

17) Denunciar como o trabalhador tem sido enganado desde a época de Getúlio Vargas, pela criação de um mito de que o trabalhador depende do governo para melhorar de vida. Conscientizar a população de que o 13º salário nunca aumentou o salário de ninguém, que o FGTS é uma poupança forçada com baixo rendimento que serve apenas para o governo gastar e para o trabalhador perder dinheiro, que as estruturas sindicais atuais são monopolistas e obrigam injustamente mesmo os não sindicalizados a pagarem um tributo em seu favor, etc. É preciso chamar a atenção dos trabalhadores para a importância da liberdade sindical (e da negociação coletiva correlata), que desde Vargas tem sido negada aos trabalhadores brasileiros, e do desenvolvimento econômico como forma de melhorar os padrões de trabalho e vida dos trabalhadores. (Ok, sei que esse tema é complicado de ser abordado a nível municipal ou estadual, mas é importante tentar abordá-lo sempre que possível, mostrando como o trabalhador brasileiro tem sido o principal prejudicado por nossa legislação trabalhista atual)

18) Propor ações e políticas a nível municipal e estadual que facilitem a criação de “cooperativas sociais“, que são associações de ajuda mútua que poderiam realocar importantes serviços sociais que hoje são muito concentradas no governo, no que diz respeito ao atendimento da maior parte da população.

19) Denunciar a fraca autonomia municipal e estadual para definir seus próprios assuntos, e conscientizar a população de que o governo federal tem roubado às pessoas o poder de vigiar um governo muito mais próximo delas.

20)  Defender sempre a exoneração de impostos municipais e estaduais para alimentos, medicamentos, material escolar e outros itens de primeira necessidade ou importantes à instrução de crianças e jovens. Denunciar como a carga tributária excessiva brasileira é regressiva, penalizando as pessoas mais carentes e os trabalhadores de menor remuneração.

Quando haverá representantes desse tipo em nossa política municipal e estadual?

02 Aug 13:24

The User Interface to Reality

I was raised as a Methodist and I was a believer until the age of eleven. Then I lost faith and became an annoying atheist for decades. In recent years I've come to see religion as a valid user interface to reality. The so-called "truth" of the universe is irrelevant because our tiny brains aren't equipped to understand it anyway.

Our human understanding of reality is like describing an elephant to a space alien by saying an elephant is grey. That is not nearly enough detail. And you have no way to know if the alien perceives color the same way you do. After enduring your inadequate explanation of the elephant, the alien would understand as much about elephants as humans understand about reality.

In the software world, user interfaces keep human perceptions comfortably away from the underlying reality of zeroes and ones that would be incomprehensible to most of us. And the zeroes and ones keep us away from the underlying reality of the chip architecture. And that begs a further question: What the heck is an electron and why does it do what it does? And so on. We use software, but we don't truly understand it at any deep level. We only know what the software is doing for us at the moment.

Religion is similar to software, and it doesn't matter which religion you pick. What matters is that the user interface of religious practice "works" in some sense. The same is true if you are a non-believer and your filter on life is science alone. What matters to you is that your worldview works in some consistent fashion.

If you're deciding how to fight a disease, science is probably the interface that works best. But if you're trying to feel fulfilled, connected, and important as you navigate life, religion seems to be a perfectly practical interface. But neither science nor religion require an understanding of reality at the detail level. As long as the user interface gives us what we need, all is good.

Some of you non-believers will rush in to say that religion has caused wars and other acts of horror so therefore it is not a good user interface to reality. I would counter that no one has ever objectively measured the good and the bad of religion, and it would be impossible to do so because there is no baseline with which to compare. We only have one history. Would things have gone better with less religion? That is unknowable.

If you think there might have been far fewer wars and atrocities without religion, keep in mind that some of us grow up to be Josef Stalin, Pol Pot, and Genghis Khan. There's always a reason for a war. If you add up all the people who died in holy wars, it would be a rounding error compared to casualties from wars fought for other reasons.

What I know for sure is that plenty of people around me are reporting that they find comfort and social advantages with religion. And science seems to support a correlation between believing, happiness, and health. Anecdotally, religion seems to be a good interface.

Today when I hear people debate the existence of God, it feels exactly like debating whether the software they are using is hosted on Amazon's servers or Rackspace. From a practical perspective, it probably doesn't matter to the user one way or the other. All that matters is that the user interface does what you want and expect.

There are words in nearly every language to describe believers, non-believers, and even the people who can't decide. But is there a label for people who believe human brains are not equipped to understand reality so all that matters is the consistency and usefulness of our user interface?

  _____________________________________________

Scott Adams

Co-founder of CalendarTree.com

Author of this book

P.S. Yesterday was the sixth anniversary of my surgery to fix my voice problem (spasmodic dysphonia). There was some question at the time about whether the surgery would be a permanent fix. So far, my voice has improved each year since the surgery.


I was raised as a Methodist and I was a believer until the age of eleven. Then I lost faith and became an annoying atheist for decades. In recent years I've come to see religion as a valid user interface to reality. The so-called "truth" of the universe is irrelevant because our tiny brains aren't equipped to understand it anyway.

Our human understanding of reality is like describing an elephant to a space alien by saying an elephant is grey. That is not nearly enough detail. And you have no way to know if the alien perceives color the same way you do. After enduring your inadequate explanation of the elephant, the alien would understand as much about elephants as humans understand about reality.

In the software world, user interfaces keep human perceptions comfortably away from the underlying reality of zeroes and ones that would be incomprehensible to most of us. And the zeroes and ones keep us away from the underlying reality of the chip architecture. And that begs a further question: What the heck is an electron and why does it do what it does? And so on. We use software, but we don't truly understand it at any deep level. We only know what the software is doing for us at the moment.

Religion is similar to software, and it doesn't matter which religion you pick. What matters is that the user interface of religious practice "works" in some sense. The same is true if you are a non-believer and your filter on life is science alone. What matters to you is that your worldview works in some consistent fashion.

If you're deciding how to fight a disease, science is probably the interface that works best. But if you're trying to feel fulfilled, connected, and important as you navigate life, religion seems to be a perfectly practical interface. But neither science nor religion require an understanding of reality at the detail level. As long as the user interface gives us what we need, all is good.

Some of you non-believers will rush in to say that religion has caused wars and other acts of horror so therefore it is not a good user interface to reality. I would counter that no one has ever objectively measured the good and the bad of religion, and it would be impossible to do so because there is no baseline with which to compare. We only have one history. Would things have gone better with less religion? That is unknowable.

If you think there might have been far fewer wars and atrocities without religion, keep in mind that some of us grow up to be Josef Stalin, Pol Pot, and Genghis Khan. There's always a reason for a war. If you add up all the people who died in holy wars, it would be a rounding error compared to casualties from wars fought for other reasons.

What I know for sure is that plenty of people around me are reporting that they find comfort and social advantages with religion. And science seems to support a correlation between believing, happiness, and health. Anecdotally, religion seems to be a good interface.

Today when I hear people debate the existence of God, it feels exactly like debating whether the software they are using is hosted on Amazon's servers or Rackspace. From a practical perspective, it probably doesn't matter to the user one way or the other. All that matters is that the user interface does what you want and expect.

There are words in nearly every language to describe believers, non-believers, and even the people who can't decide. But is there a label for people who believe human brains are not equipped to understand reality so all that matters is the consistency and usefulness of our user interface?

  _____________________________________________

Scott Adams

Co-founder of CalendarTree.com

Author of this book

P.S. Yesterday was the sixth anniversary of my surgery to fix my voice problem (spasmodic dysphonia). There was some question at the time about whether the surgery would be a permanent fix. So far, my voice has improved each year since the surgery.

Bookmarked at brandizzi Delicious' sharing tag and expanded by Delicious sharing tag expander.
02 Aug 01:03

Wikipedia Zero and Net Neutrality: Protecting the Internet as a Public Space

by carlosmonterrey
Adam Victor Brandizzi

Wikimedia comenta a questão sobre a interação entre Wikimedia Zero e neutralidade de rede, que alguns julgam contraditórios.

Imagine a world in which every single human being can freely share in the sum of all knowledge. That’s our commitment. - Wikimedia Foundation Vision Statement

In November 2012, a group of students at Sinenjongo High School in Joe Slovo Park, a poor South African township, launched a petition to South African cell phone providers to provide access to Wikipedia free of charge. The students used Wikipedia for homework and research, but the data charges were almost prohibitive. In February 2014, MTN South Africa responded, making Wikipedia free for their subscribers. This was done under the umbrella of a Wikimedia Foundation program known as Wikipedia Zero.

Wikipedia Zero launched in 2012 to bring free access to Wikipedia on mobile phones. Today, Wikipedia Zero is available to an estimated 350 million people in 29 countries; it serves more than 65 million pageviews for free, every month.

Mobile phones now connect nearly everyone in the world, and mobile access to Wikipedia is a two-way street. In Nepal, one dedicated editor has contributed more than 6,000 edits from a simple feature phone. For the first time in human history, our vision of empowering every person on the planet to share in the sum of all knowledge is within reach. Yet, like the Sinenjongo High School students, many people still cannot afford the mobile data charges for accessing the Internet. According to the ITU [PDF], as many as four billion people still do not use the Internet.

As the world has become more connected, citizens and policymakers have become more concerned with protecting the Internet as a public space. One of these policy issues that people around the world are grappling with is net neutrality, the principle of ensuring a consistent quality of service on networks.

The Wikimedia Foundation believes that the principle of net neutrality is critical to the future of the open Internet. In order for information to be available to all, Internet Service Providers must not create different classes of service for different types of content to serve their commercial interests. This is consistent with the principles upon which the Internet was founded: equal delivery of data, regardless of source.

In the context of these discussions, people sometimes raise the question of how net neutrality policies should address with the practice of waiving charges for specific sites and services, known as zero-rating. Advocates for an open and free Internet have raised important questions about how sponsored access to certain services affects innovation by favoring incumbents with the ability to pay for preferential access to users.

Net neutrality serves all Internet users – rich as poor – by providing equal access to diverse content online. We support net neutrality, and believe it is crucial for a healthy, free, and open Internet.

Wikipedia Zero is not a commercial program. Our public operating principles include:

  • No exchange of payment. The Wikimedia Foundation does not pay carriers to zero-rate access to the Wikimedia sites and does not receive payments from carriers through Wikipedia Zero.
  • Wikipedia Zero cannot be sold as part of a bundle. Access to the Wikimedia sites through Wikipedia Zero cannot be sold through limited service bundles.
  • No exclusive rights. We try to partner with as many carriers as possible to maximize the number of users that can benefit from the initiative.
  • Open to collaborating with other public interest sites. Our main goal is to promote free access to knowledge and we want to help other similar services interested in doing the same.

 
These principles are designed to balance the social impact of the program with Wikimedia’s other values, including our commitment to net neutrality. We will continue working with the Wikimedia community and with net neutrality advocates to evolve the program’s design, with the goal to make it possible to replicate these principles for other public interest projects in a manner fully consistent with net neutrality policy objectives.

