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27 Oct 00:53

Against Nature Nahuatl Glossary

by Lawrence Burton

Pronunciation is generally consistent with Spanish with x yielding a soft sh sound as in sherry, tl representing a single phoneme similar to the ch in loch, qu generally being a hard k, and hu amounting to w; so, by way of example, Ahuizotl is pronounced aweezotl, huexotl is pronounced weh-shotl, and Quetzalcoatl being ketzal-kwa-tl.

Fictional characters or concepts are denoted in bold italics.

Acamapichtli. first and founding Tlatoani of the Mexica centre of Tenochtitlan (1375 - 1395), former Cihuacoatl to the court of Culhuacan, born of a Culhua mother and Mexica father.
Achicatzin. a son of Axayacatl, brother of Xocoyotzin.
Acolhua. one of the numerous chichimec tribes who settled the Valley of Mexico from the seventh century onwards, associated primarily with the centres of Coatlinchan and Texcoco.
Acolmiztli. Acolhua Tlatoani of Coatlinchan (early fourteenth century), also a minor Death God.
Acuauhtla. small town east of Chalco at the southern extent of the Valley of Mexico, now San Francisco Acuauhtla.
ahuehuetl. cypress tree.
Ahuizotl. eighth Mexica Tlatoani of Tenochtitlan (1486 - 1502).
Amimitl. Hunter God of lakes and lake fishermen.
Anahuac. Mexico.
aoompa. a fool, one who walks along looking all around.
Apan. the great ocean found at the eastern limit of Tlalocan.
Atepexolotl. the beast of the city foreseen by Ocotochtli.
atlachinolli. symbolic conflation of fire and water, an explosive union of opposing forces representing sacred war.
Atlaua. Hunter God of lakes and lake fishermen.
Atlazol. a minor official within the court of Xocoyotzin, possibly a nephew of Itzcoatl.
Atlixocan. the mythic location of the entrance to Cincalco.
Atonal. an elder man of Xochimilco.
Atotonilco. town to which Tezozomoc reputedly sent warriors in search of the fugitive Acamapichtli, presumably Atotonilco el Grande in the state of Hidalgo.
Axayacatl. sixth Mexica Tlatoani of Tenochtitlan (1469 - 1481), father to Motecuhzoma Xocoyotzin.
axocotl. hog plum.
Ayahueltec. a resident of Ayahueltlan.
Ayahueltlan. a town of dubious provenance.
Ayotzinco. small town to the south of Xicco in the Valley of Mexico, now Santa Catarina Ayotzingo.
Azcapotzalco. Tecpanec centre on the western shore of Lake Texcoco in the Valley of Mexico, Tecpanec capitol prior to the defeat of the Tecpanec hegemony by Itzcoatl in 1428.
Aztec. a tribal resident of Aztlan, ancestor to the Mexica.
Aztlan. the mythic island home of the Aztecs, variously reported to have been somewhere in the north of Mexico, or even in the United States, although Mexcaltitlan on the west coast seems a promising candidate.

Calmecac. clerical school.
Camaxtli. Hunter God.
Ce Calli. One House - day 183 of the 260 day Tonalpohualli count.
Ce Calli. One House - a specific trecena of the tonalpohualli calendar, a group of thirteen days sharing certain qualities and beginning on the day Ce Calli.
Ce Calli. One House - year 40 of the 52 year Xiuhmolpilli.
Ce Izcuintli. One Dog - a specific trecena of the tonalpohualli calendar, a group of thirteen days sharing certain qualities and beginning on the day Ce Izcuintli.
Ce Tochtli. One Rabbit - year 1 of the 52 year Xiuhmolpilli.
Centeotl. Corn God.
Chalchiuhtlatonac, Codex. indigenous account of events in and around the Valley of Mexico dated to the early 1500s.
Chalca. one of the numerous chichimec tribes who settled the lakes to the south of the Valley of Mexico from the seventh century onwards, associated primarily with the centres of Chalco and Xicco.
chalchihuitl. jade, a precious stone.
Chalchihuitlicue. River Goddess.
Chalco. Chalca centre on the eastern shore of the lakes south of Lake Texcoco in the Valley of Mexico.
Chalco Atenco. see Chalco.
Chantico. Goddess of the hearth and volcanic fire.
Chapultepetl. woodland area on the west bank of Lake Texcoco centred around the hill of Chapultepec.
chiauhcoatl. rattlesnake.
Chichimec. generic term for members of the nomadic tribes which began to arrive in the Valley of Mexico around the seventh century, mostly but not exclusively Nahuatl speakers.
Chicoce Cuauhtli. Six Eagle - day 175 of the 260 day Tonalpohualli count.
Chicoloapan. river on the eastern shore of Lake Texcoco in the Valley of Mexico, now Chicoloapan de Juarez.
Chicome Cozcacuauhtli. Seven Vulture - day 176 of the 260 day Tonalpohualli count.
Chiconahui Izcuintli. Calendrical designation of the Goddess Chantico.
Chimalma. mother of Quetzalcoatl and consort of Mixcoatl.
Chimalpopoca, Codex. indigenous account of events in and around the Valley of Mexico dated to the early 1500s.
chinampa. an artificially constructed field built up from the bed of a shallow lake with bricks of mud and soil.
Chitilma. an Ixtilli and colleague of Momacani.
Chollolan. large centre to the east of the Valley of Mexico, now Cholula de Rivadavia.
Cihuatecuhtli Hueyhueycuauhtliocelotlalayotl. Lorraine Conti.
cihuacoatl. political office roughly equating to first minister.
Cihuatlan. the land of women found at the western limit of Tlalocan, sometimes conflated with Tamoanchan.
Cincalco. a lesser known region of the dead associated with those who have perished by suicide.
Coahualxiuh. phonetic Nahuatl rendering of the name Goralschai which clumsily yields Fire in the Serpent.
Coatepetl. hill on the eastern shore of Lake Texcoco in the Valley of Mexico, now Coatepec.
Coatlicue. mother of Huitzilopochtli.
Coatlinchan. Acolhua centre on the eastern shore of Lake Texcoco in the Valley of Mexico, now San Miguel Coatlinchan.
copal. resin incense derived from the plant Protium copal.
Cuauhnahuac. large centre to the far south of the Valley of Mexico, now Cuernavaca.
Culhua. one of the numerous chichimec tribes who settled the Valley of Mexico from the seventh century onwards, associated primarily with Culhuacan and tracing certain dynastic ties back to Tollan.
CulhuacanCulhua centre on the southern shore of Lake Texcoco in the Valley of Mexico.

Ehecatepetl. hill on west bank of Lake Texcoco in the Valley of Mexico, now Ecatepec.
Ehecatl. Wind God and aspect of Quetzalcoatl.
Ehecatztintli. a priest who summoned the demon Coahualxiuh according to Codex Chalchiuhtlatonac.

Huastec. culture group inhabiting Mexico's northern gulf coast region and belonging to Macro-Mayan language stream.
Huehueicnocaltlan. the ultimate location of House Meddhoran.
Huemac. purportedly the ninth and final Tlatoani of the Toltecs, a man led into decadence by the sorcerer Tezcatlipoca, and who  thus brought about the destruction of his people at some point during the twelfth century.
Huetepol. a priest who summoned the demon Coahualxiuh according to Codex Chalchiuhtlatonac.
huexocanauhtli. black-crowned night heron.
huexotl. willow tree.
Huexotzinca. the people of Huexotzinco, a centre to the south of Chollolan.
huipil. blouse.
Huitzilopochtli. Patron God and culture hero of the Mexica.
Huitztlan. the Land of Thorns found at the southern limit of Tlalocan.
Huixachtepetlprominent hill to the south of Tenochtitlan, now Cerro de la Estrella.

Icnopilli. a senior and founding member of the Ixtilque.
ihiyotl. shadowy component of the tripartite Nahua soul.
Ihuilcamina. see Motecuhzoma Ihuilcamina.
Ilancueitl. wife of Acamapichtli.
ilhuitl. a festival period of twenty days, a Mexican month by some definition of which eighteen made up the solar year.
Itzcoatl. fourth Mexica Tlatoani of Tenochtitlan (1427 - 1440).
Itzlacoliuhqui. Frost God.
Itzpapalotl. Malign Goddess.
Itztapalapan. town on the southern shore of Lake Texcoco linked to Tenochtitlan by a major causeway.
ixihtec. an essence or quality.
Ixiptla. a person chosen to impersonate a God for a period of time.
Ixomitectin. people who wear masks of bone derived from unknown beasts.
Ixpuztec. minor Death God.
Ixtilcalli. the court of the Ixtilque, a subdivision of the Calmecac.
Ixtilli. a member of the Ixtilque.
Ixtilque. plural of Ixtilli and meaning People of Authority, a secretive organisation purportedly established during Ahuizotl's tenure.
Iztaccihuatl. one of the two largest volcanoes of the Valley of Mexico.

macehual. a commoner, generally meaning a young male.
Macuilli Ocelotl. Five Jaguar - day 174 of the 260 day Tonalpohualli count.
Macuilmalinaltzin. regional governor of Xochimilco during the reign of Motecuhzoma Xocoyotzin.
Matlacoatl. an Ixtilli and colleague of Momacani.
Mactlactome Calli. Twelve House - year 12 of the 52 year Xiuhmolpilli.
Mactlactome Malinalli. Twelve Grass - day 12 of the 260 day Tonalpohualli count.
Mexitin. plural of Mexica.
Micapetlacoli. minor Death God.
michihuauhtli. literally fish amaranth, a curd of mosquito larva and insects harvested from lake waters for consumption, probably not a delicacy.
Mictecacihuatl. Death Goddess and consort of Mictlantecuhtli.
Mictlan. the Realm of the Fleshless found at the northern limit of Tlalocan.
Mictlantecuhtli. Death God and ruler of Mictlan.
Miec. the group of stars known in recent times as the Pleiades.
Mixcoatl. Hunter God and father to Quetzalcoatl.
mizquitl. mesquite tree.
Mocolxiutecatl. meaning Those of the Lineage of Time Twisted upon Itself.
Momacani. A young Ixtilli of uncertain origin.
Motecuhzoma Ihuilcamina. fifth Mexica Tlatoani of Tenochtitlan (1440 - 1469); father to Axayacatl, Tizoc, and Ahuizotl.
Motecuhzoma Xocoyotzin. ninth Mexica Tlatoani of Tenochtitlan (1502 - 1520).

nahualli. spirit guide or twin, today referred to as the nagual.
Nahuatl. major indigenous Mexican language presently spoken by some two million people.
Nahui Acatl. Four Reed - day 173 of the 260 day Tonalpohualli count.
Nanautzin. Creator God and lowly aspect of Quetzalcoatl.
Nauhyotl. Acamapichtli's loyal adviser and grandfather.
Nemontemi. group of five unfavourable days occurring at the end of the solar year and outside the agricultural and civic calendars.
Nenecuani. a priest who summoned the demon Coahualxiuh according to Codex Chalchiuhtlatonac.
Nexquimilli. apparition of ill-omen taking the form of an ashen mummy bundle.
Nextepehua. minor Death God.
Nezahualcoyotl. sixth Acolhua Tlatoani of Texcoco (1418 - 1520).
nopal. cactus, prickly pear.

Ocotochtli. aged priest, formerly the sponsor of Momacani.
octli. alcoholic beverage made from maguey sap.
Olac Xochimilco. see Xochimilco.
ololiuhqui. morning glory plant.
Ome Acatl. Two Reed - year 2 of the 52 year Xiuhmolpilli.
Ome Ozmatli.  Two Dog - day 210 of the 260 day Tonalpohualli count.
Otomí. one of the numerous chichimec tribes who settled the Valley of Mexico from the seventh century onwards, associated primarily with the centres of Otompan and linguistically distinct from the Nahuatl speaking groups.
Otompan. Otomí centre in the north-east of the Valley of Mexico, today Otumba.
Oztomeca. a clandestine subset of the Pochteca guild.

