The April 27th issue of Jinja Shinpō carried the annual article about newly graduated priests on its front page. This article is about priests who have completed full-time courses, mostly at Kōgakkan and Kokugakuin Universities. (There are half-a-dozen much smaller institutions around the country, but they had a total of only thirteen graduates this year.) It does not include people who train part-time, or through the short (eight weeks or so) courses held by prefectural Jinjachō. I do not know exact numbers for priests trained through these two routes, but my impression is that, taken together, they are on about the same scale as the universities. Influential priests, on the other hand, have almost all graduated from one of the two universities.
This year, Kōgakkan had 59 graduates, seven fewer than last year, of whom 52 (one fewer than last year) went to serve at jinja. There were another five people who were at the university but qualified as priests through other routes (the article does not go into detail), and who went to serve at jinja. Eighteen of the graduates were women, and fifteen went to serve at jinja. Nine of them became priests, two miko, and six went to work in jinja offices. (Those numbers appear to include two of the non-graduate priests, but the article does not say where they went.)
Kokugakuin had 135 graduates, one fewer than last year, of whom 92 went to serve at jinja. Forty six of the graduates were female, and 24 women went to serve at jinja. Fourteen women went to serve as full-time priests, seven as part-time priests, and three as miko or administrative staff. Of the five graduates who went on to graduate school, three were women.
Only 68.1% of Kokugakuin graduates went to serve at jinja, as compared to 88.1% at Kōgakkan, and the Kokugakuin proportion is down 6.1 percentage points on last year. This is directly addressed in the article, and the university raises two points. First, they have a high proportion of students who are not from hereditary priestly families, and they have a tendency to go into other lines of work. Second, young people today do not expect to spend their entire career working in the company they first join (which was the expectation in Japan not so long ago), and the university does get enquiries from qualified individuals who have worked in another field and want to shift into the priesthood.
Both universities commented that the new priests were looking at serving all across Japan, and that jinja in or near their hometowns were a popular choice — even for people who were not going to serve at their family jinja. This is a positive change from a few years ago, when new priests were focused on big cities.
At Kōgakkan, 31% of the graduates were women, and 83% of them went to serve at jinja, as compared to 90% of the men. Given the small numbers involved, I’m not sure that the difference in the latter numbers is significant. At Kokugakuin, on the other hand, 34% of the graduates were women, and 52% of them went to serve at jinja, as opposed to 76% of the men. That difference does look significant. I am not sure how to interpret it, though, given the much smaller difference at Kōgakkan.
I have saved the most worrying statistics for last, however. Kōgakkan was informed of 359 vacancies at 175 jinja, and was able to fill 44 of them. Kokugakuin was informed of 372 vacancies at 204 jinja, and managed to fill 37 of them. If we assume that every jinja that approached Kōgakkan also approached Kokugakuin (which is almost certainly not true), then about 22% of the vacancies were filled. If all the jinja only approached one university then about 11% of the vacancies were filled. I am sure that some of these vacancies are repeated over multiple years, so the universities could not consistently place five times their current numbers, but even so the crisis of recruitment in Shinto is plain.
This is a problem that the Shinto community does not seem to be taking any concrete steps to address, although it is one that they are well aware of. I do not know why.
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