We believe that as the world comes online, ensuring free access to important resources like Wikipedia is a social justice issue, as illustrated by the petition by South African students. We believe that free access to public interest resources can be provided in a manner that keeps the playing field level and avoids net neutrality issues. The Internet has tremendous potential to bring education and services to people for free. Beyond Wikipedia, this includes potentially life-saving access to health and emergency services or disaster relief.

Policymakers can design laws that uphold and affirm net neutrality without damaging the Internet’s ability to spread the free information it was designed to share. In the United States, the FCC’s previous Open Internet Rules, for example, simply focused on prohibiting blocking and unreasonable discrimination against content providers. Similarly, the recently adopted Marco Civil bill in Brazil does not prohibit free Internet connection as long as ISPs do not monitor, filter, or block content.

We believe that policymakers should make global communications policies that serve the public interest. It is not in the interests of the public to have an Internet with slow and fast lanes where few commercial players dominate our information society. And it is absolutely in the interests of the public to use the Internet to provide free access to education, knowledge, medical information, or other public services. We believe that these goals are entirely consistent, and we hope Wikipedia Zero can serve as a model for how to balance these interests carefully.

Indeed, we invite every mobile operator on the planet to join the cause of free sharing in the sum of human knowledge, and we invite other public interest sites and services to work with us. Email us at wikipediazero@wikimedia.org. We also encourage you to sign our petition in support of the program, inspired by the students of  Sinenjongo High School.

Erik MoellerDeputy Director, Wikimedia Foundation

02 Aug 00:13

Mission Creep, 1914 Style

by Andrew Sullivan

Preparations For Remembrance Sunday And Armistice Day

The centennial of the July Crisis that led Europe down the perilous path to World War I has given many historians and scholars of war an occasion to revisit the question of how the European powers managed to blunder into such a bloody fiasco. Stephen Walt asks an equally interesting question: Why on did it take more than four years to correct what was obviously a huge mistake?

Ending the war was difficult because each side’s territorial ambitions and other war aims kept increasing, which made it harder for them to even consider some sort of negotiated settlement. War aims continued to expand in part because each side kept recruiting new allies by promising them territorial gains after the war, which both increased the total number of combatants and widened the geographical scope of the war. Germany promised the Ottoman Empire slices of Russian territory to get it to join the Dual Alliance; in response, London promised several Arab leaders independent kingdoms if they revolted against the Ottomans. The British also bribed Italy to realign by offering it territory along the Adriatic Sea. But all these war-time promises required each side to try to win an even bigger victory, which in turn just spurred their enemies to fight even harder to prevent it.

Each side’s ambitions also grew because politicians had to justify the enormous sacrifices their countrymen were making. The tyranny of “sunk costs” quickly sank in: the more each side lost, the more it had to promise to deliver once victory was achieved. By 1916, therefore, German war aims included annexing Luxemburg, substantial portions of France, making Belgium a vassal state, gaining new colonies in Africa, and carving out a vast new empire in Eastern Europe. For their part, allied war aims included a complete German withdrawal from the territory it had conquered, plus “national self-determination” and the establishment of democratic rule, which implied the dismemberment of the Austrian empire and the reshaping of Germany’s political order, something neither country would agree to until it was totally defeated.

(Photo: A memorial cross and poppy lays on the floor on a blanket of fallen pine needles at the National Memorial Arboretum on November 5, 2013 in Alrewas, Staffordshire. The National Memorial Arboretum is observed a two minute moment silence on the eleventh hour of the eleventh day of the eleventh month of the year, marking the exact time when guns fell silent at the end of World War I in 1918. By Christopher Furlong/Getty Images)

01 Aug 22:44

60 kilometers

by noreply@blogger.com (the realist)

(watch the process for this image and more on The Realist Patreon page.)




01 Aug 18:19

Scientists’ Never-Ending Quest To Torment Mice Continues Apace

by Mallory Ortberg

Screen Shot 2014-08-01 at 9.37.58 AMPreviously: Scientists are casually ruining mice’s brains.

“Researchers have found a way to make see-through mice, but you won’t find these critters scampering in your kitchen.

The transparent rodents aren’t alive and they’re for research only, to help scientists study fine details of anatomy. Before they are treated with chemicals, the animals are euthanized and their skin removed. Researchers made their inner organs transparent, but not their bones.”

“What’s wrong, Carol?”

“What?”

“I said, what’s wrong? You’ve been distracted all morning.”

Carol dropped the spoon against her coffee cup. It clattered, and she jumped. “It’s nothing.” She tried to laugh. “I’m just tired, I guess.”

Janice scooted closer to Carol on the bench. “Carol. Come on. It’s me here. What’s really going on?” She pulled out a lighter from her pocket and casually singed the eyelids off an American white-footed mouse (Peromyscus leucopus), but its tiny screams didn’t even elicit a chuckle from Carol.

Carol rubbed her eyes. “I just sometimes — sometimes I feel like we’ve run out of ways to fuck with mice.”

Janice dropped the mouse, bleeding and twitching in agony, to the floor. “Carol?”

“Look, we both got into neuroscience for the same reason,” Carol said, “to –”

“To see what kind of shit we could do to mice,” Janice finished for her.

“Yeah,” Carol said. “To see what kind of shit we could do to mice. Sometimes I worry we found them all. And the ones we already know about just don’t thrill me anymore.”

“Don’t thrill you any more?” Janice asked. “What about when we tear off their feet and race them across flypaper?”

Carol smiled wanly.

“What about when we take out all of their blood and replace it with sand? What about when we–”

“I know,” Carol said. “I know. It should still thrill me. But it doesn’t.” She stood up. “Maybe it’s time I got out of the game. Let someone younger and hungrier about fucking with mice step in.”

“Carol,” Janice began, “I wasn’t going to say anything about this until I was sure we had perfected the process. I was actually going to wait until your birthday. But I think you need to see what I’ve been working on.”

“Okay,” Carol said, but without much hope in her voice.

“Come with me.” Janice led Carol over to a small walk-in closet and pushed back the curtains. “Take a look.”

Carol gasped. Spread out on the table were row upon row of transparent, gelatinous mice bodies. “It’s horrible,” she breathed in disgust. “Janice, you’re incredible. How did you do it?”

“Go ahead,” Janice said. “Touch one.”

Carol tentatively poked at the nearest twisted sack of gel-flesh and shuddered in delight as the material sprang back into place.

“It’s fairly simple,” Janice explained. “I pumped a series of chemicals through the blood vessels and spinal cords of regular mice…”

“Painful, corrosive chemicals?” Carol asked eagerly.

Janice chuckled. “Of course. And I created a series of mesh frameworks to keep the gel-tissue from collapsing and allowing the mice to escape into the merciful arms of death. Took about a week.”

“And they’re in unbelievable pain and confusion?” Carol said, grinning.

“Unimaginable,” Janice said. “I wouldn’t have made them any other way.”

“Do you think–” Carol began, then stopped.

“What is it?”

“Do you think we could put them under the X-ray machine until they develop brain tumors?”

Janice smiled. That’s my Carol. “Of course we can.”

Read more Scientists’ Never-Ending Quest To Torment Mice Continues Apace at The Toast.

01 Aug 12:37

Write Code Every Day

Last fall, work on my coding side projects came to a head: I wasn’t making adequate progress and I couldn’t find a way to get more done without sacrificing my ability to do effective work at Khan Academy.

There were a few major problems with how I was working on my side projects. I was primarily working on them during the weekends and sometimes in the evenings during the week. This is a strategy that does not work well for me, as it turns out. I was burdened with an incredible amount of stress to try and complete as much high quality work as possible during the weekend (and if I was unable to it felt like a failure). This was a problem as there’s no guarantee that every weekend will be free – nor that I’ll want to program all day for two days (removing any chance of relaxation or doing anything fun).

There’s also the issue that a week between working on some code is a long time, it’s very easy to forget what you were working on or what you left off on (even if you keep notes). Not to mention if you miss a weekend you end up with a two week gap as a result. That massive multi-week context switch can be deadly (I’ve had many side projects die due to attention starvation like that).

Inspired by the incredible work that Jennifer Dewalt completed last year, in which she taught herself programming by building 180 web sites in 180 days, I felt compelled to try a similar tactic: working on my side projects every single day.

I decided to set a couple rules for myself:

  1. I must write code every day. I can write docs, or blog posts, or other things but it must be in addition to the code that I write.
  2. It must be useful code. No tweaking indentation, no code re-formatting, and if at all possible no refactoring. (All these things are permitted, but not as the exclusive work of the day.)
  3. All code must be written before midnight.
  4. The code must be Open Source and up on Github.

Some of these rules were arbitrary. The code doesn’t technically need to be written before midnight of the day of but I wanted to avoid staying up too late writing sloppy code. Neither does the code have to be Open Source or up on Github. This just forced me to be more mindful of the code that I was writing (thinking about reusability and deciding to create modules earlier in the process).

Thus far I’ve been very successful, I’m nearing 20 weeks of consecutive work. I wanted to write about it as it’s completely changed how I code and has had a substantial impact upon my life and psyche.

With this in mind a number of interesting things happened as a result of this change in habit:

Minimum viable code. I was forced to write code for no less than 30 minutes a day. (It’s really hard to write meaningful code in less time, especially after remembering where you left off the day before.) Some week days I work a little bit more (usually no more than an hour) and on weekends I’m sometimes able to work a full day.

Code as habit. It’s important to note that that I don’t particularly care about the outward perception of the above Github chart. I think that’s the most important take away from this experiment: this is about a change that you’re making in your life for yourself not a change that you’re making to satisfy someone else’s perception of your work. The same goes for any form of dieting or exercise: if you don’t care about improving yourself then you’ll never actually succeed.

Battling anxiety. Prior to starting this experiment I would frequently feel a high level of anxiety over not having completed “enough” work or made “enough” progress (both of which are relatively unquantifiable as my side projects had no specific deadlines). I realized that the feeling of making progress is just as important as making actual progress. This was an eye-opener. Once I started to make consistent progress every day the anxiety started to melt away. I felt at peace with the amount of work that I was getting done and I no longer had the over-bearing desire to frantically get any work done.

Weekends. Getting work done on weekends use to be absolutely critical towards making forward momentum (as they were, typically, the only time in which I got significant side project coding done). That’s not so much the case now – and that’s a good thing. Building up a weeks-worth of expectations about what I should accomplish during the weekend only ended up leaving me disappointed. I was rarely able to complete all the work that I wanted and it forced me to reject other weekend activities that I enjoyed (eating dim sum, visiting museums, going to the park, spending time with my partner, etc.) in favor of getting more work done. I strongly feel that while side projects are really important they should not be to the exclusion of life in general.