Papaztac. Minor Octli God.
Paynalozmatli. an Ixtilli and colleague of Momacani.
pinauiztli. beetle of ill-omen.
Pochteca. travelling trader.
Popocatepetl. one of the two largest volcanoes of the Valley of Mexico.
Popoloca. culture group found to the east of the Valley of Mexico and speaking a language regarded by the Mexica as unintelligible.

Quecholli. yearly twenty day hunting festival, ilhuitl 2.3 of the agricultural and civic calendar roughly contemporaneous to November in the Gregorian count.
Quetzalcoatl. God of wisdom and culture hero commonly identified with a former ruler of Tollan.
Quetzalpetlatl. sister to Quetzalcoatl.
Quilaztli. Creator Goddess.
Quiname. a long extinct race of giants.

Tamoanchan. the land of women found at the western limit of Tlalocan, sometimes conflated with Cihuatlan.
Tecciztecatl. Lunar God and aspect of Tezcatlipoca.
tecolotl. screech owl.
Tecpaneca. one of the numerous chichimec tribes who settled the Valley of Mexico from the seventh century onwards, associated primarily with the centres of Azcapotzalco and Tlacopan.
Tecpatl. knife, also standing for the northern direction and sacrifice.
tecuitlatl. spirulina algae.
Temazcalteci. Matriarchal Goddess.
Tenochtitlan. Mexica centre founded on the largest island of the southern reaches of Lake Texcoco in the Valley of Mexico
Tenquauhui. a minor official within the court of Motecuhzoma Xocoyotzin.
Teotihuacan. large centre in the north of the Valley of Mexico built and then abandoned around the seventh century, and wrongly believed to have been the work of the Toltecs up until fairly recent times.
Tepeilhuitl. yearly twenty day festival in honour of the mountains, ilhuitl 2.2 of the agricultural and civic calendar roughly contemporaneous to October in the Gregorian count.
Tepeyollotl. volcanic aspect of the God Tezcatlipoca.
Teuhtlan. town to the far south of the Valley of Mexico.
Texcoco. Acolhua centre on the eastern shore of Lake Texcoco in the Valley of Mexico
Tezcatlipoca. major Fate God of which but one lesser manifestation is the Towering Man.
tezontli. red volcanic stone.
Tezozomoc. early Tecpanec Tlatoani of Azcapotzalco (1343 - 1426).
tilmatli. cotton cloak.
Tititl. yearly twenty day generative festival, ilhuitl 2.6 of the agricultural and civic calendar roughly contemporaneous to January in the Gregorian count.
Tizapaan. barren volcanic plane in the Valley of Mexico upon which the Mexica were obliged to reside during their nomadic period.
Tlacalael. legendary Cihuacoatl to the court of Itzcoatl and four successive Mexica rulers.
Tlacopan. Tecpanec centre on the western shore of Lake Texcoco in the Valley of Mexico
Tlahuixcalpantecuhtli. God of Venus as the Morning Star.
Tlaloc. Rain God.
Tlalocan. that which is below the Earth.
tlamacazqui. priest.
Tlamatzincatl. the youngest aspect of Tezcatlipoca.
tlatoani. ruler or dynastic leader.
Tlazolteotl. Matriarchal Goddess of sin, sexual love and weaving.
tlazoteotecatl. a coarse grass.
Tlohtoxcatl. an ageing Tlamacazqui by the Nahuatl rendering of his name, elsewhere famously given as Tlotoxl which, being meaningless, was presumably set down by a non-Nahuatl speaker.
Tohcual. a priest who summoned the demon Coahualxiuh according to Codex Chalchiuhtlatonac.
Tollan. Toltec centre in far north of the Valley of Mexico which fell into ruin sometime around 1170, now Tula de Allende.
Tolteca. theoretically one of the first Nahuatl speaking groups to arrive in the valley of Mexico sometime around the fifth or sixth century.
tonalli. heat, one component of the tripartite Nahua soul.
tonalpohualli. the divinatory calendar.
Tonatiuhcan. the solar afterlife of those who perish in battle or by sacrifice located at Ilhuicatl Tonatiuh, the fourth level of heaven.
Totonac. culture group found to the north-east of the Valley of Mexico and regarded by the Mexica as rustic.
Tozoztontli. yearly twenty day agricultural festival, ilhuitl 1.2 of the agricultural and civic calendar roughly contemporaneous to March in the Gregorian count.
Tzitzimime. celestial demons which will one day descend to Earth as spiders down silken threads to devour the living.
Tzonatatetl. an aide to Acamapichtli.
Tzontemoc. Death God.
Tzonpanco. town based on an island to the far north of Lake Texcoco in the Valley of Mexico, today Zumpango.

Xicco. Chalca centre built upon a large volcanic island in the eastern stretch of the lakes south of Lake Texcoco in the Valley of Mexico.
Xilonen. Corn Goddess.
Xipe Totec. Corn God.
xiuhmolpilli. the tonalpohualli equivalent of a century, a period of fifty-two years equating to a single cycle of the calendar.
Xiuhtecuhtli. God of Fire and Time.
Xochimilca. one of the numerous chichimec tribes who settled the lakes to the south of the Valley of Mexico from the seventh century onwards, associated primarily with Xochimilco.
Xochimilco. Xochimilca centre built on the southern shore of Lake Xochimilco, itself south of Lake Texcoco in the Valley of Mexico.
Xochipilli. a God of song and revelry responsible for punishing sins of excess.
Xochitonal. a monstrous alligator found in Mictlan.
Xocoyotzin. see Motecuhzoma Xocoyotzin.
Xolotl. twin of Quetzalcoatl and Venus as the evening star.

Yaotl. a female aspect of Tezcatlipoca.
Yauhtlan. centre to the far south of the Valley of Mexico.
Yauhtloc. an ageing Tlamacazqui by the Nahuatl rendering of his name, elsewhere famously given as Autloc, which, being meaningless, was presumably set down by a non-Nahuatl speaker.
Yei Malinalli. Three Grass - day 172 of the 260 day Tonalpohualli count.
yolia. breath, one component of the tripartite Nahua soul.
yollotototl. honey creeper  or bananaquit bird.
Youaltepoztli. aspect of Tezcatlipoca appearing as a headless giant.
26 Sep 17:27

Falling Disorder (mid-1970s)

by About me

In the mid-1970s, Scarfolk was under pressure from the government to investigate a high incidence of suicides and tourist deaths in the region.* In 1974 alone there were 356 cases.

The mayor appointed the council-funded Scarfolk College, which was run by Dr. James Marde, the mayor's "bestest friend in the whole wide world," to help conduct the enquiry.

A trained psychologist, Dr. Marde soon identified a hitherto unknown condition, which he named Falling Disorder. It was this, he insisted, that was responsible for the many inexplicable demises.

According to Marde, Falling Disorder led the sufferer to tie their hands behind their own back and hurl themselves from high places.

The discovery appears to have made a considerable impact because council statistics showed that there were zero official reports of suicides or unlawful deaths in 1975, and the government was appeased. However, there were approximately 360 new cases of terminal Falling Disorder.


*For a related post go here to learn about 'Scarfolk Drop'.
07 Sep 23:54

The latest news

by Charlie Stross

This is my surprised face.

Nope?

Okay: This is my ironic face.

(Same face. I don't gamble, otherwise it would be my poker face, too.)

I am having enourmous trouble resisting the urge to say "v gbyq lbh fb", so, er, v gbyq lbh fb, only you mistook it for pulp/genre fiction. And by you, I don't mean you, I mean everyone who had the opportunity to read Applied Cryptography or The Puzzle Palace back in the day, and didn't. (Or even Bruce Sterling's Hacker Crackdown, which is free on the interwebbytubes these days and they know you know it, too.)

Ah, what's the use? We did this to ourselves, or by negligence allowed it to happen. This is the emergent consequence of the west lacking the moral spine to keep its utilitarian appetites in check in the wake of the collapse of the ideological rivalry that was the only thing that kept the Owners straight for so many decades.

And now we're screwed. Welcome to the Panopticon, it's been nice being able to live in ignorance of your innermost secrets for so long.

07 Sep 10:41

I could have been Issy Stapleton.

by Neurodivergent K
If you want to tell me I'm judgemental, go away. You aren't wanted here. I'm going to say harsh things about autism parents. You have a choice to go away, or to actually think about them. Being an asshat or sympathizing with abusers and murderers isn't an option.
I could have been Issy Stapleton. If I'd been 10, 15 years younger? Oh so easily could I have been Issy Stapleton. For a variety of factors had I been killed when I was 14 (so in 1997 or so) you'd never have heard my name. But had I been 14 in 2007? Oh yeah.

See, my mom got off on the attention that extremes got her. We were talented athletes-and she made sure everyone knew. She got off on having a child who placed at State and Nationals regularly in a very difficult sport. No, really. She'd drag me into her work with my little warmup suit and my trophies. It was embarrassing, because I knew the only reason she was doing it was to one up someone whose kid made the starting lineup or something.

But she also got off on saying profoundly negative things. Now, she didn't lie, exactly. But she fudged the truth. She would present stories so as to erase her role in them.

I keep seeing "Issy was violent" portrayed as an excuse. Thing is? My mom could have made the same case. I tossed her across the room more than once. I bit her more than a few times in my teens. Pulled her hair once or twice. Kicked. Knew better than to hit because my legs are stronger. But this was not  unprovoked. My mother's idea  of a good time was to provoke a meltdown, then get in my face, try to hold me down. It feels like suffocating, being in a prone restraint.

And I am stronger than my mom. I kicked her, pushed her off, to survive. She banged my head into the wall, so I pushed her off as hard as I could. She dislocated my shoulders, so I kicked her off. She had her hand and arm over my face, so I bit her. I was in fight or flight, and flight isn't an option when someone is trying to keep you there. Flight was my first choice. I was forced into fight, and to survive I had to win.

Are you still feeling sorry for my mom? Really? If you are your empathy is misplaced. And don't try to tell me for a second that she lost herself in the moment because she was overwhelmed. She never touched my face. Not once. Just parts of me that were covered with hair or clothing, or that could have been bruised other ways.

My mother was violent first. And I have no doubt that Kelli Stapleton also did things that made Issy feel trapped, where fight was the option because flight was made impossible.

While my mom had to call people or tell people in person that her life was hard and that her 90 pound daughter beat her up (neglecting the part where she started it. I have dents in my skull and a chronically subluxating shoulder from her), Kelli Stapleton had it so much easier. She could tape shit and youtube it, or type it up and post it to a blog for the whole world to see in minutes. She could reach more people in 10 minutes with her sob story than my mom could in 10 days.

If my mom had known she could get away with it? Be lionized for it even? She would have done the same thing. With thousands of people who she knew had her back? She would have been on it. Our garage would have been cleaned specifically for the purpose. She'd have found a way that I'd die and she'd survive (probably a method of poisoning. My 90 pounds to her 150 means that I'd be oh so slightly more susceptible, in theory) but yet get sympathy. If she knew hundreds of people would support her, that the media would support her, I have no doubt in my mind she would have gone for it.

There is no extreme like "I tried to kill my child and myself". That's even better than "My kid won a medal at the 2nd highest level at power tumbling nationals". It rolls off the tongue so much easier. People know what you are talking about. And for some reason, people just love parents who are supposedly driven to extremes.

My mother would have gleefully destroyed my privacy on a blog. When applauded for it, she would have gleefully kept pushing and pushing. And when she saw that the most attention and support goes to people who kill their children?

I would have been dead.

Issy Stapleton is one of us. I could have been her, oh so easily. Many of us could have.

Think about that before telling me not to judge. Not  only is judgement healthy, but I have every right to judge. I lived Issy's life, just before every parent had a blog. Those are the shoes I've walked in.