Background processing. An interesting side effect of writing side project code every day is that your current task is frequently running in the back of your mind. Thus when I go for a walk, or take a shower, or any of the other non-brain-using activities I participate in, I’m thinking about what I’m going to be coding later and finding a good way to solve that problem. This did not happen when I was working on the code once a week, or every other week. Instead that time was consumed thinking about some other task or, usually, replaced with anxiety over not getting any side project work done.

Context switch. There’s always going to be a context switch cost when resuming work on a side project. Unfortunately it’s extremely hard to resume thinking about a project after an entire week of working on another task. Daily work has been quite helpful in this regard as the time period between work is much shorter, making it easier to remember what I was working on.

Work balance. One of the most important aspects of this change was in simply learning how to better balance work/life/side project. Knowing that I was going to have to work on the project every single day I had to get better at balancing my time. If I was scheduled to go out in the evening, and not get back until late, then I would need to work on my side project early in the day, before starting my main Khan Academy work. Additionally if I hadn’t finished my work yet, and I was out late, then I’d hurry back home to finish it up (instead of missing a day). I should note that I’ve been finding that I have less time to spend on hobbies (such as woodblock printing) but that’s a reasonable tradeoff that I’ll need to live with.

Outward perception. This has all had the added benefit of communicating this new habit externally. My partner understands that I have to finish this work every day, and thus activities sometimes have to be scheduled around it. It’s of considerable comfort to be able to say “Yes, we can go out/watch a movie/etc. but I have to get my coding in later” and have that be understood and taken into consideration.

How much code was written? I have a hard time believing how much code I’ve written over the past few months. I created a couple new web sites, re-wrote some frameworks, and created a ton of new node modules. I’ve written so much I sometimes forget the things I’ve made – work from even a few weeks prior seem like a distant memory. I’m extremely pleased with the amount of work that I’ve gotten done.

I consider this change in habit to be a massive success and hope to continue it for as long as I can. In the meantime I’ll do all that I can to recommend this tactic to others who wish to get substantial side project work done. Let me know if this technique does, or doesn’t, work for you – I’m very interested in hearing additional anecdotes!

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31 Jul 20:37

Promessas e programas para 2016

Aécio Neves prometeu uma "simplificação tributária" e anunciou a meta de levar de 18% do PIB para 24% do PIB a taxa de investimento da economia (que se gaste esse tanto da renda nacional em ampliação da capacidade produtiva). Foi o que disse a empresários, em sabatina promovida pela Confederação Nacional da Indústria.

Não é razoável exigir do candidato detalhes de programas em entrevista com tantos assuntos. Mas fica a curiosidade de saber como o senador tucano trocará em miúdos suas promessas.

"Simplificação tributária" pode significar de quase nada a um excesso de ambições. A meta de levar o investimento a 24% do PIB em parte não depende do governo, em parte depende de um governo muito capaz.

Os dois assuntos estarão especialmente enredados nos próximos anos. Será também especialmente difícil lidar com tais problemas, pois o governo chegou à pindaíba, vide o resultado das contas federais do primeiro semestre, anunciado ontem: o pior desde o ano 2000.

Simplificação tributária pode significar a medicação do manicômio burocrático dos impostos. É importante, difícil, mas não custa muito além de inteligência e trabalho.

Simplificar, reduzir e esclarecer procedimentos já seria um ganho de produtividade. Mas é preciso que exista uma autoridade poderosa a cargo da tarefa, com o apoio presidencial. Os burocratas são uma montanha no meio do caminho. O governo de Dilma Rousseff fez algum progresso na redução da burocracia nos portos. Não fez mais porque, mesmo com regulamentações e normas aprovadas, a coisa empacou em burocratas e na descoordenação do governo.

Simplificação tributária pode significar também algo como reforma tributária. Trata-se de tarefa politicamente muito mais complicada (envolve Estados e municípios) e que exige algum dinheiro no caixa do governo, o que não haverá nos próximos dois anos.

Uma reforma tributária mesmo mínima, no presente caso do Brasil, exige que o governo federal compense Estados e municípios (banque perdas de receita devida à racionalização dos tributos). Pode implicar perda direta de receita federal, pois é difícil calcular, a princípio, o efeito de impostos novos.

Repita-se: não haverá dinheiro, pois o Brasil crescerá pouco em 2015 e talvez em 2016. Não haverá dinheiro, de resto, porque o governo tem de aumentar sua poupança, de modo a colocar a economia nos trilhos elementares (isto é, tem de poupar mais a fim de ajudar a controlar a inflação, baixar juros etc).

Aliás, medida razoável e talvez inevitável do próximo governo será aumentar algum imposto de modo a fechar as contas com sobra bastante para evitar o aumento da dívida pública.
A perspectiva de inflação e juros mais baixos (custos menores e estabilidade) é uma condição mínima para a retomada da confiança empresarial e dos investimentos.

Em suma, não haverá condição de reforma tributária mínima ou de aumento da taxa de investimentos sem um plano imediato que coloque ordem nas contas públicas e que crie a expectativa de baixa gradual da inflação e juros. Sem passar por essa primeira barreira, a coisa desanda.

31 Jul 19:22

Dear Nick Kristof: Your Palestinian Gandhis are Already Here | Dissent Magazine

Weekly protest in Bil'in, June 2011 (Anna Paq, courtesy of ActiveStills.org)

Writing on July 19 in a column intended to “correct a few common misconceptions” about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Nicholas Kristof perpetuated one of his own. Offering unsolicited advice to Palestinian political leaders, Mr. Kristof wrote: “If Palestinians turned to huge Gandhi-style nonviolence resistance campaigns [sic], videos would reverberate around the world and Palestine would achieve statehood and freedom.” Mr. Kristof’s sentiment is admirable. His glaring ignorance of ongoing Palestinian peaceful grassroots campaigns is not.

At a time of colossal regional violence, the growth of peaceful grassroots campaigns for Palestinian statehood and civil rights is one of the few uplifting stories in Israeli-Palestinian politics. Over the past decade, these campaigns have originated in communities with particular grievances, and slowly transformed into weekly marches for civil rights and statehood. In Bil’in, Palestinians have marched every Friday since February 2005, when community members first organized in defiance of the expropriation of half of the village’s farmland by the neighboring Modiin Illit settlement (the Israeli High Court returned one-half of the stolen land in 2007). Those demonstrations were featured in the Academy Award–nominated documentary 5 Broken Cameras, one of the few instances of global media attention on Palestinian peaceful protests. In Nabi Saleh, weekly marches have protested a similar expropriation of land, and the denial of basic civil rights by military rule. Other active villages include Budrus, Jayyous, Beit Surik, Biddo, Al-Wlajeh, Ni’lin, Ma’sara, Beit Ummar, and Iraq Burin, among others. Weekly demonstrations include anywhere from several dozen to several hundred protesters.

Weekly marches have not been the only Palestinian peaceful campaigns. Other methods include barricading roads on which Palestinians are not permitted to drive, mass prayer events, and hunger strikes. The Popular Struggle Coordination Committee serves as an umbrella organization for these efforts, coordinating “marches, strikes, demonstrations, direct actions and legal campaigns, as well as supporting boycott, divestment and sanctions,” according to its website. Some peaceful protesters have also worked with American and European counterparts to organize international demonstrators, such as a series of demonstrations on April 15, 2014, to protest use of U.S. tax funds to support the Israeli occupation.

The leaders who have emerged from these movements speak the Gandhian language of transformative nonviolence that Mr. Kristof implores them to employ. When I was in Bil’in last month, leading activist Iyad Burnat explained his philosophy of nonviolence to me: “I want my freedom, and I am not free if I harm another person.” Another activist in Bil’in, who preferred not to be named for fear of reprisal, told me: “If you want to visit my home, I do not care if you are Muslim, Jewish, or Christian. But you cannot bring violence with you, you cannot solve disputes with violence. That is our message to the Israelis who occupy us.”

While Mr. Kristof is wrong that Palestinians have yet to learn the value of peaceful grassroots campaigns, he is right that the Gandhi-like Palestinian movement is not “huge.” Why haven’t more Palestinians joined the movement? One theory is that Palestinians refuse to reject militancy. Another is that they fear the draconian violence visited upon peaceful protesters by the Israel Defense Force.

To understand why more Palestinians haven’t joined weekly peaceful protests, it’s important to consider something that Mr. Kristof likely overlooked in formulating his advice: Israeli Military Executive Order 101 outlaws political gatherings of more than ten Palestinians in the West Bank, meaning that Palestinian peaceful gatherings inherently amount to illegal civil disobedience. Unsurprisingly, the Israel Defense Forces responds to these protests with force as a matter of policy. Nearly every Friday in the Palestinian villages in which demonstrations occur, the IDF unleashes an occasionally lethal, always perilous, combination of tear gas, rubber-coated bullets, water cannon–fired “skunk” liquid, and—sometimes—live fire. One study found that between 2004 and 2011, thirteen Palestinian civilians were killed in nonviolent demonstrations; Iyad Burnat, the Bil’in organizer, puts the overall figure at closer to forty.

The IDF also punishes villages known for nonviolent civil disobedience campaigns in other ways. Nonviolent demonstrators have been arrested and imprisoned for “incitement”; children can be detained and processed in the IDF’s notoriously gruesome military court system, whose treatment of children UNICEF has called “cruel, inhumane and degrading”; and permits for work in Israel can be revoked. The IDF has confirmed that it uses collective punishment against villages in which these protests occur. It turns out that there are substantial costs to even peaceful resistance against the state that controls your access to water, electricity, transportation, employment, and freedom of mobility. In this context, what seems remarkable is not that more Palestinians do not join the demonstrations, but that so many have persevered over the past decade.

These harsh IDF responses are not provoked by Palestinian violence. A leaked 2010 U.S. State Department memo records Israel’s top military official in the West Bank, General Avi Mizrahi, promising to use skunk water and mass arrests to quell “even demonstrations that appear peaceful.” As one senior Israeli military official told an American counterpart in 2011: “We don’t do Gandhi very well.”

While Israel’s response to Gandhi-style tactics has been utterly condemnable, Palestinians have certainly not perfected the tactic. Kristof writes that “too many Palestinians define nonviolence to include rockthrowing. No, that doesn’t cut it.” Mr. Kristof is right that occasional rock-throwing does occur, but he is thoroughly wrong to define and dismiss the movement by this practice. Stone-throwing is not employed as an organized strategy of demonstrators, who use marches and sit-ins to make their point; those who throw stones tend to act alone or in small groups, and often after the IDF initiates violence against peaceful demonstrators.

The relentless emphasis on stone-throwing cedes any sense of proportionality, ignoring the egregious violence with which the IDF crushes Palestinian demonstrations by official policy. As Iyad Tamimi, a leading organizer in Nabi Saleh, told me when I visited the village last month: “After one day of protest, we pick up 1,500 tear gas canisters. Are the Israelis nonviolent?”

To substantiate his claim about rock-throwing, Mr. Kristof turns not to a third-party report, but instead links to the official IDF blog. On that page, the IDF misleadingly boasts of “protecting the right of Palestinians to protest peacefully,” despite the fact that Israeli military law explicitly denies Palestinians the right to political demonstration.

Of course, it would be ideal for no rock-throwing to occur, just as it would be ideal for the IDF not to resort to violence in crushing popular demonstrations, just as it would be ideal, writ large, for the IDF to withdraw from the West Bank, which it occupies in contravention of international law. But demanding that Palestinians absorb the tremendous personal costs of nonviolent civil disobedience, then dismissing the promising movement because of marginal stone-throwing, all while ignoring the vast IDF violence against Palestinian civilians—this is not the empathy Mr. Kristof has offered to others struggling for human rights around the globe.

This brazen disproportionality is precisely why Mr. Kristof’s advice is so insulting. In the past decade, Palestinians living under a grinding military occupation have undertaken profound personal and community sacrifices to organize peaceful demonstrations for civil rights and statehood. Instead of empowering these courageous moderates by sharing their stories, Mr. Kristof turns a blind eye, dismissing the cost of their courage while arrogantly suggesting that he will pay attention when Palestinians learn to behave perfectly.

It’s this type of superficial media coverage that makes so preposterous Mr. Kristof’s prediction that “the resulting videos [of nonviolence resistance campaigns] would reverberate around the world and Palestine would achieve statehood and freedom.” The videos are here, here, here, and here, among other places, Mr. Kristof. Will you start sharing them?

Sam Sussman co-directs Extend, an American start-up non-profit organization that offers five-day educational tours of the West Bank to young American Jews. He is an M.Phil. candidate in International Relations at Oxford. He tweets @SamSussman1.

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31 Jul 19:21

Algebraic Data Types | Esper Tech Blog

Algebraic data types are the fundamental building blocks of programs in ML-style languages like Haskell and OCaml. Since they play such an important role in these languages, it is well worth understanding how they work and where they come from—at first, the design may feel a bit arbitrary, but in reality it flows naturally from a reasonable starting point.

Algebraic data types are made up of two components: products (also known as structs, records or tuples) and variants (also known as tagged unions, sums or coproducts). Let’s take a look at each of these in turn, how they can be combined and how they’re related.

Products

Products are a construct that appears in most programming languages: it’s a type that contains multiple values. The simplest example in OCaml would be a pair (just like an ordered pair in mathematics):

# let pair = (1, 2);;
val pair : int * int = (1, 2)

This pair has the type int * int which means it has two members, both integers. In prose rather than code, this is often written as int × int because it corresponds to a cross-product of sets. Fundamentally, we can do two interesting things with a pair: get the first element or get the second element:

# let first (x, y) = x;;
val first : 'a * 'b -> 'a = <fun>
# let second (x, y) = y;;
val second : 'a * 'b -> 'b = <fun>

In OCaml, pattern matching makes the definitions pretty visual. The functions first and second are often abbreviated as fst and snd or π₁ and π₂ (π is used because these are projection functions).

Of course, we want to be able to build up more complicated types than pairs, so most languages support having any number of fields

let tuple = (1, 2, 3, 4);;
val tuple : int * int * int * int = (1, 2, 3, 4)

and giving fields names

# type blarg = { foo : int; bar : int };;
type blarg = { foo : int; bar : int; }
# let x = { foo = 1; bar = 2 };;
val x : blarg = {foo = 1; bar = 2}

This is very useful for actual programming, but does not really give us any new capabilities. Both larger tuples and records are isomorphic to constructions made up of just pairs; for example, we can go back and forth between int * int * int * int and int * (int * (int * int)) (made up of nested pairs):

let from (a, b, c, d) = (a, (b, (c, d)));;
let to' (a, (b, (c, d))) = (a, b, c, d);;

This is good news: it means that to understand products in their full generality, we just need to understand pairs. Other constructs like larger tuples and records come “for free” because we can always build up an equivalent structure just out of pairs.

You’ll note that records are very similar to features of languages like C that don’t have tuples at all—records are just like C structs! Even in Java, a language pretty far removed from OCaml, we have record-like functionality in the form of fields on objects; a value object is pretty much the same as an OCaml record:

public class Blarg {
  public final int foo, bar
}

So products are certainly a pretty universal construct. While these languages do not have tuples or pairs themselves, we can still think about their products in terms of tuples, which will let us reuse our theory of product types in a lot of different contexts.

Variants

The other component of algebraic data types are variants. Unlike products, variants only tend to exist directly in functional languages—most common OO and procedural languages do not support them directly, although certain common patterns try to emulate them. Happily, it looks like this is changing with the advent of languages like Rust and Swift which do support them.

Where products contain multiple values, variants can be any of multiple possibilities. Instead of having both field 1 and field 2, they have either field 1 or field 2. In fact, that’s what we can call our simple variant building block: either (in the spirit of Haskell):

type ('a, 'b) either = Left of 'a 
                     | Right of 'b

We can construct different values of this type:

# let left = Left 1;;
val left : (int, 'a) either = Left 1
# let right = Right 1;;
val right : ('a, int) either = Right 1

In real programming, we generally write custom variants for our types:

type AST = Expr of ...
         | Stmt of ...
         | Comment of ...

However, just like for products, these more complicated types are ultimately isomorphic to some nested series of eithers.

In a lot of ways, variants are like an extension of enumeration types (enums) in other languages. Enums in languages like Java also have a series of tags, those tags just can’t have any values attached to them. Here’s an example:

public enum State {
  Running, Paused, Stopped
}

This could be written with a variant by having constructors that do not carry any values:

type state = Running
           | Paused
           | Stopped

These sorts of types are pretty useful, but not nearly as versatile as full variants. For example, consider the option type which lets us make values nullable:

type 'a option = Some of 'a
               | None

This is only possible because a variant’s constructor can carry a value. It’s a very useful type in practice because it lets normal values in OCaml not be nullable. As a quick reference, we could express this in terms of our either type by making one of the branches hold unit:

type 'a option = ('a, unit) either
Left value
Right ()

Here, Right () plays the role of the constructor None. Whenever we see a constructor with no arguments, we can always express it as a branch of an either with unit.

To actually get data out of a tagged union, we have to pattern match on it providing a case for each possible constructor:

match my_either with
  | Left a  -> ...
  | Right b -> ...

Making Sense of Variants

Products are an entirely natural programming construct: putting multiple values together is something that emerges very naturally from any non-trivial program we may want to write. On the other hand, variants feel a bit more arbitrary: why the tags? Why not just a union type? I think this is part of the reason why variants are uncommon in more popular languages.

Compared to type unions, variants are generally safer: we always know what we put in at runtime. In fact, quite often, C unions are used to emulate variants with an explicit tag (hence the name “tagged union”):

enum Tag { Left; Right }

struct Either {
  enum Tag tag;
  union {
    int left;
    char* right;
  }
}

The idea is to check the tag each time you read the value, to make sure you’re getting the right sort of data from the union. Ultimately, this reasonably common pattern amounts to jury-rigging variants on top of enums and unions, without language support which makes it easier to make mistakes.

In object-oriented programming, the visitor design pattern serves a similar role. The visitor pattern uses OO mechanisms to emulate pattern matching in the OO language, letting us write variant-like code.

Already, we can see that variants aren’t completely arbitrary: one way or another, they tend to emerge as a coding pattern of some sort. At the same time, the fact that they emerge indirectly and often unacknowledged means that it’s a less intuitive concept than a product.

Another way of looking at how products and variants fit together is in terms of the “shape” of a product. What do I mean by that? Let’s start by drawing some diagrams about the types involved. Given a pair A × B, we have the two projection operations from it:

But what makes A × B particularly special compared to any other type C that also happens to have functions to A and B?

The core difference is that, in some sense, the product doesn’t carry any additional information beyond that of its fields. The only important things you can do with it are get the first value or get the second value out. This is not necessarily true of some other type C, even if it does let you get an A or a B out.

We can state this more formally as follows: for any type C with functions f : C → A and g : C → B, there is exactly one function t : C → A × B such that π₁ (t c) = f c and π₂ (t c) = g c for every value c of type C. In other words, either of the possible paths from C to A or B are equivalent (t is the function denoted by a dotted line):

This might seem a bit weird, until you look at how we can define t in general:

let t c = (f c, g c)

So really, this whole thing is a fancy way of saying that we can apply both functions and put them into a tuple!

But why is this interesting? Well, it turns out that we can draw a very similar diagram from a variant A + B. The only difference is that the arrows are flipped! Otherwise, the same sort of relationships hold.

So, in an abstract way, both products and variants have the same core structure, with a particular kind of symmetry between them. Technically speaking, they are duals of each other. To me, this symmetry is strong evidence that variants really make sense: they’re just a natural extension of products, which are entirely natural themselves.

This duality also makes certain other properties and behaviors of algebraic data types emerge. Many languages have subtyping for records (or record-like things—classes). The idea is simple: if we need something with two fields a and b, we can always substitute in a bigger record and just ignore the extra fields.

But how do we do subtyping with variants? Well, just like we flipped the arrows in the diagrams, we flip the requirement: we can always substitute in a smaller variant. In some sense, we get this relationship for free just by acknowledging the duality of products and variants. This is particularly relevant for OCaml because, unlike most other languages, it actually supports this sort of subtyping directly in the form of polymorphic variants.

Putting it all together

Products and variants together—with some nice syntax—give us algebraic data types, which form a surprisingly expressive basis for modeling different domains. We can write types that have multiple constructors, each having multiple arguments:

type foo = Foo of string * int
         | Bar of bool * float
         | Baz of int list

Below the fancy syntax, this is still isomorphic to a bunch of nested pairs and eithers. Reimplementing foo in these terms is a great exercise to really understand this relationship.

One of the most direct ways in which algebraic data types like this are useful is for working with abstract syntax trees. For example, here’s an AST for the simply typed λ-calculus with basic arithmetic:

We could represent it almost directly as an algebraic data type:

type expr = Unit
          | Integer of int
          | Plus of expr * expr
          | Variable of name
          | Lambda of name * type * expr
          | App of expr * expr

This makes for a definition that is fairly easy to follow, largely because it reflects the “shape” of the domain (the grammar) well. This becomes even more useful when you go to write an interpreter for this language: the eval function also follows the shape of the algebraic data type, guiding your implementation.

Another example in a similar vein is using an algebraic data type to represent JSON:

type json = Object of json StringMap
          | Array of json list
          | String of string
          | Number of float
          | True
          | False
          | Null

Apart from being a concise definition that captures all of JSON, this also makes traversing JSON values easy by pattern matching.

Ultimately, algebraic data types are just combinations of products and variants, which turn out to be symmetric concepts. There really isn’t much of a case for not including variants in your language when you already have product types, whether they are tuples or structs or records or even classes. They just fit too well together. And, from a practical standpoint, the combination of the two is an expressive way to declare the data types you’re working with.