06 Sep 07:49

Beeswing: On Not Liking A Popular Song By A Favorite Artist

by Hayden Childs

/

When I posted the second part of my review of Richard Thompson's oeuvre, there was some discussion on FB about whether the lady love of the singer of "Beeswing" was a junkie, as I described her, or a drunkard, with most of the commenters preferring the latter. Basically, I don't care whether her white horse/White Horse was Keith Richards' one favorite intoxicant or Keith Richards' other favorite intoxicant. Either way, I don't really like the song. Yes, it is pretty, but that is true of many of Thompson's songs. My problem is that it is, to borrow from Manny Farber's intentionally non-categorical categorization of art, his most white elephantish song.

In Farber's famous essay, one of the sins of white elephant art is its insistence on stuffing the canvas with meaning and thus robbing it of any organic life of its own.  "Beeswing," starting with its title, tries to cram significance into every verse but essentially devolves into an audience-pandering cliché. Its melody is intentionally designed to sound like an old English folk song, which is a trick that Thompson achieves to much better effect with his ever-popular "1952 Vincent Black Lightning," a song that, as I have written elsewhere, Thompson surely despises now. Anyway, the first verse of "Beeswing" goes:

I was nineteen when I came to town, they called it the Summer of Love
They were burning babies, burning flags. The hawks against the doves
I took a job in the steamie down on Cauldrum Street
And I fell in love with a laundry girl who was working next to me

There are a couple of moments that are interesting here, mostly related to the jargon. Burning babies? Steamie? I assume the former is a reference to Vietnam. The latter is Scottish slang for a wash-house. But it's the manic pixie girl love story that Thompson's after here.

Oh she was a rare thing, fine as a bee's wing
So fine a breath of wind might blow her away
She was a lost child, oh she was running wild
She said "As long as there's no price on love, I'll stay.
And you wouldn't want me any other way"

The bee's wing analogy is sharp, but not so sharp as to justify the missing apostrophe in the title. With the missing apostrophe, the title "Beeswing" sounds as if it means to suggest a second interpretation of "bee swing," but the term is meaningless for this song. The only bee is in the analogy to this girl (who is both physically and mentally delicate, I assume?) and the song doesn't swing. "Al Bowlly's In Heaven" swings, but "Beeswing" has neither the propulsion nor the rhythm. As a name for Thompson's publication company, though, Beeswing works well, but it feels shoe-horned in here. The line about the breath of wind is fine, neither great nor lousy. The "lost child/running wild" line, though, is Bon Jovi-worthy, and her demands for free love seem very specific in a "Me and Bobby McGee" way to the boomer audience to whom this song is clearly meant to appeal. This sentiment and the way that it is worded wouldn't be out of place in a song by Donovan or Cat Stevens, which is to say that it is somewhat beneath Mr. Thompson's usual standards.

In the next verse, we have:

Brown hair zig-zag around her face and a look of half-surprise
Like a fox caught in the headlights, there was animal in her eyes
She said "Young man, oh can't you see I'm not the factory kind
If you don't take me out of here I'll surely lose my mind"

Now this is up to Thompson's usual lyrical panache, at least in the first two lines. Farber's other category of art (and these were not meant to be conclusive, by the by, in that Farber describes them as two categories without closing the system to further categories) was termite art, by which he meant that the art was so alive and unfettered with portent that it eats it own frame. Those first two lines, with their immediacy and specificity that calls to a quality that is difficult to name but easy to visualize, are excellent examples of termite art. The second two lines only push along the plot, though.

We busked around the market towns and picked fruit down in Kent
And we could tinker lamps and pots and knives wherever we went
And I said that we might settle down, get a few acres dug
Fire burning in the hearth and babies on the rug
She said "Oh man, you foolish man, it surely sounds like hell.
You might be lord of half the world, you'll not own me as well"

But we're back with the white elephant stuff right away. Thompson's singer and his manic pixie lady become abstract people meant to flatter the hippie nostalgia of the audience. They're living by their wits off the land! He wants to settle down, but she's too free, man! She even specifically ties her hippie dude to white male privilege! I mean, even the reference to Kent is more of a placeholder to make a rhyme than anything particular to the town of Kent. While there's nothing specifically wrong with going abstract in a song to make the people seem more relatable to the audience, in this case it feeds the grand overarching narrative.

We was camping down the Gower one time, the work was pretty good
She thought we shouldn't wait for the frost and I thought maybe we should
We was drinking more in those days and tempers reached a pitch
And like a fool I let her run with the rambling itch
Oh the last I heard she's sleeping rough back on the Derby beat
White Horse in her hip pocket and a wolfhound at her feet
And they say she even married once, a man named Romany Brown
But even a gypsy caravan was too much settling down
And they say her flower is faded now, hard weather and hard booze
But maybe that's just the price you pay for the chains you refuse

This is ostensibly more her story than his, but she isn't real in it. She's a flibbertigibbet, a manic lady who ditches her hippie man over an argument about migrant labor, who married a gypsy (which is more Gregg Allman than the usually literate Richard Thompson), and who has now become an ugly homeless lady. But, as the chorus reminds us, she was this other special thing. And the singer, by being her hippie man for a time who could see her for the special thing she was, is the element of the song who is more real. Her post-singer history is condensed into four lines.

There's an element of the song that is meant to be feminist to some degree, as the singer clearly finds her demand for free love and free agency to be two of her aspects that make her special to him. But the song itself judges her harshly for these very things in the last two verses. Her independence and strongheadedness leave her homeless and drunk (or strung out on heroin, which is a drug that many users can actually put in their hip pocket before it is heated into liquid and put in a syringe, but whatever, this isn't the point) and that's the price she pays for being free, says the song. The suggestion is that if she'd consented to the hippie singer's domestic proposal, she wouldn't be drunk and homeless.

Consider "1952 Vincent Black Lightning" as an alternate. Like "Beeswing," it is written as a modern take on an old English folk song, but unlike "Beeswing," it tells a specific story about specific people with specific traits and it doesn't try to make them particularly likable or universal, but instead hangs the story on a powerful emotion and a weirdly specific metaphor for freedom. People like the song because it eats its own framing device.

"Beeswing," instead, idolizes a manic pixie love interest, judges her harshly for abandoning the protagonist, and flatters the audience with silly hippie nostalgia that most of the audience probably never experienced firsthand, but nevertheless knew from the movies and music of the time. It attempts to create a universal feeling out of a clichéd story, and the central metaphor is ultimately crushed by the weight of its trappings. It is a white elephant. You can hang it on your wall if you like, but it seems cynical to me.
06 Sep 07:31

Armchair generals underestimate Britain's influence

by The Heresiarch
Here's the strangest revelation to follow from Thursday night's Commons vote, a decision that was both farcical (in the manner it came about) and magnificent (in the way it seems to have reinvigorated both the "Parliamentary" and "democracy" parts of what is mostly inaccurately called our Parliamentary democracy). It turns out that the believers in Britain's continuing role as a leading voice in world affairs, who often seem so delusional (never more so than when bemoaning the catastrophic consequences for our national credibility of not bombing Syria on this particular occasion) were right after all. The UK does still pack some sort of punch on the world stage. Just not in the way they assumed.

Large parts of the commentariat and the political leadership assumed that not joining in Obama's planned tweaking of Bashar Assad's moustache meant that the UK would never be taken seriously again. Many are still wedded to that dismal belief today. Take, for example, David Blair in the Telegraph, who seems to want to outdo his namesake in enthusiasm for war-related brown-nosing of Uncle Sam. In a hysterical piece, he writes that "by casting a grotesquely irresponsible vote, our MPs have downgraded our Prime Minister in the eyes of the world’s superpower." Hitherto, he thinks, the American president, whoever he happened to be, could rely on Britain providing "serious military capability" whenever there was somewhere that both countries agreed needed bombing. This gives the British "credibility" in Washington, he believes.

Such credibility is now at an end, thinks Blair, because of the "strange new doctrine that Parliament must approve any military action" (I think the word he's looking for is "democracy") and because of what he sees as the pacifist/isolationist tone of some of the speeches in the Commons, many of which stressed the importance of the UN. What he doesn't tell us is what such supposed "credibility" actually brings the UK, beyond patronising pats on the head at the White House (much talk of "our closest ally" and "special relationship", a phrase rational people cannot hear without wincing) and the ill-disguised contempt of the rest of the world.

A country is not strong and respected as an independent voice if its only international role is to fire missiles and drop bombs in pursuance of another country's foreign policy. Nothing proclaims weakness so much as pearl-clutching prophecies of doom from people who think that the nation is just one bombing raid away from global irrelevance. In their way, voices of the Blair (Tony as well as David) or Paddy Ashdown persuasion are just as pessimistic, just as defeatist, as those who urge Britain to give up its "post-imperial pretensions" and settle for for an international influence on a par with, say, Swaziland. They don't want this country to have actual influence either in Washington or the wider world - or, at any rate, they don't believe that such influence is possible. What they want is the appearance of influence, an illusion bought at great expense in wasted military hardware and often lives and which in any case fools no-one.

These people's greatest ambition is for the UK to be the monkey to America's organ-grinder. But who ever took the monkey seriously? The audience respects the organ-grinder while the monkey, if he's lucky, gets tossed a few peanuts. What kind of ambition is that?

Assuming you believe that Britain ought to have some sort of influence in the world, it can only exercise it by being true to its own principles or by acting in its own interests - as, for example, the French invariably do. Parliament rightly rejected the opportunity to join in with Obama's ill thought-through gesture bombing, recognising that there was nothing in it either for Britain or, more importantly, for the people of Syria. Syria isn't merely "not our war"; bombing military targets as punishment or as an expression of moral indignation isn't even our solution. ("Our solution", championed by William Hague, which strikes me as even more bonkers than the proposed bombing campaign, has long been to "arm the rebels.") It's not our responsibility as a nation, even a nation that has a few dozen Tomahawk Cruise missiles to its name, to dig President Obama out of the hole into which he dug himself by declaring his foolish "red line" last year. Even if you believe, as I do, that the Assad regime was guilty of using chemical weapons and deserves to be punished for it, there's simply no evidence that this proposed response will do anything to alleviate the suffering of the people of Syria, which is after all the only thing that really matters.

David Blair, incidentally, passes over Syria entirely, beyond the merest of nods: "let’s leave aside the case for and against the proposed strike on Syria and focus on the diplomatic consequences for Britain." A remarkable example of tunnel vision, if all-too-representative of the general tone of the commentary. This isn't about us, and it isn't about the frustrations and hurt feelings of armchair generals not being allowed to join in the fun.

But we now know the actual impact, at least in the short term, of last week's Parliamentary vote. It was to bounce a panicked (or perhaps secretly relieved) Obama into putting the matter before Congress, not in emergency session, but next week, by which time both the case for military strikes and the likely consequences will be clearer. The Francophile John Kerry might have taken the opportunity to snub Britain and wax lyrical about an "oldest ally" that was last of serious military assistance to the United States in 1782, but Obama (despite his oft-alleged Anglophobia) appears to have more sense. He realises, as many in the US do, that the UK is a serious ally and thus should be taken seriously. He appreciates, better than many on this side of the Atlantic, that when the House of Commons, despite a tradition of bi-partisanship on questions of national security and defence, declines to support a particular military course urged by the government, that this is unlikely to be a petulant whim.

Far from destroying British credibility - even in Washington - Parliament's decision to apply the brakes on the rush towards a futile bombing raid has done much to restore it. Last Thursday, largely as a result of actions by Ed Miliband that were either fiendishly Machiavellian or just plain indecisive, and a response by David Cameron that was almost an object lesson in how not to do politics, Parliament reflected the will of the nation. It taught the American president a lesson in the value of reflection and the importance of democratic debate that he has shown himself perhaps surprisingly willing to learn. It showed the world that, whatever the desire of political leaders, leader-writers and BBC war-junkies to get involved in something - anything - that the Americans want to do the UK isn't quite a wholly-owned subsidiary of the Pentagon. It began to undo some of the damage caused by Tony Blair. It reasserted the national interest.