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31 Jul 02:12

Where Animals Come From | Quanta Magazine

For billions of years, single-celled creatures had the planet to themselves, floating through the oceans in solitary bliss. Some microorganisms attempted multicellular arrangements, forming small sheets or filaments of cells. But these ventures hit dead ends. The single cell ruled the earth.

Then, more than 3 billion years after the appearance of microbes, life got more complicated. Cells organized themselves into new three-dimensional structures. They began to divide up the labor of life, so that some tissues were in charge of moving around, while others managed eating and digesting. They developed new ways for cells to communicate and share resources. These complex multicellular creatures were the first animals, and they were a major success. Soon afterward, roughly 540 million years ago, animal life erupted, diversifying into a kaleidoscope of forms in what’s known as the Cambrian explosion. Prototypes for every animal body plan rapidly emerged, from sea snails to starfish, from insects to crustaceans. Every animal that has lived since then has been a variation on one of the themes that emerged during this time.

How did life make this spectacular leap from unicellular simplicity to multicellular complexity? Nicole King has been fascinated by this question since she began her career in biology. Fossils don’t offer a clear answer: Molecular data indicate that the “Urmetazoan,” the ancestor of all animals, first emerged somewhere between 600 and 800 million years ago, but the first unambiguous fossils of animal bodies don’t show up until 580 million years ago. So King turned to choanoflagellates, microscopic aquatic creatures whose body type and genes place them right next to the base of the animal family tree. “Choanoflagellates are to my mind clearly the organism to look at if you’re looking at animal origins,” King said. In these organisms, which can live either as single cells or as multicellular colonies, she has found much of the molecular toolkit necessary to launch animal life. And to her surprise, she found that bacteria may have played a crucial role in ushering in this new era.

Nicole King

Courtesy of Nicole King

Nicole King, a biologist at the University of California, Berkeley, studies the origins of animals, one of the big mysteries in the history of life.

In a lengthy paper that will be published in a special volume of Cold Spring Harbor Perspectives in Biology in September, King lays out the case for the influence of bacteria on the development of animal life. For starters, bacteria fed our ancient ancestors, and this likely required those proto-animals to develop systems to recognize the best bacterial prey, and to capture and engulf them. All of these mechanisms were repurposed to suit the multicellular lives of the first animals. King’s review joins a broad wave of research that puts bacteria at the center of the story of animal life. “We were obliged to interact intimately with bacteria 600 million years ago,” said King, now an evolutionary biologist at the University of California, Berkeley, and an investigator with the Howard Hughes Medical Institute. “They were here first, they’re abundant, they’re dominant. In retrospect we should’ve expected this.”

Multicellular Motivation

Although we tend to take the rise of animals for granted, it is reasonable to ask why they ever emerged at all, given the billions of years of success of unicellular organisms. “For the last 3.5 billion years, bacteria have been around and abundant,” said Michael Hadfield, a professor of biology at the University of Hawaii, Manoa. “Animals never showed up until 700 or 800 million years ago.”

Choanoflagellates

Courtesy of King Lab

The choanoflagellate Salpingoeca rosetta can split itself into small colonies (“rosettes”) when the right bacteria are around. The first multicellular animals may have done something similar. In the lab, King has seen colonies with as many as 50 cells.

The technical demands of multicellularity are significant. Cells that commit to living together need a whole new set of tools. They have to come up with ways of sticking together, communicating, and sharing oxygen and food. They also need a master developmental program, a way to direct specific cells to take on specialized jobs in different parts of the body.

Nonetheless, during the course of evolution, the transition to multicellularity happened separately as many as 20 different times in lineages from algae to plants to fungi. But animals were the first to develop complex bodies, emerging as the most dramatic example of early multicellular success.

To understand why this might have happened the way it did, King began studying choanoflagellates, the closest living relative to animals, nearly 15 years ago as a postdoc at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. Choanoflagellates are not the most charismatic of creatures, consisting of an oval blob equipped with a single taillike flagellum that propels the organism through the water and also allows it to eat. The tail, thrashing back and forth, drives a current across a rigid, collarlike fringe of thin strands of cell membrane. Bacteria get caught up in the current and stick to the collar, and the choano engulfs them.

What intrigued King about choanoflagellates was their lifestyle flexibility. While many live as single cells, some can also form small multicellular colonies. In the species Salpingoeca rosetta, which lives in coastal estuaries, the cell prepares to divide but stops short of splitting apart, leaving two daughter cells connected by a thin filament. The process repeats, creating rosettes or spheres containing as many as 50 cells in the lab. If this all sounds familiar, there’s a reason for it — animal embryos develop from zygotes in much the same way, and spherical choanoflagellate colonies look uncannily like early-stage animal embryos.

When King began studying S. rosetta, she couldn’t get the cells to consistently form colonies in the lab. But in 2006, a student stumbled on a solution. In preparation for genome sequencing, he doused a culture with antibiotics, and it suddenly bloomed into copious rosettes. When bacteria that had been collected along with the original specimen were added back into a lab culture of single choanoflagellates, they too formed colonies. The likely explanation for this phenomenon is that the student’s antibiotic treatment inadvertently killed off one species of bacteria, allowing another that competes with it to rebound. The trigger for colony formation was a compound produced by a previously unknown species of Algoriphagus bacteria that S. rosetta eats.

S. rosetta seems to interpret the compound as an indication that conditions are favorable for group living. King hypothesizes that something similar could have happened more than 600 million years ago, when the last common ancestor of all animals started its fateful journey toward multicellularity. “My suspicion is that the progenitors of animals were able to become multicellular, but could switch back and forth based on environmental conditions,” King said. Later, multicellularity became fixed in the genes as a developmental program.

King’s persistence in studying this humble organism, which was overlooked by most contemporary biologists, has won her the admiration of many of her fellow scientists (as well as a prestigious MacArthur fellowship). “She strategically picked an organism to gain insight into early animal evolution and systematically studied it,” said Dianne Newman, a biologist at the California Institute of Technology in Pasadena, who studies how bacteria coevolve with their environment. King’s research offers a thrilling glimpse into the past, a rare window into what might have been going on during that mysterious period before the first fossilized animals appeared. The research is a “beautiful example” of how bacteria shape even the simplest forms of complex life, Newman said. “It reminds us that even at that level of animal development, you can expect triggers from the microbial world.” The bacteria system in S. rosetta can now be used to answer more specific questions, such as what the benefit of multicellularity might be — a question King and her collaborators at Berkeley are now working to answer.

Timeline

Russell Chun for Quanta Magazine

The first bacteria may date back as far as 3.5 billion years. But animals, the first complex multicellular life form, took much longer to emerge.

Of course, just because bacteria trigger modern choanoflagellates into group living, that doesn’t mean they had the same effect on the first proto-animals. King’s finding is “really cool,” said William Ratcliff, a biologist at the Georgia Institute of Technology in Atlanta who experimentally induces yeast to form multicellular colonies. “I think she’s doing some of the most interesting research in the origins of animals.” But, he cautions, it’s possible that choanoflagellates evolved this mechanism long after they diverged from the creatures that became the first ancestors of animals. “We don’t have a clear picture of when the bacterial response evolved,” he explained. “It’s hard to know if something happened before the split between choanoflagellates and animals, or after.”

“I think there is enough evidence to allow us to hypothesize that bacteria were an important influence on animal origins — they were abundant, diverse, and they exert important signaling influences on diverse animal lineages as well as on non-animals,” King said. “But I think it is premature to say what the nature of that influence was.”

One strong hint that bacteria may have prompted that ancient transition to multicellularity is that many of today’s simplest animals are governed by microbial messages. Corals, sea squirts, sponges and tube worms all begin life as larvae floating in the water, and other research teams have shown that they too respond to compounds released by bacteria as signals to attach themselves to rocks or other surfaces and transition to a new life form. If this kind of relationship is so common among animals from the most ancient families, it seems plausible that the first animals were equally attuned to their bacterial neighbors. Figuring out how, exactly, the bacteria trigger this response will help clarify whether they played a similar role long ago. “It was a radical thought to me when we first started studying it, and now I don’t know why it’s a surprise,” King said. “The more I think about host-microbe interactions, the less surprised I become.”

The biology of choanoflagellates resembles that of animals in other unexpected ways, King found. In 2008 she led the team that published the genome of Monosiga brevicollis, a choanoflagellate that doesn’t form colonies. The sequence revealed genes for dozens of sections of proteins that also appear in multicellular animals, where they help cells stick together and also guide development and differentiation. What are they doing in single cells? King’s work suggests they arose in single-celled organisms to monitor environmental conditions and recognize other cells such as bacterial prey. In multicellular animals, the gene domains found new purposes, such as allowing cells to signal one another. Single cells used these tools to listen in on the environment. Later on, the first cells to adopt a multicellular lifestyle probably repurposed the same systems to pay attention to their sister cells, King suggested.

What Took Animals So Long?

What triggered the explosion of complex multicellular life in the Cambrian period? Increased oxygen undoubtedly had something to do with it — prior to a period sometime before 800 million years ago, atmospheric oxygen levels were too low to diffuse easily into organisms with multiple layers of cells, limiting the size of all life forms. But an increase in oxygen is probably not the whole story, said Andrew Knoll, a professor of earth and planetary sciences at Harvard University. Once oxygen levels rose past this low level, predation likely provided a strong incentive for animals to get bigger and more complicated, and to develop new body plans. It was an ecological arms race of size and complexity: Bigger predators have an advantage in catching prey, while larger prey can more easily avoid being eaten. The need to escape or repel predators also likely inspired the first scales, spines and body armor, as well as some of the wilder body plans seen in Cambrian fossils.

King’s discovery about choanoflagellates is just one of the latest insights into the intimate relationships between bacteria and animals (or, in this case, animal-like organisms). Historically, photosynthetic bacteria pumped oxygen into the oceans for billions of years, setting the stage for complex multicellular life. And according to the endosymbiotic theory, proposed in the 20th century and now widely accepted, the mitochondria inside every eukaryotic cell were once free-living bacteria. At some point more than a billion years ago, they took up residence inside other cells in a symbiotic relationship that endures in nearly every animal cell to this day. In their role as dinner, bacteria also likely provided raw genetic material for the first animals, which probably incorporated chunks of microbial DNA directly into their own genomes as they digested their meals.

But the full story of the microbial-animal relationship is even broader and deeper, argues Margaret McFall-Ngai, a biologist at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, and it’s a story that is only beginning to be told. In her view, animals should rightly be considered host-microbe ecosystems. Several years ago McFall-Ngai, along with Hadfield, convened a broad group of developmental biologists, ecologists, environmental biologists and physiologists, including King, and asked them to formulate a microbial manifesto — a declaration of bacterial significance. The paper, which appeared late last year in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, cites evidence from many corners of biology to argue that the influence of microbes on the origin, evolution and function of animals is pervasive and essential to understanding how animal life evolved. “They evolved in a world saturated with bacteria,” Hadfield said.

The breadth and significance of the animal-bacteria relationship goes far beyond the development of a handful of ancient aquatic creatures like sponges. McFall-Ngai’s own research shows that bacteria are necessary for the development of organs in squid; others have found similar partnerships that shape the maturation of animal immune systems, the guts of zebra fish and mice, and even mammalian brains. Likewise, bacteria are essential partners in the digestive systems of creatures ranging from termites to humans. The influence of microbes is even inscribed on our genome: More than a third of human genes have their origins in bacteria. These and other new findings will soon fundamentally alter our understanding of life, McFall-Ngai predicts: “Biology is in a revolution.”

So in the end, maybe animals really aren’t all that special. After all, they’d be nothing without their microbial friends. And as King’s research has revealed, much of what animals do that seems to make them interesting can also be accomplished by choanoflagellates. To her, that doesn’t diminish either one. “I love choanoflagellates,” she said. “They’re so fascinating. I see that they’re doing a lot of the same things as animals, and I can see parallels between their biology and the cell biology of animals. I could watch them for hours.”

Corrected on July 29, 2014: An earlier version of this article incorrectly stated that “Animals never showed up until 700,000 or 800,000 years ago.” The correct figure is 700 to 800 million years ago.

This article was reprinted on Wired.com.

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30 Jul 18:03

7 motivos para o presidente agir na segurança. 1 para não fazer nada

Adam Victor Brandizzi

O motivo do "não" é "bem sem-vergonha" porque a fatura não chega na caixa de correio do autor, claro. Contudo: concordo.

Bruno_7a1_seguranca

Amanhã, 01/08, os coordenadores dos candidatos a Presidente da República participam de um debate sobre o sistema de segurança e o sistema prisional no 8º Encontro do Fórum Nacional de Segurança Pública, na Fundação Getúlio Vargas, em São Paulo. Será uma excelente oportunidade para vermos o compromisso das candidaturas à presidência com a agenda da segurança. Será que na próxima gestão eles terão coragem política para segurar o rojão?

Desde os anos 1960, quando os roubos e a violência começaram a assustar os moradores das grandes cidades brasileiras, não houve um único presidente disposto a encarar a situação de frente. Na fase mais recente de nossa democracia, Fernando Henrique, Lula e Dilma preferiram fechar os olhos para o tema, deixando que a bomba estourasse no colo dos governadores. Em comum, os três ex-presidentes ingressaram na política fazendo oposição à Ditadura Militar e às forças de segurança do regime. Lidavam com o tema pela negação, contribuindo para que as taxas crescentes de crime passassem a assombrar todo o Brasil.

A sensação geral de impunidade parece produzir homens e mulheres com raiva, que defendem a justiça feitas pelas próprias mãos.

A próxima eleição presidencial pode mudar esse quadro, num momento delicado. É o que saberemos no debate. O primeiro motivo, dos sete, é que mesmo tendo se tornado o terceiro país com maior população carcerária no mundo, as taxas de crime não param de crescer. Os homicídios aceleraram em estados do Norte e Nordeste. Os roubos aumentam mês a mês em São Paulo, estado onde a violência policial já persiste há quase quatro décadas. O tráfico de drogas se espalhou com força por quase todos os estados. A sensação geral de impunidade parece produzir homens e mulheres com raiva, que defendem a justiça feitas pelas próprias mãos.

Os dois candidatos da oposição, Aécio Neves (PSDB) e Eduardo Campos (PSB), perceberam a relevância do tema e levaram a pauta no debate presidencial. É a forma dos dois tentarem se diferenciar da presidente Dilma, que também vem ensaiando uma postura mais ativa da presidência na área da segurança.

Existe um bom motivo para os presidentes cruzarem os braços. Para justificar a omissão, os marqueteiros já perceberam que a segurança pública traz apenas ônus político e nenhum bônus ao presidente. Deixando a bucha para os governadores, eles podem se mexer apenas em situação de crise, como salvadores da pátria, depois dos governadores pedirem socorro. Foi o que ocorreu no Espírito Santo, Rio de Janeiro, Santa Catarina, para citar alguns casos.

Trata-se de um argumento eleitoral, que eu já tento derrubar de cara para empatar o jogo. A democracia brasileira vai se fortalecer quando as decisões forem tomadas em cima de valores políticos, e não em decorrência dos valores do mercado eleitoral. Não ouça os marqueteiros, a pior figura surgida na política nacional. Candidatos: mandem-os vender sabão. É para isso que eles servem.

 Outras 6 possibilidades de ação

Só que há outras razões. Abaixo, seguem outras seis importantes possibilidades de ação, discutidas por especialistas em segurança pública, num encontro organizado pelo Instituto Sou da Paz. Esses pontos formam uma agenda de segurança a ser apresentada aos candidatos com o objetivo de obter compromissos com as propostas. Tive o privilégio de participar do debate, ouvindo muito mais do que propondo. São elas:

1) A primeira trata do estabelecimento de um novo pacto federativo. A Constituição de 1988 engessou a gestão da segurança nos estados, definindo competências para as polícias, responsabilidades pelos recursos etc. O arranjo vêm se comprovando um desastre para lidar com o crime. Seria necessário a redefinição das competências e os mecanismos de governança e de financiamento para União, Estados e Municípios. A mudança exige uma emenda constitucional e a liderança do presidente para iniciar a mobilização.

2) Melhorar a produção e a difusão das informações que são matérias-primas para formulação de políticas públicas. São dados consistentes que permitem diagnosticar o problema de forma realista. Diversos estados ainda produzem dados de péssima qualidade, o que impede a qualidade da ação.

3) Criar uma política para a redução de homicídios no país. Recolher armas de fogo, equipar as divisões de homicídio, identificar a dinâmica dos conflitos, atuar de forma focada com políticas de controle e prevenção nos territórios mais violentos. Também é importante reduzir a letalidade policial, que em São Paulo chega a matar perto de 20% do total de vítimas de homicídio.

4) Rediscutir com urgência o modelo de polícia brasileiro. Há um consenso sobre a necessidade de criar polícias de ciclo completo, que façam o trabalho ostensivo e investigativo. A mudança demanda uma emenda na Constituição. Controle externo forte e autônomo, além da alteração de aspectos da natureza militar das polícias, como a extinção da Justiça Militar e a retirada do caráter de força auxiliar do Exército são outras reformas consideradas importantes.

5) Modernizar a política criminal e penitenciária. A ideia é racionalizá-la, prendendo quem comete os crimes mais graves e priorizando alternativas penais para responsabilizar os que comentem crimes mais leves. Também é importante auxiliar os estados a retomar o controle sobre as prisões.

6) Oferecer alternativas à atual política de drogas. São os acusados por tráfico de drogas aqueles que vêm superlotando as prisões. Nos presídios são formados verdadeiros escritórios de droga, de onde são comandados os mercados em diversos estados brasileiros. Os especialistas sugerem a revisão de aspectos da lei de drogas para reduzir o encarceramento de pequenos traficantes.

Placar final: 7 x 1. Há sete razões para o presidente assumir um problema. E um motivo bem sem-vergonha para não entrar.

Participaram da criação da agenda:

Instituto Sou da Paz, Ilona Szabo, Renato Sérgio de Lima, Luiz Flávio Sapori, Haydée Caruso, Claudio Beato, Rodrigo Ghiringhelli, José Luiz Ratton, Eduardo Pazinato, Ignácio Cano e Bruno Paes Manso

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30 Jul 17:44

Wikimedia Foundation Now Accepts Bitcoin

by Lisa Gruwell

We’re fortunate that millions of people all over the world support the work of the Wikimedia Foundation through donations. It has always been important to the Foundation to make sure donating is as simple and inclusive as possible. Currently, we accept 13 different payment methods enabling donations from nearly every country in the world, and today, we’re adding one more: bitcoin.

For those unfamiliar with bitcoin, it’s a relatively new digital currency, currently being accepted by a growing number of institutions and merchants throughout the world. Members of our community have asked the Foundation to start accepting bitcoin. These requests, coupled with recent guidance from the US Internal Revenue Service, encouraged the Foundation to once again review our capacity to accept bitcoin.

During this review, we identified a new way to work around past technical challenges, as well as to minimize the legal risks of accepting bitcoin. Through our work with Coinbase, a bitcoin wallet and payment processor, we’re able to immediately convert bitcoin to U.S. dollars, requiring minimal technical implementation on our end. Since we now also have guidance on how to account for bitcoin, there is a clear understanding of how to legally manage it.

If you are interested in donating bitcoin to the Wikimedia Foundation, you can now do so on our Ways to Give page. Thank you again to all our friends and supporters. Your support enables us to realize the Wikimedia vision – a world in which every single human being can freely share in the sum of all knowledge.

Lisa Gruwell
Chief Revenue Officer, Wikimedia Foundation

2014-07-30: Edited to clarify implementation details

30 Jul 13:19

#Feminism

by Andrew Sullivan

Think "Hard Choices" is boring? Don't blame a candidate-in-waiting. Blame misogyny. From @JessicaValenti: theguardian.com/commentisfree/…


Kaye Toal (@ohkayewhatever) June 11, 2014

Rebecca Traister revisits Susan Faludi’s 1991 Backlash and analyzes the impact of the Internet on the feminist movement:

Feminism online is now so populated with younger women, just out of school. And generations who are new to feminism don’t have a comparative context so they understandably feel furious about the variety of injustices and prejudices that we are facing right now, and furious at the way media deals with women and furious at the way it deals with race and sexuality. But every once in a while, as the older person who remembers this time really clearly, I just want to say, “No, no, no, you have no idea how much better it is right now than it was in the early ’90s, you don’t remember what it was like when there was no feminist internet.” I’m grateful for this book for so thoroughly cataloguing how bad that period of backlash was, how grim it felt then.

Sarah Miller shares Traister’s ambivalence about online feminism and goes further:

I have always called myself a feminist and have no plans to quit. But while I think that the world should certainly have respect for feminism, I’d like to see feminism have a little more respect for chaos and ambiguity. Right now we are in a loop of “This is good.” “This is bad.” “This person is sexist.” The internet and its outrage machine are to blame for some of this lashing out. So is the human desire to lay blame, shouting “It is you who did this! You who thinks adults shouldn’t read teen books! You who make movies where not-so-hot guys get hot girls! You who wrote an article about a bad person and didn’t say he was as bad as I think he is!”

I think back to the Facebook comment about the Santa Barbara shooting: “If you don’t think this is about misogyny there is something wrong with you.” I suppose the thing that is wrong with me is that while I can’t escape the urge to categorize, I am aware of its potential to become pathological.