And the world took note. It made a difference. Who would have predicted that?


© 2013 Heresy Corner, all rights reserved.
05 Sep 16:27

1000 Americans try to name a British city other than London.

1000 Americans try to name a British city other than London.
05 Sep 14:18

#963; In which Flowers are given

by David Malki !

symbolic gestures have utility insofar as they reveal your character to other people as someone who either understands or doesn't understand the power of symbolic gestures to other human beings in a shared society

05 Sep 13:02

Politics: Whatever happened to leadership?

by Iain Donaldson

I have read much criticism from members of each of the Parties about the leadership shown by the leaders of other parties, but I’m afraid to say the leaders of all three  main political parties have come out of the debate on military intervention in Syria with their reputations in tatters.


Firstly the Prime Minister

One of the most important lessons in politics is that before you ask a question you should be darned certain you know what the answer will be, otherwise you can end up looking anything from ignorant through stupid to incompetent.

David Cameron had staked a great deal of time, effort, and his reputation on being able to build an international coalition to make a military intervention in Syria.  Having convinced himself that the Syrian regime was responsible for the use of chemical weapons against their own people, he has personally pressed the leaders of other nations to support and participate in joint action to chastise the Syrian regime.

When it came to presenting the case to Parliament he was unable to provide either the balance of evidence to convince Parliament to vote to support action, or a coalition of those who supported the idea of military action strong enough to defeat those who were simply not convinced.

As of Thursday evening it will be impossible for anyone sitting around an international negotiating table with this British Prime Minister to take him at his word that he can deliver British support for anything he is negotiating.

Before David Cameron recalled a parliament that had already made clear after Iraq that it was so sceptical of the Executive taking this country into war it insisted on its views being heard first, he should have assessed whether he was certain of a decent majority or not for the resolution he was proposing, something he clearly failed to do.

In recalling parliament David Cameron was staking his reputation in the international community on being able to stand side by side with Barak Obama as their troops launched an attack on unspecified targets in Syria.

He failed to achieve that and as a result now leaves us with a lame duck prime minister who can  not sign up to any international deal because he can not guarantee that parliament will sanction it.


Secondly the Leader of the Opposition

Let us be clear on this, at no point did Ed Milliband oppose military intervention in Syria, his amendment to the Governments notice of motion called for exactly what he had already negotiated and got agreed in that Government notice of motion.

Ed Milliband negotiated with the Prime Minister and was delivered every ask he made.

  • Can we have a second vote?                                                                 Yes
  • Can we have the inspectors report before deciding?                 Yes
  • Can the Government motion be redrafted to say this?             Yes

The difficulty is that having secured everything he needed he then insisted on tabling his amendment anyway.  In doing so he rallied those on the opposition benches who would have voted to support the Government motion to vote instead on Party political lines.

Ed Milliband could be today the man who enabled the Prime Minister to deliver British military support for the very action he wanted, whilst at the same time forcing the prime minister back before the commons for a vote on that action prior to it being taken, and ensuring that the weapons inspectors have reported back on their investigation into the use of chemical weapons.

By overplaying his hand, in the way Labour leaders so often do, Ed Milliband went into the chamber on Thursday night and lost his amendment, the identical substantive motion and also any faith that any other party might have in his ability to deliver on any future deals (including coalition deals).

Further more, were he to become Prime Minister he will enter into the ‘special relationship’ with the reputation of being the man who wanted the British side by side with America, and then bungled it so badly he blocked that from happening.


Finally the Deputy Prime Minister

Nick Clegg went into the house on Thursday knowing full well that the Labour amendment would deliver exactly the same policy as the Government proposal, he even repeated that belief during the debate.

Why then was he so determined not to accept the amendment and achieve his objective of ensuring Britain stood side by side with America, and yet he was so willing to do down Ed Milliband that he lost sight of what he wanted to achieve for the people of Syria and urged that the amendment be defeated?

In his summation of the debate Nick Clegg rallied the Labour party to vote on party political lines against a notice of motion that would have said nothing different had the Labour amendment been passed.


What had started with misguided good intent ended with the spectacle of all three leaders failing to get what they all three wanted,  and destroying their own and Britain’s reputation in the process.

I have stated elsewhere on this blog that I opposed the notice of motion, and the grounds for my opposition, I am one of the people that Paddy Ashdown was rebuking when he proclaimed his disappointment in the British Nation.  Let me make clear, when the nation makes a decision and its elected representatives carry out that decision we call that democracy.

All three party leaders have shown themselves unsuitable for the roles they hold, and the sooner the parties see that the better.


05 Sep 10:24

One More Thought…

by evanier

A lot of people — and I’ve been guilty of this myself at times — formulate their political views by looking at the folks they distrust and despise and then advocating the opposite. They’re against whatever Obama is for or they’re against whatever Dick Cheney is for or they’re against whatever Bill Clinton is for or they’re against whatever Rush Limbaugh is for…and so on.

Boy, this Syria thing is making it difficult for them.

05 Sep 10:15

Behind the Swearing

by LP

The year was 1952. America was in the throes of a post-war boom, with all that entailed: a surging economy, the rosy afterglow of a massive communal effort and the subsequent decline in political unrest, and a still-tangible sense of national unity. But this warmth and prosperity came with a cost: the culture of dissent was marginalized by an increasingly conformist social milieu. And nowhere was this chilling effect more notable than in the arena of swearing.

Gerry Tibbetts, maledictionist: The 1950s were, quite frankly, a vast wasteland for the amateur cursologist and professional maledictorian alike. The colorful, gritty hard-boiled dialogue of the 1930s and 1940s was long gone; the creativity borne of desperation that gave us so many great swears during the war simply vanished in the safety of peacetime. All you have to do is look at the popular culture of the day to see what a mess we were in: there’s “jeepers” and “whillikers” everywhere. That’s what made Harry Talbot’s discovery so incredibly groundbreaking.

***

Harry Talbot was an unlikely figure to start a linguistic revolution. A pharmacist from Parma, Ohio, he didn’t fit the profile of a paradigm-shifting maledictorian: athsma had kept him out of the war, he was middle-class and fairly well-educated, and he was a white Anglo-Saxon protestant who didn’t like jazz music. But he was a man who enjoyed his leisure, and his hobby of backyard carpentry was the springboard for a leap of faith that made him perhaps the most impressive imprecationist in American history.

Mary-Louise Talbot, wife: Well, how it happened was, Harry was out on the deck, by the bird pond, you see, and he was working on a doghouse for our Airedale, Kiki. And he had left a nail askew, protruding somewhat, as it happens, and he skinned his hand on it something awful. I was sitting on the patio having a lemonade when I heard him shout. It was the first time I’d ever heard the word — of course, it was the first time anyone had ever heard it. I came running, and just as soon as we got him all patched up, I said to him, Harry, what was that you said when you scraped yourself? And he said oh, nothing, just some crazy word I hollered, some gibberish, you know how it is when you bang your thumb or whatnot. Harry, I said to him, that was not just any silly nonsense word. I told him, you’re onto something there. And sure enough, six months later, I’ll be darned if he’s not on the cover of Time Magazine.

***

America had been waiting for a “silly nonsense word” like Harry Talbot’s. After only a few small ads in trade publications and a tour of the Midwest and East Coast, “fuck” was the most popular cuss the world had seen since Shakespeare muttered “goddamn it” on his deathbed. And once he signed on with the powerful William Morris agency, it truly became a global phenomenon. People loved the smooth hissing sound, opening airily into the guttural, throaty ‘K’ sound at the end. Talbot became an instant superstar; the talent agency created an appealing backstory for the word, gave their leading man some lessons at a charm school, and in less than a year, “fuck” had shattered all existing records for a swear. But the newly-wealthy Ohio pharmacist wasn’t content to rest on his laurels.

Johnny “Redjack” Hollis, friend: “Fuck” made him so much money he would have never had to work again. But Harry had pride, and more than that, he had drive. Once he decided to become a full-time maledictorian, he went at it full blast. He was like Joe DiMaggio when he had that hitting streak: it seemed like every day he’d wake up and come up with something that was pure gold. In the first two months of 1954 alone, he came up with “dumb fuck”, “fuckhead”, “fuck you”, “fuck it”, and “fucked up”. He came up with “fuckin’” around Christmas of that year, which is when he moved the family to New York. But even then he didn’t let up. I took him to this blues club in St. Louis in October of 1956, and the very next day, even though it didn’t seem possible, Harry actually topped himself.

***

“Motherfucker” instantly became the single most popular imprecation of all time. Harry Talbot had swung for the fences and hit a vulgarity home run that rivaled Babe Ruth’s called shot at the very first baseball All-Star game. To understand how incredibly successful the word was, consider that it has been uttered more times than “bitch”, “beeyotch” and “biznitch” combined, in the 1990s alone. It seemed like Harry Talbot had the magic touch, weaving curse words the way Rumplestiltskin or possibly Midas weaved straw into gold. But sadly, the good times couldn’t last forever. Five solid years of unqualified fucking success finally took their toll on Harry Talbot.

Maria Huell, agent: The pressure to produce, even after — or maybe especially after — such a huge string of hits, well, it eventually caught up to Harry with a vengeance. He started hitting the blueberry schnapps really hard, and he was spending huge amounts of money on hairpieces and carpentry lessons, not realizing that it was his bad craftsmanship that had sparked his discovery in the first place. He also was obsessed with the idea of flying ovens, and invested a lot of money in that. But in the end, his desperation and addiction to fame — an addiction I’m afraid I’m guilty of enabling — caused his work to suffer. He started coming up with these terribly sad, ineffectual variants on his big hits, like “fuckaloo”, “fuck-needles”, “fucktard” and “peppermint fuck shingles” that appealed to only the most diehard vulgarians. I remember the day he shot out the TV when he heard a news report about the show where Lenny Bruce invented the word “twat”.

***

When Behind the Swearing returns, we’ll take a look at Harry Talbot’s heartbreaking final years — and the chance meeting that ultimately redeemed him. With special guest star Eddie Murphy.

03 Sep 12:10

Cameron's loss is parliament's gain

by Mark Thompson
To listen to much of the coverage of politics in the UK these days you would often think that the opinion of only three people really matters. David Cameron, Ed Miliband and Nick Clegg.

So much of the debate is conducted around what these three men think and want that the commentariat are largely at a loss to know what to do when suddenly the true nature of our democratic system asserts itself as happened on Thursday with the Commons voting to decline military support for an attack on Syria.

So the prism that this story has been filtered through has been a "defeat" for Cameron. Or a "victory" for Miliband (even though his position shifted several times in the run-up to the vote). Or in some cases also a "defeat" for Clegg who is pretty much in the same position as Cameron albeit less exposed.

This sort of reporting though seems to follow the unwritten rule that we live in some sort of presidential system whereby a usually all-powerful man (Cameron) has somehow been inexplicably thwarted. That is not the system we live in. We live in a parliamentary democracy. 650 constituencies return members to this parliament and they vote on our behalf on issues. If a majority of them are in favour of an action or change, it happens. If they're not, it doesn't. There's nothing strange or ahistorical in that sense about Thursday's vote. There simply were not enough MPs willing to vote for military action. Or more accurately the principle of military action (the actual vote on action would have come later and now almost certainly won't).

After some soul searching I personally found myself by Thursday reluctantly in favour of military action. But it was a finely balanced thing and I completely understand others, including a majority of parliamentarians coming to a different conclusion.

There is no doubt that the Prime Minister lost the vote on Thursday. He wanted support for a plan to intervene and now that is not going to happen. But we are in a hung parliament with a fragile economy and many other problems. It is hardly surprising that on a vote to start launching missiles at a rogue regime within a highly unstable region our representatives in Westminster decided no. If they were unpersuaded then so be it.

My initial reaction on Thursday was to think that Cameron was severely damaged by this episode but I have since checked myself. I was reacting like a typical Westminster Bubble-ite filtering everything through a presidential "politics of personality" filter. There is no reason why the PM cannot emerge from this episode with his head held high. He tried to garner support for action that even the most gung-ho would surely concede the consequences of which are highly unpredictable and lost by only a couple of handfuls of votes. Parliament were accurately reflecting the will of the country if polling is to be believed. So Cameron now goes back to Obama and says he cannot follow through with what he would like to do due to his hands being tied. Obama of all people knows what this feels like having had many bruising battles with politicians in his own political system with its separation of powers and staggered electoral timetables. If anything I expect the President has much sympathy with his UK colleague and respects the position he is in.

If anything Cameron might actually end up in a stronger position than he would have done. If the military action that the US and France are still very likely to pursue goes badly now he will not be politically damaged by the fallout from it. But if it goes well he can rightly point out that he was in favour of it. It's sort of a win-win for him.

And all this talk of his "loss of Prime Ministerial authority" is rather overblown. What is the point of having a parliament at all if the Prime Minister of the day can simply push his or her will through it? What we have seen is parliament doing its job.

We should not complain about that but rejoice that the system is working correctly.

03 Sep 10:03

Reaction Shot

by LP

So swollen with contempt and pride is our current political body that it is fairly assured, if the Democrats pointed out that the sun rises in the east, the Republicans would instantly counter that it actually rises in the West, and accuse the left of Chinese Communist sympathies for their disgraceful pro-eaastern propaganda.  Equally common, and equally false, is the belief that both sides (our disabled political system having provided only two sides worth paying attention to) are ‘equally to blame’ for this poisoned atmosphere; but while it is true, and has always been true, that the greatest amount of vitriol has been hurled by the right, those of us on the other end of the argument about how society should be organized will too often miss the truth in the opposition’s arguments.

This has particularly come to light in the last week, with the coincidence of Labor Day and the 50th anniversary of Martin Luther King’s civil rights march on Washington.  Though coincidence is not the right word; Dr. King intended his program to encompass issues of labor as well as racial discrimination.  This particular aspect is largely ignored or minimized by the right, which is now obligated to venerate King as the American hero he is, but cannot be seen to admit to how fundamentally opposed he was to many of their foundational principles.  Thus their attempt to paint King as inherently and undeniably conservative, focusing on his religious faith and his belief in the law, and glossing over his opposition to the Vietnam War and his deep interest in economic justice.

Still, it is the coming together of two issues — civil rights and worker’s rights — on which the right has always been on the wrong side of progress, on the ugly end of history, and they must at least try to self-rehabilitate rather than cop to the fact that they lost a major battle, and think their fellow Americans made a terribly wrong decision by letting black people vote and yanking 10-year-olds out of coal mines.  This is accomplished in a lot of different ways; revisionist history is a popular approach these days, often in the pretense that the conservative movement opposed civil rights because they were afraid of federalist encroachment on state’s rights, instead of because they hated Negroes.  But the evergreen ploy is simply to point out the negative consequences of this or that progressive endeavor, and then to sit on their hands as if one unintended consequence scuttles the entire basis of liberal politics.

As noted when we began, the problem for liberals is that these criticisms are not always wrong.  Franklin Delano Roosevelt was the greatest leader America ever had, and his determination and foresight moved us to the forefront of the 20th century, brought us out of the greatest economic disaster the world had ever seen, and helped seize victory in the most terrible war in history.  But his detractors do not lie when they say he played fast and loose with the Constitution in order to achieve those indisputably noble and necessary goals.  They are right, too, that a significant number of American leftists were altogether too enamored of totalitarian mass murderers like Stalin and Mao; that Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society program did create economic and social problems that it did not foresee, and contributed to what would become the ruin of our inner cities; that the depth, scale and application of the bailouts were poorly thought out and undemocratic; that deficit spending really is a problem (even if it’s not quite the problem they make it out to be) and that unions have become corrupt, corporatized, and too often deaf to the desires of their rank-and-file membership.

In our partisan rush to defend our own, to keep the greater of two evils from getting its hands on the controls of state, and in a helpless acceptance of the fact that we are given pathetically little by way of choice in the voting booth, we too often forget these things.  We ignore the fact that our house frequently needs cleaning, and that political corruption knows now party.  We accept things with Barack Obama in the White House, most particularly in the areas of foreign adventurism and the expansion of the security state, but also in areas of economic opportunity and corporate oversight, that we would not tolerate from a Republican administration.  We ignore evidence that our approach to gun control is flawed and unreasonable when it comes from the right; we dismiss state’s rights as a dog whistle for racism, but we embrace it when it crosses our own moral boundaries, as when we opposed the Defense of Marriage Act and supported the states’ rights to regulate gay marriage, or claimed the power to legalize marijuana lay with the states and that the federal prohibition against controlled substances should not be enforced in those states.

All these things and more we have done, and it has often caused us to turn a blind eye to the internal contradictions in the Democratic party, to the growing tension between “liberals” and “the left”, to the inadequacies of progressive politics to cope with a dynamic shift towards technocracy, centrism, and globalism.  What makes it worse is that these are often the areas of greatest concern to the voters, who often feel as if they are being left behind by those they trust to represent them, and despair at the sight of the liberal party turning the wrong way on the war, on austerity, on privacy issues.  The great threat is that, if there is not substantial internal reform and the system as currently built continues to disallow the formation of a robust third-party alternatives, these voters will begin paying attention to the legitimate criticisms of the left by the right and, given only two options, will make the choice to switch sides and join the questioners, rather than stay with the vacillations of the answerer.  If we want to keep those voters, the left must come up with better answers and stop provoking easy attacks.

But here is something we must never forget.  Words, as we are often reminded, mean things.  And while it’s easy to dismiss the bigger, more complicated words as meaningless jargon, the truth is that large and complicated words are often the easiest ones to understand; they usually have simple and very specific meaning, while smaller words that we think of as simple and easy are thorny and often impossible to pin down.  As Neil Postman wisely observed, “A word like ‘participle’ or ‘mutation’ or ‘centrifugal’, or, for that matter, ‘apartheid’ or ‘proletariat’ rarely raises serious problems in understanding.  The range of situations in which such a word might appear is limited and does not tangle us in ambiguity.  The troublesome words are those whose meanings appear to be simple, like ‘true’, ‘false’, ‘fact’, ‘law’, ‘good’, and ‘bad’.”

Thus we must always remember that the forces of opposition have chosen their names to a purpose, and we must never lose sight of what that purpose is.  ”Conservative” means to conserve, to keep still, to arrest movement and progress; a better word, even, might be “preservative”, in the sense of sealing in amber, of making sure nothing ever changes.  It is this instinct that keeps the right forever in resistance to any notion of expanding civil rights to the previously hidden and unprotected, that causes them to fulminate against “new” rights given to “new” groups, as if gays have only just now appeared on this planet, as if we are asking for them to have anything other than the normal protections granted to any other American citizen by law, and as if extending the protection of society to all its members would be the worst thing in the world.  And “reactionary” means to react, not to act, to respond only to agitation — to do nothing unless provoked, to never look forward until after one has collided with something.

This is why, even when they are right about the sins of the left — and they are not often right, but they are not always wrong — we must not let it be believed that to admit to their accusations is to believe that their program is the superior one.  Because in all these cases, they have no answers, only attacks.  They are the least constructively critical movement in American politics.  In every situation we have discussed here, their answer to the question “If our plan is as flawed as you say, what should we do instead?” is a simple one:  nothing.  If labor unions become corrupt and lose sight of their purpose, the answer is not reform; it is eradication.  If economic reform goes awry, the answer is not better planning; it is no reform at all.  If gun control is incoherent, the answer is not coherence; it is no gun control whatsoever.  If the New Deal stepped on too many toes, the answer was not a better New Deal; it was no New Deal.  If civil rights legislation has unintended consequences, the answer is not dealing intelligently with those consequences; it is not passing civil rights legislation in the first place.  If social programs are too costly, the answer is not in managing those costs; it is in eliminating social programs altogether.

That approach is not programmatic; it is not even merely oppositional. It is willful blindness.  It is not a theory of governance; it is an abdication of governance.  It is the embodiment in law the corrosive idea that power must always be preserved, that only force or fortune should be allowed to define the circumstances of all human life, that doing nothing is always better than doing anything.  It cannot aid human rights, the labor movement, or the idea of democratic government; it can only hasten their destruction.  It is the absolute opposite of the great beliefs on which America was founded, and on this holiday and every other, it should be treated as such.

 

03 Sep 09:41

Something Rotten at the Sausage Factory: How Wikipedia Embraced Transphobia for Chelsea Manning

by noreply@blogger.com (Philip Sandifer)

There is something that you never, ever do to a transgender person: use their birth name. The reason here is simple - to call a transgender person by their birth name is to deny them the basic right to their identity. It is to claim for yourself the right to dictate who they are, over their own express wishes. It is to tell them that their transition is invalid - that they deserve instead to suffer from the genuine and real pain of gender dysphoria, and that this is preferable to ever allowing them to think that they might have the right to define for themselves the basic aspects of who they are. It is hate speech, plain and simple, as straightforwardly as using the worst racial or sexual slur you can think of.

This is not a matter of when hormone therapy has begun or surgery has taken place. Those are just procedures to reduce the material impact of gender dysphoria and make social transition less awkward and, frankly, less dangerous. The point where it becomes hate speech is the instant that a person has told you their preferred name and gender presentation.

On August 22nd, Chelsea Manning issued a public statement confirming the longstanding reports that she was transgender and asking that instead of using the name “Bradley Manning,” as media sources had been doing up to that point, people refer to her by the name of “Chelsea.” Almost immediately after this announcement the Wikipedia page for Manning was changed from being called “Bradley Manning” to “Chelsea Manning.” In the early hours of August 31st, following a week of discussion, the page was moved back.

This is the story of how the fifth largest website in the world came to actively embrace transphobia and hate speech.

Some disclosure. I am not an impartial observer. Nevertheless, this is a factual account based on the public record of Wikipedia talk pages and logs. Still, in the interests of disclosure, I involved myself in this debate in a minor role, advocating for the position you’d expect. This was my first substantial contribution to Wikipedia in several years, but I do have administrator rights on the project dating back to 2004, when I was a highly active editor. I am friendly with several of the persons involved, although have not met any except on the Internet. One person involved, Morwen, was a significant donor to my Kickstarter. I am not writing this piece on behalf of any of them, and in fact more than one person I am friendly with has expressed reservations over the piece, though not about its factual accuracy.

Morwen has a highly visible role in what happened, but not, ultimately, an important one; she was the editor who retitled (or, in Wikipedia parlance, moved) the page following Manning’s announcement on the Today show. To begin, at least, events consisted of jargon-heavy technical decisions based heavily on Wikipedia policy. These events may be somewhat opaque to outsiders, but it is nevertheless worth summarizing the exact events that led to the larger conflict.

Morwen’s move was quickly reverted by the user Cls14, who misunderstood the reasoning for it and assumed it to be vandalism. A quick exchange on Morwen and Cls14’s talk pages resolved the dispute, and Morwen moved the page back twenty minutes later. Save for one edit cleaning up a technically inept attempt at moving the page back to Bradley Manning that resulted instead in Wikipedia having no article on Manning at all for a few seconds, Morwen made no further edits to the page.

Although Morwen’s actions were in practice controversial, they were in no way unusual for Wikipedia, which has an ethos they describe with the acronym BRD, short for Bold, Revert, Discuss. In short, the ethos means that editors should be bold in making changes. If other editors feel these changes are unproductive and cannot be fixed through further editing they should revert them, i.e., return the article to its earlier state. At that point editors should stop editing on that particular issue (failure to do so is called an edit war, and is considered a bad thing) and discuss the edit until some consensus is reached. This is what happened between Morwen and Cls14 - Cls14 viewed Morwen’s initial page move as unproductive. Morwen and Cls14 spoke, Cls14 told her to “feel free to change back,” and Morwen did.