29 Jul 16:43

Perguntas e Respostas para entender como os palestinos veem Israel

by Gustavo Chacra

1. Os árabes não aceitaram a criação de um Estado judaico em 1947 na ONU?

Verdade. Mas, em 2011, a Palestina buscou reconhecimento como país não membro na Assembleia Geral da ONU dentro das fronteiras  pré-1967 (Cisjordânia. Faixa de Gaza e Jerusalém Oriental). Todos os países árabes, e a maior parte das nações do Mundo votaram a favor, indiretamente reconhecendo Israel no restante do território. Israel votou contra com o argumento de que as fronteiras devem ser negociadas em um acordo bilateral

 2. A Palestina não reconhece Israel?

Mentira. A OLP (Organização Para a Libertação da Palestina) reconhece desde os anos 1990 com os acordos de Oslo. E Israel reconhece o direito a um Estado palestino desde a mesma data. O Hamas não integra a OLP

3. Mas o Hamas prega a destruição de Israel?

Verdade. Está na carta de fundação do grupo. Mas líderes da organização já indicaram que aceitam a Palestina apenas dentro das fronteiras de 1967. Além disso, o Hamas, meses atrás, aceitou apoiar um governo tecnocrático que reconhece a existência de Israel. Mas dois pontos devem ser levados em conta – o Hamas tem um histórico de traição, como vimos ao apoiar rebeldes na Síria contra Bashar al Assad, que os defendeu por anos. E o Hamas, hoje, não tem condição de destruir nem um quarteirão de Israel. Para completar, há membros do governo israelense que não aceitam o direito de a Palestina existir

4. Os países árabes não reconhecem Israel?

Em termos. Todos os países da Liga Árabe ofereceram, em 2002, estabelecer relações diplomáticas com Israel caso o país voltasse para as fronteiras de 1967, reconhecidas pela ONU. Israel não aceitou e prefere negociar com a Autoridade Palestina (Avigdor Lieberman, chanceler de Israel, porém, acha boa a opção de negociar com a Liga Árabe). A proposta ainda está na mesa e tem o apoio dos EUA. Vale lembrar que Egito e Jordânia têm relações diplomáticas com Israel e o Qatar e Omã, entre outros, possuem relações comerciais. No caso egípcio, hoje o regime do Cairo talvez seja o maior aliado de Israel no mundo. Mais até do que os EUA. A Arábia Saudita seria outro importante aliado na questão iraniana

5. E o Irã, a Turquia (que não são árabes) e o Hezbollah, reconhecem Israel?

A Turquia, sim. Inclusive, é um histórico aliado militar israelense. Mas, no atual governo de Erdogan, adotou uma postura radical a favor dos palestinos, inclusive do Hamas, deteriorando as relações dos dois países, embora sem rompimento de relações diplomáticas. O Irã era próximo de Israel até a queda do xá, em 1979. Mas depois virou o maior inimigo. Até pouco tempo atrás, o regime de Teerã era o maior patrocinador do Hamas. Quando o Hamas traiu Assad na Síria, o Irã se distanciou, embora mantenha uma proximidade com o braço militar. O Hezbollah também rompeu com o braço político do Hamas, mas voltou a se aproximar do braço militar, conhecido como Brigadas Qassam. Mas o Irã e o Hezbollah tomam cuidado para não irritar Assad no apoio ao Hamas

6. A Palestina não reconhece Israel como Estado judaico?

Verdade, nos últimos anos. Mas Arafat reconheceu. Abbas, de fato, não reconhece. Vale frisar que Netanyahu, neste seu segundo mandato (não no primeiro), é a primeira liderança israelense a fazer esta exigência em negociações com os palestinos. Até 2009, Israel não fazia esta reivindicação. Bastava reconhecer Israel como Israel. Os palestinos argumentam que esta é uma questão doméstica israelense e levam em conta os árabes cristãos e muçulmanos cidadãos de Israel que não concordam na maioria das vezes com o caráter judaico do Estado

7. Arafat rejeitou uma ótima proposta de Israel em 2000?

Verdade e mais de uma de vez. Deve ser criticado por isso e hoje poderia haver paz na região. Mas Netanyahu rejeitou, por questões domésticas e um mal entendido no processo de negociação, uma proposta ainda melhor para Israel neste ano, em 2014, na qual o presidente palestino aceitava uma Palestina desmilitarizada e com tropas americanas na Cisjordânia por anos e com a transição da segurança para tropas da OTAN comandadas pelos EUA. Segundo os EUA, Israel foi responsável pelo fracasso nas negociações ao não libertar a quarta leva de prisioneiros palestinos e anunciar a construção de mais casas em assentamentos (Israel retruca dizendo que estas casas seriam em assentamentos que ficarão no lado israelense em um acordo final)

8. Palestinos são fanáticos radicais islâmicos?

Mentira. Há palestinos fanáticos e radicais islâmicos, como os membros do Hamas. Mas a maior parte dos palestinos é muçulmana sunita, sem ser religiosa. Yasser Arafat, por exemplo, era casado com uma cristã e batizou a filha. Aliás, há palestinos cristãos e estes sempre estiveram na vanguarda do movimento palestino. A prefeita de Ramallah, capital da Autoridade Palestina, é cristã. A de Belém, também é mulher e cristã. George Habash, um dos maiores líderes históricos palestino, era cristão. Edward Said, maior intelectual palestino, era cristão. Hanan Ashrawi, também histórica líder palestina e uma das maiores críticas de Israel, é cristã. Todos os líderes religiosos cristãos da Terra Santa se identificam como palestinos. Normalmente, eles reclamam da ocupação israelense, que recentemente incorporou terras de famílias cristãs tradicionais de Beit Jala e Belém, na Cisjordânia. Em Gaza, por outro lado, houve crescimento na perseguição a cristãos. Como curiosidade, praticamente não existem xiitas palestinos

Não sei como faz para publicar comentários. Portanto pediria que comentem no meu Facebook (Guga Chacra)  e no Twitter (@gugachacra), aberto para seguidores

Guga Chacra, comentarista de política internacional do Estadão e do programa Globo News Em Pauta em Nova York, é mestre em Relações Internacionais pela Universidade Columbia. Já foi correspondente do jornal O Estado de S. Paulo no Oriente Médio e em NY. No passado, trabalhou como correspondente da Folha em Buenos Aires

Comentários islamofóbicos, antissemitas, anticristãos e antiárabes ou que coloquem um povo ou uma religião como superiores não serão publicados. Tampouco são permitidos ataques entre leitores ou contra o blogueiro. Pessoas que insistirem em ataques pessoais não terão mais seus comentários publicados. Não é permitido postar vídeo. Todos os posts devem ter relação com algum dos temas acima. O blog está aberto a discussões educadas e com pontos de vista diferentes. Os comentários dos leitores não refletem a opinião do jornalista

Acompanhe também meus comentários no Globo News Em Pauta, na Rádio Estadão, na TV Estadão, no Estadão Noite no tablet, no Twitter @gugachacra , no Facebook Guga Chacra (me adicionem como seguidor), no Instagram e no Google Plus. Escrevam para mim no gugachacra at outlook.com. Leiam também o blog do Ariel Palacios

29 Jul 13:01

Muse Be Damned

by Greg Ross

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Anthony_Trollope.jpg

Anthony Trollope established himself as one of the world’s most prolific novelists while holding down a 30-year career as a full-time civil servant.

He did this by simply demanding it of himself. Even while traveling he rose at 5:30 each morning and worked for three hours, “allowing himself no mercy,” counting words as he went and noting his progress on a chart, “so that if at any time I have slipped into idleness for a day or two, the record of that idleness has been there, staring me in the face, and demanding of me increased labour, so that the efficiency might be supplied.” He disdained inspiration: “To me it would not be more absurd if the shoemaker were to wait for inspiration, or the tallow-chandler for the divine moment of melting.”

“All those I think who have lived as literary men — working daily as literary labourers — will agree with me that three hours a day will produce as much as a man ought to write,” he wrote in his autobiography. “But then he should so have trained himself that he shall be able to work continuously during those three hours — so have tutored his mind that it shall not be necessary for him to sit nibbling his pen, and gazing at the wall before him, till he shall have found the words with which he wants to express his ideas. It had at this time become my custom … to write with my watch before me, and to require from myself 250 words every quarter of an hour. I have found that the 250 words have been forthcoming as regularly as my watch went.”

His brother Tom said, “Work to him was a necessity and a satisfaction. He used often to say he envied me the capacity for being idle.”

29 Jul 12:13

You Are Not Late — The Message — Medium

Can you imagine how awesome it would have been to be an entrepreneur in 1985 when almost any dot com name you wanted was available? All words; short ones, cool ones. All you had to do was ask. It didn’t even cost anything to claim. This grand opportunity was true for years. In 1994 a Wired writer noticed that mcdonalds.com was still unclaimed, so with our encouragement he registered it, and then tried to give it to McDonalds, but their cluelessness about the internet was so hilarious it became a Wired story. Shortly before that I noticed that abc.com was not claimed so when I gave a consulting presentation to the top-floor ABC executives about the future of digital I told them that they should get their smartest geek down in the basement to register their own domain name. They didn’t.

The internet was a wide open frontier then. It was easy to be the first in category X. Consumers had few expectations, and the barriers were extremely low. Start a search engine! An online store! Serve up amateur videos! Of course, that was then. Looking back now it seems as if waves of settlers have since bulldozed and developed every possible venue, leaving only the most difficult and gnarly specks for today’s newcomers. Thirty years later the internet feels saturated, bloated, overstuffed with apps, platforms, devices, and more than enough content to demand our attention for the next million years. Even if you could manage to squeeze in another tiny innovation, who would notice it?

Yet if we consider what we have gained online in the last 30 years, this abundance smells almost miraculous. We got: Instant connection with our friends and family anywhere, a customizable stream of news whenever we want it, zoomable 3D maps of most cities of the world, an encyclopedia we can query with spoken words, movies we can watch on a flat slab in our pocket, a virtual everything store that will deliver next day — to name only six out of thousands that could be mentioned.

But, but…here is the thing. In terms of the internet, nothing has happened yet. The internet is still at the beginning of its beginning. If we could climb into a time machine and journey 30 years into the future, and from that vantage look back to today, we’d realize that most of the greatest products running the lives of citizens in 2044 were not invented until after 2014. People in the future will look at their holodecks, and wearable virtual reality contact lenses, and downloadable avatars, and AI interfaces, and say, oh, you didn’t really have the internet (or whatever they’ll call it) back then.

And they’d be right. Because from our perspective now, the greatest online things of the first half of this century are all before us. All these miraculous inventions are waiting for that crazy, no-one-told-me-it-was-impossible visionary to start grabbing the low-hanging fruit — the equivalent of the dot com names of 1984.

Because here is the other thing the greybeards in 2044 will tell you: Can you imagine how awesome it would have been to be an entrepreneur in 2014? It was a wide-open frontier! You could pick almost any category X and add some AI to it, put it on the cloud. Few devices had more than one or two sensors in them, unlike the hundreds now. Expectations and barriers were low. It was easy to be the first. And then they would sigh, “Oh, if only we realized how possible everything was back then!”