Morwen’s move was, furthermore, in line with how Wikipedia handled gender transitions in the past. Chelsea Manning is not the first transgender person to have a Wikipedia article, nor the first to transition after becoming famous. The previous three were Chaz Bono, Lana Wachowski, and Laura Jane Grace. In all three cases the articles were renamed promptly upon the subjects public transitions, with only Laura Jane Grace being slow, not due to controversy, but due to a small number of editors involved in editing the article and a lack of clarity over whether Grace was transitioning immediately, or discussing future plans.

Beyond that, Wikipedia’s policies on transgender issues were well-established, and had been for years. The Wikipedia Manual of Style states that “any person whose gender might be questioned should be referred to by the gendered nouns (for example "man/woman", "waiter/waitress", "chairman/chairwoman"), pronouns, and possessive adjectives that reflect that person's latest expressed gender self-identification. This applies in references to any phase of that person's life.” That wording has evolved over the years. The earliest version dates to January 9th, 2006, and was added to the policy page by a user named Montrealais, who clarified the existing policy that people should “where known, use terminology that subjects use for themselves (self identification). This can mean calling an individual the term they use, or calling a group the term most widely used by that group” to specifically note that “this includes referring to transgender individuals according to the name and pronoun they use to identify themselves.” The earlier policy that insisted on self-identification without specifically mentioning transgender people has existed since April 6, 2004. On the whole, this approach is consistent with other mainstream style guides, such as the Associated Press Stylebook.

Approximately fifty minutes after Morwen moved the article for the second time David Gerard, an administrator, altered the protection level of the article to prevent page moves on the grounds that the page was a “highly visible page.” The protection level of a Wikipedia article is used to control who can edit the article, and comes in two forms. The first affects who can edit the page at all, the second is who can move it. Both can be set to allow anybody, established users, or administrators only. Gerard’s action meant that only administrators could conduct further page moves, but left the article open for any established users.

The logic behind Gerard’s decision is, on the whole, straightforward. The article was linked from Wikipedia’s front page via its “In the news” section. While page moves are largely treated as an uncontroversial thing, they are a popular form of vandalism, and it is routine to use protection pre-emptively to deal with this problem. Gerard further cited “BLP,” an acronym referring to Wikipedia’s Biographies of Living Persons policy, more about which later. An hour later, user Tariqabjotu moved the page back to Bradley Manning citing a request by the user StAnselm on a project page for requesting page moves. By this point, there was already a rapidly expanding discussion on the article’s talk page in which all sides of the issue were already represented that ought to have demonstrated the existence of controversy.

Even in the earliest stages of the discussion there were numerous comments that were overtly transphobic. An early example, made just seventeen minutes after Morwen’s second page move, came from the user ThinkEnemies, who proclaimed “I'm just happy he didn't decide to self-identify as Jesus Christ could you imagine the redirects. SMH. This dude is named Bradley Manning until officially recognized by the courts. Chelsea is what we would call a nickname.”

Two minutes after Tariqabjotu’s move, Gerard moved the page back, again citing the BLP policy. This was the final attempt to move the article prior to Casey Penk filing an official request to have the page moved back. Penk clarified that he believed Chelsea Manning to be the correct article title, but felt that Morwen and Gerard had made a procedural error due to policy stating that “any potentially controversial proposal to change a title should be advertised at Wikipedia:Requested moves, and consensus reached before any change is made.” Not long after the official move request a user named Axl Matulić changed the protection level again, preventing any non-administrators from editing the article at all, at which point the article was locked into a more or less stable version with relatively few edits.

This marks the point at which the discussion was thrown open to the community at large. This requires a larger discussion of how Wikipedia works. It is a peculiarity of Wikipedia that is at times difficult to explain to outsiders that there is no formal oversight on the subject of article content. The process by which articles are edited has been both endearingly and disparagingly referred to as the sausage factory, a reference to the old joke about how the two things you don’t ever want to see get made are laws and sausages. This is to say that the process by which decisions get made is often not an entirely pleasant one. It consists of a tremendous amount of discussion that often becomes unreadably long, followed by an attempt to determine what the consensus position is in cases where, in reality, nothing resembling a consensus has been reached. In this case the discussion consisted of more than three thousand distinct comments on the talk page for the Chelsea Manning article alone.

It will surprise nobody that a discussion consisting of three thousand comments by several hundred users made in pursuit of determining policy on how to refer to transgender people in the wake of a tremendously politically charged incident did not, by any standards, go well. Nevertheless, it is worth looking at the discussion precisely because it is so large and diffuse. The move request was the mechanism by which Manning’s article was moved back to the overtly transphobic title of Bradley Manning. More importantly, however, it provides a largely transparent and documentable account of how a specific and powerful institution came to take an explicitly transphobic position. Many of the events are idiosyncratic to Wikipedia’s specific culture, which is rooted in a peculiar set of ethics and values. Others are illustrative of the basic mechanisms through which institutionalized bigotry takes place.

It ought be noted that within the larger struggle for transgender civil rights, Chelsea Manning is going to be a significant historical figure by virtue of being the first person to transition while already the center of a political controversy. Her legal team has already indicated that they intend to fight for her legal right to have access to hormone replacement therapy and to be treated as a woman in prison. This will, inevitably, be a landmark civil rights case as significant as her prosecution for leaking classified information was.

My aims in presenting this are not simply an attempt at activism in order to get the page moved back to its correct title; in all honesty, I expect that this will happen within the next few months, and that additional outside pressure will not affect this in any positive ways. Wikipedia is historically hostile to attempts to influence its policies from outside of its community. I strongly discourage anyone reading this from creating an account to join in the discussion - newly created accounts that participate in policy discussions are generally marginalized and ignored, and Wikipedia’s bias against such practice means that they often do more harm than good. Wikipedia has explicit policies against off-site canvassing. My goal here is, rather, to document how one of the first drafts of history was written and to expose the mechanisms by which the first draft came out so horribly wrong.

Many of the comments made in the discussion were openly transphobic. One user decried the change, saying that Wikipedia is “not a site designed to protect people’s ‘feelings’.” Others accused Manning of being “clearly mentally unstable,” and “still male in every meaningful sense,” while others reached for the old and offensive canard of comparing transgender people to animals, saying “If I had a Wikipedia article and then I suddenly claimed to be a dog, or a cat, would they change it to reflect such a non-sense? Biologically he is a man and will die a man (check his chromosomes XY), and legally he is a man (he even asks to be called by his male name in official stuff). It is stupid to change the wikipedia article… this deserves, at most, a brief section. Wikipedia is about FACTS not gay-lobby propaganda.”

Beyond that, off Wikipedia, there were numerous attempts at harassment, including attempts at blackmail and public outing of transgender Wikipedians. At least one transgender editor was threatened with having their birth name publicly revealed. Such behavior was not the majority of what happened, but it was a significant enough portion of it to affect the entire discussion.

Another large swath of comments focused on the question of sourcing. In addition to the Manual of Style policy that Morwen cited in her initial move there is a policy entitled “Article titles” that contains a section proclaiming that “some topics have multiple names, and this can cause disputes as to which name should be used in the article’s title. Wikipedia prefers the name that is most commonly used (as determined by its prevalence in reliable English-language sources).” This policy specifically addresses subjects that change their names, saying that “if an organization changes its name, it is reasonable to consider the usage since the change.” Generally speaking, this policy was cited primarily by those favoring the title Bradley Manning.

The “Article titles” policy causes particular difficulty in understanding the flow of the discussion - the majority of comments on the subject were made in the earliest days of the debate, while media sourcing slanted steadily towards using the name Chelsea Manning over the course of the debate. At the start of the debate the bulk of the British press immediately and en masse adopted the name Chelsea for Manning. This was in keeping with the recommendations of the Leveson inquiry into press conduct, and with the events surrounding the suicide of Lucy Meadows, a transgender school teacher who had, prior to her death, been hounded by the press. Even The Daily Mail, a famously right-wing paper that printed an editorial declaring that Meadows was unfit to be a school teacher and an obituary that repeatedly used the male pronoun for Meadows, adopted Chelsea immediately upon her transition.

American papers were slower to follow. Progressive-leaning institutions like Salon and MSNBC switched over immediately. National Public Radio switched on the 23rd. The Associated Press switched on the 26th. The New York Times and Time switched on the 27th. The changing of the Associated Press was particularly significant in terms of the coverage, because so few American papers were doing any original reporting on the story, which meant that its switch was a de facto switch for the bulk of local papers and many national ones. The result was that by the time of the decision to move the page back to Bradley Manning was taken the sources were, on balance, slanted towards use of “Chelsea Manning,” although this was not wholly reflected by the debate. Of the 326 so-called “!votes” (more about which later), just thirty-three were made after the New York Times made its announcement. Those thirty-three, notably, ran 2:1 in favor of Chelsea.

On the 27th, Morwen and Gerard published a detailed explanation of their rationale in moving the page. They cited several reasons - the longstanding Manual of Style favoring self-identity, the past precedent, and the BLP - Biographies of Living Persons - policy. (Wikipedia, as is probably clear by now, is terribly fond of three-letter acronyms. Or TLAs, if you must.) This policy - the last of the major Wikipedia policies to be put in place - demands special care be taken with articles on people who are currently alive because of the material harm that can be caused by a website as large as Wikipedia getting things wrong. This was the policy specifically pointed to by Gerard in locking the page from further moves. In particular, Morwen and Gerard cited the material harm that misnaming causes transgender people.

Two days after Morwen and Gerard made their post, the user Rannpháirtí anaithnid (or RA, as he signs his posts) offered a “retort” to it that was specifically endorsed by many of the editors arguing for locating the article at Bradley Manning. RA speaks at great length of his sympathy for Manning, and it is clear that his comments are not motivated by any sort of conscious hatred. Nevertheless, they are deeply troubling on several levels, consisting of a large amount of hair-splitting (an attempt to distinguish between calling the article Bradley Manning and calling its subject Bradley Manning), and a suggestion that the greater “naturalness” (a term stemming from a policy page on article titles) of Bradley Manning is justification for calling the article that, ease of reading, apparently, being a higher virtue than self-identity. The most troubling portion, however, comes when RA attempts to argue why calling the article Chelsea Manning violates BLP, suggesting that this constitutes sensationalism and “making a circus out of this,” and that Manning is “a young person, just 25-year-old, who last week was told she may not feel daylight on her skin until she is 60. And the very next day, Wikipedians are making a plaything out of her on these pages and making titillating news stories out of her travails..”

Another of Wikipedia’s policies is to assume good faith. This is, by and large, sound advice, and we ought do it here. RA’s comments appear motivated out of a sincere concern for Manning’s well-being. Nevertheless, we ought observe the basic dynamic here. Morwen and Gerard are both editors with prior experience in transgender issues. In spite of this, a sizable crowd of editors with little to no experience on the subject saw fit to ignore their recommendations, deciding that they know what difficulties transgender people face and how best to treat them. Within the trans community this will ominously reflect the oppressive “gatekeeper” policies of the medical establishment that both prolong and increase the expense of a gender transition in the name of protecting transgender people against the (functionally non-existent) danger that they might regret their transition. More broadly, however, it reeks of privilege - of the basic assumption that the cisgender population will automatically know what’s best and respect the rights and needs of transgender people, so much so that they do not even need to listen to them.

This sense of privilege is the easiest way to explain the vitriol directed at Gerard and Morwen for their acts. Since making the decision to move the article, both have been subject to calls to have their administrator status revoked, or to be, in Wikipedia parlance, “de-sysoped.” In Gerard’s case it is at least possible to understand the argument - his decision to move the page back after Tariqabjotu’s move was arguably a case of using administrative powers (moving a locked page) to engage in an edit war, although traditionally considerable leeway is granted to administrators acting to handle BLP concerns. For Morwen, however, the calls to strip her of administrator status are simply bewildering given that absolutely none of her actions involved using any administrator powers. In the absence of this the fact that she had the temerity to respond to an interview request from New Statesman and to post about the decision on her blog are taken as egregious sins. RA, for his part, raised the possibility that “the administrators involved be de-sysoped,” citing policies against being overly passionate about issues, which seems a direct attack on the fact that Morwen for editing about transgender issues when she is herself trans. RA has since backed down from that statement, clarifying, “I do not advocate any such sanction against Morwen.”

When pushed, the editors who have called for punishment for Gerard and Morwen have pointed specifically to a sentence in their posted rationale in which they stated, “as editors who are familiar with trans issues this seemed sufficiently obvious to us that we did not think it required extensive clarification; but some editors, who are unfamiliar with the topic (as many people in the wider world are), have challenged this.” This statement was described by Tariqabjotu straightforwardly: “this attitude is disgusting.” Another editor, user FoxyOrange, proclaimed this “incredibly arrogant and therefore offensive.” The arrogance of cisgender editors declaring that transgender people are too passionate about trans issues to know how to cover them went largely unmentioned.

It is impossible to wholly separate this vitriol from the threats and hate speech, some of which was also targeted at Morwen. The division is not between those who acted with clearly malicious transphobia and those who acted out of good faith. Rather the division is between those who reacted with hostility to the very phenomenon of transgender self-identity and those that did not. The question of whether that hostility was borne of malice, ignorance, or bruised egos due to challenged privilege is irrelevant - all three, along with whatever other motivations existed, blended together and mutually reinforced each other.

Here it is necessary to pause for a moment and consider exactly what the accusations against Morwen and Gerard involved. In practice, Morwen and Gerard adhered to policies regarding transgender people that have been in place for nearly a decade, and advocated a course of action that is straightforward to anyone with even a passing familiarity with transgender culture. Nevertheless, the very fact that they came into this discussion with prior knowledge of editorial and humanitarian standards regarding this issue was treated with hostility by a crowd of people who, approaching transgender issues for the first time, genuinely believed that their judgments carried equal or greater weight, and that the main priority was that the article be located in the place most people would look for it.

It should be made explicit that no practical confusion exists in locating the article at Chelsea Manning. Any reader who searches for Bradley Manning will be redirected to the article. If anything the current situation, where an article titled Bradley Manning begins with “Chelsea Elizabeth Manning (born Bradley Edward Manning, December 17, 1987) is a United States Army soldier…” is far more confusing than simply locating the article at a title that matches the subject’s name. Instead the unambiguous directive of the Manual of Style to treat Manning by her chosen name is put in conflict with the supposed mandate of the Article Title policy to create a truly bizarre situation. The farcical end result of the decision highlights just how preposterous the argument for titling the article Bradley Manning was, and how ridiculous the results of relitigating basic standards of how to write about transgender people in the face of a highly contested political issue were inevitably going to be. Literally the only thing that was gained by retitling the article Bradley Manning was the message that Wikipedia does not wholly acknowledge Manning’s gender identity, a message hammered home by the fact that as soon as the article was unprotected an edit war broke out over whether to categorize the article under “Women in the United States Army” or not. The only product of the decision was the hate speech.

It would, however, be inaccurate to suggest that the discussion led to a clear consensus in favor of hate speech. In fact the discussion was bitterly divided. The primary mechanism for judging consensus is !votes, the exclamation point being used in the context of symbolic logic to mean “not.” This reflects the fact that although Wikipedia does not technically make decisions based on voting, the format by which decisions involving large numbers of editors is made is, from an outside perspective, indistinguishable from voting. The key aspect of the three thousand post discussion was a list of comments in explicit support or opposition to moving the page back to Bradley Manning.

Tallying these comments is trickier than one unfamiliar with the mechanics of sausage making might expect. Two counts exist. One was by the user SlimVirgin, and concluded that there were 170 !votes in favor of Bradley Manning, and 131 in favor of Chelsea. The other, by user BD2412, got 169 for Bradley and 145 for Chelsea. Either way, there was a slight but noticeable majority in favor of Bradley, although nothing that could be described as a decisive consensus.

It is worth highlighting a handful of these !votes. First, the comment by Sue Gardner, the Executive Director of the Wikimedia Foundation, which manages Wikipedia. Gardner voiced strong support for locating the article at Chelsea Manning, citing the Manual of Style and the growing consensus of media sources. Unrelatedly, and separate from the !votes, Jimbo Wales, founder of Wikipedia, who proclaimed that “we ought to very strngly defer to how people identify themselves, but for various pedantic reasons, some editors insist on calling people by names that they very strongly reject. I consider that a BLP issue of some seriousness.”

Second, it is notable that Adrian Lamo, the person who reported Manning’s leaks to the authorities, weighed in on the discussion in favor of moving the article to Chelsea. Lamo noted that Manning’s status as a transgender person has been reported on for years, and noted the emphatic nature of Manning’s coming out via a prepared statement on national television.

Obviously the result of this discussion did not provide an unambiguous mandate as to what to do. In situations like this the ethos dictating that Wikipedia’s content decisions are made by the community with no active authority becomes stretched. In practice, in a situation like this, an uninvolved administrator is expected to close the discussion and make a decision. In this case the decision was made primarily by the user BD2412, in consultation with users Kww and BOZ, both also uninvolved administrators.

As with Rannpháirtí anaithnid, I do not doubt the good intentions of BD2412, Kww, or BOZ. Nevertheless, they put themselves in a crucial position of power, albeit one that was a clear case of “somebody had to do it.” As we’ve seen, the three thousand post discussion demonstrates the many problems with putting basic matters of self identity up to a public vote in the first place. The discussion was rife with transphobia of various forms: explicit, implicit, malicious, and merely ignorant. Beyond that, it came to an ambiguous conclusion.

Ultimately, then, the decision made came down to the three closing administrators. BD2412, Kww, and BOZ could have justified any number of actions, including locating the page at either title. Whatever justification for their decision was given, and we will look at the justification that was in a moment, the idea that there was no choice and that, as BD2412 put it when asked to comment, “a closing administrator has no authority to impose a personal preference not supported by consensus” is simply untrue. Wikipedia has over fifty policy pages, and around twice that many “guidelines.” As Morwen put it when interviewed by New Statesman, “Wikipedia policies are great in the same way standards are - there’s one for every occasion and line of argument.” Which is to say that Wikipedia is governed by a tremendously complex set of rules, within which exist numerous ambiguities and contradictions. The idea that these policies causally lead to single results is on the face of it absurd, as the fact that this controversy continues demonstrates. If nothing else, one of Wikipedia’s policies, entitled simply “Ignore All Rules,” proclaims simply that “If a rule prevents you from improving or maintaining Wikipedia, ignore it.” Which is to say that there is always a level of individual judgment involved. The closing administrators had a series of choices to make about which policies and values to prioritize. Given these choices, they chose a result that constitutes hate speech.

BD2412 offered an extended explanation for his decision, which is scrupulously and extensively couched in Wikipedia policy. But this explanation highlights the way in which institutionalized power of cisgender editors was allowed to systematically override a previously established consensus on how to handle transgender topics. BD2412 begins from the premise that as the Bradley Manning title was longstanding and stable, and thus that the standard used to decide the title would be that those wishing the title to be Chelsea Manning would have to demonstrate a clear consensus for the move. BD2412 cites a line of policy that states, “In article title discussions, no consensus has two defaults: If an article title has been stable for a long time, then the long-standing article title is kept. If it has never been stable, or has been unstable for a long time, then it is moved to the title used by the first major contributor after the article ceased to be a stub.”

This seems clear enough, but there is an obvious silliness in deciding that this applies in the face of major developments like the subject of an article coming out as transgender - indeed, it seems like this is the sort of situation for which the Ignore All Rules policy was invented. That is not to say that it is self-evident that Manning’s coming out ought alter what the default title is, but rather to say that BD2412’s declaration that the default was Bradley Manning was, in fact, a decision with alternatives.

The result of this decision is that from the very start of BD2412‘s evaluation of policy, transgender identities were made not a matter of self identification, but a matter of popular vote. Chelsea Manning is only allowed to be trans if a clear consensus of Wikipedia editors deign to allow her to be. If a sufficiently loud crowd of people does not believe that she has jumped through the appropriate hoops, her self identity does not need to be recognized. BD2412’s stated threshold was that the Chelsea Manning title would only be usable if there was “a development of consensus for a change from the default title.” This is an extraordinary bar to clear, requiring a strong majority of editors to accept the Chelsea Manning title. A result of that, then, is that a sizable bloc of editors with transphobic attitudes, whether malicious or ignorant, is sufficient to create an insurmountable objection to acknowledging someone’s gender transition.

The fact that BD2412 later explicitly excludes the comments premised “solely on Manning’s legal and biological state” does little to alleviate this problem. The emphasis on the word “solely” ends up making it clear that explicit transphobia is a perfectly acceptable reason to make decisions on Wikipedia so long as the bigotry is at least partially phrased in terms of Wikipedia policies, which, as we’ve seen, are fungible.

Equally distressing is BD2412’s declaration that the BLP policy does not require the article be titled Chelsea Manning. Particularly disturbing is his statement that “the application of BLP to avoid harming the subject is mitigated by the subject's own acknowledgment that "Bradley Manning" will continue to be used in various fora, and by the fact that the name, "Bradley Manning", will inevitably appear prominently in the article lede.” This is a reference to the subsequent statement from Manning’s lawyer that “there’s a realization that most people know her as Bradley. Chelsea is a realist and understands.” To be explicit, BD2412 concludes that because Manning is not naive enough to expect that the entire world will avoid transphobia, transphobia is somehow less hurtful. This comes perilously close to outright victim blaming, displaying disturbing similarity with the line of reasoning that suggests that because women know the danger of sexual assault it is their responsibility to avoid it. It is further telling that BD2412 ignored the input of both Sue Gardner and Jimbo Wales, both of whose responsibilities within the Wikimedia Foundation often focus on the complaints of people upset with Wikipedia’s coverage of them.

BD2412 similarly ignored the growing weight of sources using the name Chelsea, stating that “the change that did occur was not sufficient to persuade the majority of editors, including some who indicated that their minds could be changed by sufficient evidence of changed usage.” That many of these !votes came early in the discussion, and that the !votes after both the AP and New York Times changed their usage skewed heavily in favor of Chelsea was, apparently, not relevant. Again, BD2412 puts trans identities up for public vote: you’re only trans if you can convince the press of it.

BD2412’s concession to changing sources - that the matter can be reconsidered in thirty days - is hardly an adequate counterweight. It is difficult to find much comfort in the knowledge that the transphobic decision might be overturned in a month. There is nothing admirable about committing  Wikipedia to thirty days of hate speech.

Again, none of BD2412’s conclusions were causally necessary from the discussion. It is perfectly possible to imagine a conclusion that started from the premise that Wikipedia’s policies on covering transgender people have been stable and consistent for nearly a decade, and that an influx of editors attempting to rules-lawyer these policies in the wake of a politically contentious issue does not override years of consensus on the matter. A demand that those who wish the article to be named Bradley Manning seek consensus to change Wikipedia’s policies on transgender issues would have been reasonable and justifiable. BD2412, Kww, and BOZ chose a different course, however: they decided that transgender identities were a matter for a public vote.

It is wrong to suggest, however, that the buck stops with BD2412, Kww, and BOZ. Several higher order authorities exist with at least some power to influence or alter the decision. First among them is the arbitration committee, a twelve-person elected panel that adjudicates intractable editorial disputes. Although by policy the arbitration committee only involves itself in disputes involving user conduct and explicitly does not make content decisions. Nevertheless, they have considerable leeway. They are, however, a notoriously slow process - there is no realistic way they would issue a ruling before BD2412’s thirty day window for reconsideration has passed. In any case, a request for their intervention has already been made by the user TParis, and appears on track to be taken up. David Gerard - a former arbitrator himself - has explicitly asked the committee to weigh in on the decision to move the page back to Bradley Manning, and Sue Gardner has asked the arbcom to specifically clarify the applicability of BLP and to issue a statement “on how editors might choose to conduct themselves in disputes in which they have little expertise, and in which systemic bias risks skewing outcomes.” (Further disclosure: TParis named me as a party to the case. Because of my decision to begin covering this issue here, I have noted that I will not actively participate in the case and will accept any sanctions that the committee makes without appealing them. I will not use this forum to report on aspects of the case related to my conduct, but as it continues I will report on decisions made regarding other editors.)