So, the truth: Right now, today, in 2014 is the best time to start something on the internet. There has never been a better time in the whole history of the world to invent something. There has never been a better time with more opportunities, more openings, lower barriers, higher benefit/risk ratios, better returns, greater upside, than now. Right now, this minute. This is the time that folks in the future will look back at and say, “Oh to have been alive and well back then!”

The last 30 years has created a marvelous starting point, a solid platform to build truly great things. However the coolest stuff has not been invented yet — although this new greatness will not be more of the same-same that exists today. It will not be merely “better,” it will different, beyond, and other. But you knew that.

What you may not have realized is that today truly is a wide open frontier. It is the best time EVER in human history to begin.

You are not late.

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29 Jul 11:57

Pisos, tetos e bolsas - Política - Geral - Estadão Mobile

José Roberto de Toledo - O Estado de S.Paulo

Bocejo dos bocejos, a intenção de voto em Dilma Rousseff (PT) não muda desde abril. A falta de movimento e novidade aumenta a frequência de títulos que querem enxergá-los onde não existem. Dilma "cai" e "sobe" em casas decimais imaginárias. Às vezes, a notícia é explicar a ausência de notícia.

Um entediado poderia se indagar sobre o motivo pelo qual Dilma, a despeito da piora dos indicadores e das expectativas econômicas, nunca vai abaixo de 36% - na média dos institutos calculada pelo Estadão Dados. As raras pesquisas em que isso ocorreu foram pontos fora da curva, o que é tão mais esperado quão mais pesquisas são feitas. Os pontos estavam fora porque nas pesquisas seguintes ela voltou aonde estava. Vale a curva.

Por que, então, Dilma tem um piso tão acima do que tem sido, por enquanto, o teto dos seus adversários? A recente pesquisa Ibope permite testar muitas hipóteses, mas confirma poucas.

O primeiro motivo parece óbvio, mas não necessariamente é: Dilma é conhecida de praticamente todo o eleitorado. Ter mais presença na memória do eleitor do que os concorrentes é uma vantagem, porém, apenas quando se é popular. A presidente deve ter saudades de quando 20% dos eleitores achavam seu governo ruim ou péssimo. Desde abril, sua desaprovação supera 30%.

Logo, a alta taxa de reconhecimento do seu nome não explica por que o colchão de Dilma na opinião pública é tão alto e resiliente. Afunda, mas volta. Há de haver outra explicação.

E há. Mais de uma.

O Ibope perguntou ao eleitor se ele ou alguém em sua casa é beneficiário de ao menos 1 entre 16 programas federais, como Bolsa Família, Prouni, Minha Casa Minha Vida, Luz para Todos e Farmácia Popular. Pelas respostas, um terço do eleitorado vive em domicílios onde pelo menos uma pessoa se beneficia diretamente por algum desses programas do governo. Isso, 33%.

A pergunta óbvia é "como votam esses eleitores?"

A maioria absoluta, 51%, declarou que votaria em Dilma. O dado consolidado pode ser enganador, porém. Apenas um dos programas federais faz diferença na eleição, justamente o maior e mais famoso de todos eles: entre os beneficiários do Bolsa Família a presidente chega a 58% das intenções de voto. Na média dos atendidos pelos outros 15 programas, a taxa de voto em Dilma é 38% - alta, mas igual à sua média no eleitoral total.

A interpretação enfadada desses números levaria à conclusão de que a candidata do PT só está à frente dos seus adversários na corrida eleitoral por causa do clientelismo do Bolsa Família. Infelizmente para a oposição, as coisas nunca são tão simples assim. Entre quem não ganha nada do governo federal - nem ele próprio nem ninguém de sua família - Dilma tem 32%.

E Aécio Neves (PSDB)? O principal candidato oposicionista tem uma taxa de votos muito mais alta entre os "sem programa" do que entre os beneficiários: 25%, contra 16%. Se não houvesse Bolsa Família e similares, o tucano estreitaria sua diferença em relação à presidente, mas ainda ficaria sete pontos atrás.

Dos 38% de intenção de voto em Dilma, 17 pontos percentuais vêm do dito assistencialismo federal, mas os outros 21 pontos são de eleitores que nada têm a ver com o Bolsa Família e quetais. Do mesmo modo, quase metade dos eleitores assistidos pelos programas do governo não declaram voto na presidente: 16% votam em Aécio; 7%, em Eduardo Campos (PSB); 6% nos nanicos; 12% vão anular ou votar em branco; 7% são indecisos.

Dar bolsa ao eleitor aumenta em 60% as chances do candidato ganhar seu voto, mas não o garante. O alto conhecimento de Dilma e o assistencialismo explicam apenas em parte a resiliência da intenção de voto da presidente. O resto vem de quem aprecia o Bolsa Família e similares mesmo sem recebê-los. Quem? Isso é assunto para outra entrevista com os dados.

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29 Jul 11:55

9 casos de tortura ou de tratamento cruel

 1 Policiais militares prenderam I.J, K.L., e M.N. em maio de 2012 e os levaram ao 58º Batalhão da Polícia Militar de Salvador, no Estado da Bahia. Os suspeitos depuseram em juízo que os policiais os haviam espancado e estrangulado para forçá-los a confessar a posse de drogas e armas de fogo, alegações corroboradas por exames de corpo de delito que mostram diversas lesões em seus rostos, joelhos, cotovelos e peitos no dia de sua prisão.

2 Policiais civis prenderam R.F. em junho de 2012 e o conduziram para a 11ª Delegacia de Polícia. Em depoimento prestado à Corregedoria da Polícia Civil do Estado de São Paulo, R.F. relatou que os policiais o levaram para uma sala no segundo andar da delegacia, onde um deles chutou e desferiu tapas e choques elétricos nos seus braços e pernas para forçá-lo a confessar um furto de máquinas da agência de banco onde trabalhava. Esse relato foi corroborado por um exame de corpo de delito de R.F. realizado na noite dos supostos abusos e por uma testemunha entrevistada pela Human Rights Watch.

3 Em janeiro de 2013, agentes penitenciários obrigaram 52 detentos do Presídio de Vila Velha III, localizado no Estado do Espírito Santo, a se sentarem nus em pisos escaldantes, em retaliação a um protesto por falta de água no presídio. A Human Rights Watch analisou documentos oficiais, fotografias e depoimentos que indicam que vários detentos sofreram queimaduras graves nas nádegas. Um detento relatou à polícia civil que, ao se queixarem das queimaduras, alguns presos foram agredidos e atingidos por spray de pimenta. As autoridades prisionais também suspenderam visitas aos detentos por oito dias após o incidente.

4 No primeiro semestre de 2013, sete policiais do 1o Batalhão da Tropa de Choque de São Paulo, Rondas Ostensivas Tobias de Aguiar (ROTA), detiveram o jovem de 17 anos Z.Z. em sua residência e o levaram para uma delegacia. Após ser liberado por falta de provas, Z.Z. voltou para a delegacia e relatou que os policiais da ROTA o haviam espancado e aplicado choques elétricos em sua barriga por mais de 30 minutos em sua residência, enquanto perguntavam se ele era “um tal de Zabo”. Os policiais teriam ameaçado que “não esqueceriam [dele] e voltariam para queimá-lo” se ele denunciasse os abusos. Em depoimento formal à Polícia Civil, um vizinho de Z.Z. afirmou que “ouviu gemidos e gritos de Z.Z. pedindo para os policiais pararem de bater nele”, e logo em seguida viu os policiais o arrastarem até uma viatura policial com o rosto e a barriga inchados e vermelhos.

5 Quatro jovens com idades entre 22 e 25 anos foram presos em 27 de junho de 2013 depois de supostamente confessarem o estupro e o homicídio de uma menina de 14 anos na região metropolitana de Curitiba, no Estado do Paraná. No entanto, os jovens relataram à Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (Seção do Paraná), que policiais os levaram a diferentes delegacias onde foram espancados e sufocados, além de receberem choques elétricos, para confessar o crime. Uma semana depois, peritos concluíram que o sêmen encontrado na vítima não correspondia com o DNA dos quatro acusados. Após cobertura extensiva do caso pela mídia nacional, o Grupo de Atuação Especial de Combate ao Crime Organizado do Ministério Público Estadual denunciou 19 policiais e outros agentes pelo crime de tortura contra os suspeitos.

6 Em julho de 2013, Amarildo Dias de Souza (“Amarildo”) desapareceu após ter sido detido por policiais militares na comunidade da Rocinha na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Os policiais afirmaram que soltaram Amarildo e que ele havia deixado a Unidade de Polícia Pacificadora (UPP) da Rocinha a pé. Porém, de acordo com um delegado que apurou o caso, as filmagens das câmeras de segurança do local somente registraram a saída de viaturas policiais. Em outubro de 2013, promotores estaduais ofereceram denúncia criminal contra 25 policiais pela tortura de Amarildo com choques elétricos, asfixia e afogamento com o intuito de forçá-lo a revelar o local onde traficantes de drogas teriam escondido armas de fogo e drogas.

7 Na véspera da prisão de Amarildo, policiais militares levaram o jovem X.Z., de 16 anos, ao Centro de Comando e Controle da Rocinha e o ameaçaram com violência sexual, colocaram sua cabeça dentro de um vaso sanitário cheio de fezes e o forçaram a ingerir cera líquida para que revelasse os nomes de traficantes de drogas, conforme relataram os pais do jovem à Human Rights Watch e ao Ministério Público do Rio em novembro de 2013. Promotores estaduais também denunciaram a tortura do jovem C.D., de 15 anos, que teria sido levado ao mesmo Centro de Comando e Controle em maio de 2013, sufocado com um saco plástico e ameaçado de estupro e morte se ele não revelasse o esconderijo de drogas e armas de traficantes locais.

8 E.F. e G.H., ambos com 17 anos, foram presos em agosto de 2013 por suposto envolvimento com o tráfico de drogas no município de Caieiras, interior de São Paulo. Um vídeo divulgado pela imprensa em outubro mostra vários policiais agredindo E.F. e G.H., perguntando-lhes, “cadê o patrão?” e ameaçando-os, “não chora porque você é homem! Homem não chora”. E.F. declarou que os policiais também o sufocaram com um saco plástico e ameaçaram matá-lo se ele não delatasse os traficantes em Caieiras, segundo o defensor de direitos humanos Ariel de Castro Alves, que entrevistou os jovens logo após sua detenção. O repórter da Ponte, André Caramante, então na Folha de S. Paulo, denunciou o caso.

9 Em agosto de 2013, imagens das câmeras de segurança da unidade da Vila Maria da Fundação Casa em São Paulo, que vazaram para a imprensa, mostraram funcionários da unidade espancando seis jovens após uma tentativa de fuga em maio de 2013. Dois funcionários podem ser vistos chutando e batendo nos adolescentes com seus punhos e cotovelos, enquanto os jovens se encolhem contra uma parede em roupas íntimas, com as mãos para trás. O diretor da unidade e três outros funcionários supostamente envolvidos no episódio foram afastados de seus postos.

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28 Jul 22:59

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