A second option exists via the Volunteer Response Team, aka OTRS - a group of editors who answer e-mails sent to the Wikimedia Foundation and address BLP issues. Although they carry no explicit authority they are generally given considerable leeway. An explicit request from Chelsea Manning or her legal team for Wikipedia to move the article would thus carry considerable weight, although I have no reason to believe that any such request has been made or is forthcoming. Anna Wiggins has already filed a request with them, although the response - a slightly modified form letter that disclaimed that “decisions, such as the title of an article on any subject, are made by community consensus.” It is my understanding that Ms. Wiggins intends to follow-up on this response. s per Wikipedia’s explicit bias against canvassing and lobbying, I actively discourage anyone who is not acting on the express wishes of Chelsea Manning or her legal team from attempting to lobby the Volunteer Response Team for intervention; a mass e-mail campaign will not be helpful, and as noted, efforts in this direction are already underway.

Finally there is the Wikimedia Foundation itself, which owns the servers on which Wikipedia is hosted. In the general case they are disinclined to involve themselves too directly in content issues, as the ethos of Wikipedia is explicitly that there is not a rigid editorial structure. Nevertheless, it is not unheard of. The BLP policy itself exists because of top-down pressure from Jimbo Wales in the wake of the 2005 John Seigenthaler controversy, in which Seigenthaler penned an op-ed for USA Today complaining about a defamatory article posted about him that accused him of involvement in the Kennedy assassination. In 2009 the Foundation reaffirmed this, passing a resolution urging all Wikimedia projects to adopt policies along the lines of the BLP policy.

For the Foundation to take the explicit position that they will not allow their servers to be used to host hate speech would be controversial in the extreme. It would also be an act of bravery and integrity. Arguably, these are the exact sorts of lines the Foundation exists to draw. Nevertheless, when asked for a statement on behalf of the Foundation, Sue Gardner said, “the WMF does not, and cannot, adjudicate content disputes. It's not our role, and even if we tried to do it, we wouldn't be successful,” while reiterating her personal support for the Chelsea Manning title as “someone who was a practicing journalist for a long time, and who has given a lot of thought to Wikipedia and its role and influence in the world” Jimbo Wales, for his part, offered slightly more hope when asked to comment, bluntly proclaiming that “the idea that we can’t reconsider for 30 days is just wrong.”

That the Foundation would not succeed if it chose to step in is, of course, wholly a matter of speculation unless they actually do so. As noted, the Foundation has weighed in on content issues before, hence the existence of the BLP policy in the first place. It is also worth noting that the use of the Foundation’s power comes in forms other than silence and autocratic decree; an official statement that misnaming and misgendering transgender people goes against the intended spirit of the BLP policy would carry profound weight. More broadly, although use of their powers would generate massive controversy and would likely result in a fundamental shift in the relationship between the Wikipedia community and the Foundation, the power to immediately stop engaging in transphobic hate speech exists, and the fact that it has not, to date, been exercised constitutes a measure of culpability for that hate speech.

This is, in other words, not an individual failing, but a collective one. Wikipedia illustrates all too perfectly the way in which transphobic bigotry takes place. A broad base of people who are largely ignorant of trans issues respond make a lot of noise. Structures of authority make decisions ostensibly based on dispassionate application of established rules, but that are, in practice, little more than fig leafs disguising their unwillingness to go against the mob. Other structures of authority remain silent. And far too few people spend any serious time listening to the experiences of trans people. Those that do are shouted down or, in extreme cases, threatened by people afraid of having their privilege challenged.

It’s easier by far to convince yourself that you’re acting benevolently than to take seriously the possibility that you’re doing harm. Easier by far to bow to what is politically expedient and will get you the least criticism, instead of what will cause the least pain. Easier to pretend that responsibility extends to following the rules and not to considering the consequences. And easier by far to stay silent than to stick your neck out and make a controversial but necessary decision. That’s how the fifth biggest website in the world commits itself to transphobic hate speech. The same way any bigotry happens: it’s easier than doing the right thing.

I will continue to follow this story as it unfolds. I encourage anybody with information that I have not considered, or anybody who wishes to comment on or off the record about the proceedings discussed to contact me.
03 Sep 07:28

The Beloit Mindset List, 2017 edition

by Michael Leddy
The Beloit Mindset List is back, with a 2017 edition purporting to map the cultural landscape of eighteen-year-olds entering college this fall. I see three problems with the idea of the Beloit List:

§ The “cultural touchstones” the list claims to collect — in the interest of reminding faculty “to be aware of dated references” — are often mere bits of grit. From this year’s list:
25. Planes have never landed at Stapleton Airport in Denver.

43. Don Shula has always been a fine steak house.
Better scotch those Stapleton Airport analogies, Professor Higginbotham! The kids today won’t “dig” them.

And yes, as the list points out — rather crassly, I think — “Dean Martin, Mickey Mantle, and Jerry Garcia have always been dead.” Which means — what, exactly?

§ The list includes items that would be difficult or sometimes impossible to establish as having a basis in fact. For instance:
5. “Dude” has never had a negative tone. [Really? Dude!]

9. Gaga has never been baby talk. [Lady Gaga’s first CD appeared in 2008.]
§ The list fosters the belief that if it hasn’t happened in your lifetime, it isn’t real and you can’t be expected to know about it. It patronizes young adults while purporting to explain them to their elders. I will quote what I wrote in 2010:
What bothers me about the Beloit list involves some unspoken assumptions about reality and young adults. The list reads like a nightmare-version of the proposition that begins Ludwig Wittgenstein’s Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus (1921): “Die Welt ist alles, was der Fall ist.” “The world is all that is the case” — all that is the case, that is, in the life-experience of a hypothetical eighteen-year-old American student.
Thinking that your reality begins with your year of birth: that’s the most terrible mindset of all.

Previous Beloit List posts
2010 : 2011 : 2012

[“Orange Crate Art: Expressing skepticism about the Beloit Mindset List since 2010.”]

You’re reading a post from Michael Leddy’s blog Orange Crate Art. Your reader may not display this post as its writer intended.

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons 3.0 License.
03 Sep 07:07

Under the Dumb

by noreply@blogger.com (Paul Magrs)



'Under the Dome' was fairly enjoyable. But the characters were straight out of the Observer Book of Genre TV cliches. And why is it that tough and grim is the only way to play these things? Is it because they hope to make it seem 'serious' and dramatic? I yearn for more frivolity - or just horror / sf / fantasy that takes itself a little less seriously... or that can really tackle the macabre and the absurd and the nonsensical head-on without dressing it up as police procedure / serial killer gubbins with pretensions to 'darkness.' This applies to a lot of contemporary genre fiction, too, actually, as well as tv.


For me, it’s like when they adapt wonderful old 1960s Marvel comic characters for movies – and they make them ‘gritty and serious.’ The Fantastic Four and the Avengers and Spiderman are essentially silly and whimsical ideas from another time. The blockbustery and ‘dark’ recent film versions are just embarrassing – and, I think, all about flattering the middle aged men they’re made for into thinking they’re not reallywatching what are, essentially children’s stories. I can’t tell you how much I loathedthe Avengers movie last Christmas. I loved all those comics when I was a kid. Every drop of charm had been wrung out of them. Ditto poor, dear Batman.

And why on earth take something as wide-eyed and wonderful as the original Star Trek and make it ‘gritty’?


Genre films and TV these days seem to be made by men of a certain age determined to prove something about their own potency. Years ago there was a comic book series called ‘Crisis on Infinite Earths.’ Science fiction on TV and film these days is all about the crises of the middle aged heterosexual male.



02 Sep 12:44

Humanitarian Intervention

by Jack Graham
TW


Okay, so there's a house.  Inside, an abusive husband is in the process of beating up his wife and kids.

"We've got to do something" says a concerned passer-by outside.

"I agree," says a liberal onlooker.

"Right," says the concerned passer-by, "wait here a mo..."

The concerned passer-by reappears in a suspiciously short amount of time with a fleet of bulldozers armed with wrecking balls, some petrol in a jerry can and a box of matches.  The bulldozers set about demolishing the house while the concerned passer-by sets light to it. 

Once all is quiet, the concerned passer-by and his mates raid the smoking ruins of the house for all the valuables that are still in one piece and unscorched, treading over the burned corpses of the wife and children as they go.  They strike a deal with the husband (it turns out they are old mates of his and actually sold him the knuckle-duster he was using to punch his wife).  In return for letting him live, he gives them his bank account details.  (He's secretly quite pleased to be rid of the wife and kids.)

"Hmm," says the liberal onlooker, "that didn't go quite how I imagined."

Two weeks later, the liberal onlooker is passing another house in which another abusive husband is beating up his wife and kids.

The same concerned passer-by as before appears next to him.

"We've got to do something," says he.

"I agree," says the liberal onlooker.

"Right," says the concerned onlooker, "wait here a mo..."
02 Sep 11:12

An Announcement (that we’re very happy)

by Alex Wilcock

Richard and I have news.




We’ve had several long talks; knees, nervousness and champagne were involved. And we’re both delighted to announce that each of us has agreed to make the other very happy, and that we’ll be getting married next year.

Richard gave me a ring on our fifth anniversary*, and now that (in the nicest possible way) the law has finally caught up with us, we’re going to do it properly. We’ve chosen the date: October 26th, 2014 will be our twentieth anniversary. As it’s not us but Britain that’s taken so long to make up its mind, we’re keeping the same day and digit for future anniversaries.

And I’m chuffed into little meatballs. As well as having the jitters. Which is how it’s supposed to be, isn’t it?




Millennium makes Richard’s co-announcement here.



*My big gesture that day was to take him to see a bloody Jacobean tragedy starring Ian McDiarmid, the Emperor from the Star Wars Saga. Romance wasn’t dead, but most of the characters ended up that way.


02 Sep 11:09

Day 4628: Millennium the Bridesmaid

by Millennium Dome
Monday:


an elephant is announced


Might want to keep 26th October 2014 free.

Just sayin'...


02 Sep 10:26

Scarfolk Council Health & Safety (1973-1974)

by About me
As many of you know, a vaccination introduces a small amount of a virus to the body so that it may build up an immunity.

Scarfolk Council applied the same principle to preparing its employees for accidents in the workplace. For example, to prepare for the eventuality of falling from the roof of the seven storey council building, an employee, during a drill, would be thrown out of a low first floor window. In the case of a gas leak explosion, which could kill fifty people, only three employees would be terminated during the drill.

This method ensured that health and safety ideals were maintained to a high standard throughout the 1970s.


To enlarge/zoom right-click and 'open in new page/tab'
02 Sep 09:14

How to make your own halloumi.

How to make your own halloumi.
02 Sep 09:12

Indiana man accused of teaching people to beat lie detector tests faces prison.

Indiana man accused of teaching people to beat lie detector tests faces prison.
02 Sep 09:10

Why does History Matter?

by mike

A friend recently re-posted an old piece from The Onion, in which the nation’s “Historians Politely Remind Nation To Check What’s Happened In Past Before Making Any Big Decisions.”

historianI asked my grad class to blog about why they’re taking a history class, and why they think it matters, so it’s only fair that I do the same.

Does history matter? Every couple months there’s a newspaper article about how little people know about history–here’s an example, in which the Brits make fun of us for knowing nothing. 1

Americans don’t know basic facts about their history! to which I’d say mostly “so what?” Most people don’t need to know anything at all about history to function perfectly well, and if they need to know something specific, they can easily and quickly look it up. You don’t need to know about the war of 1812 to sell mortgage bonds or work at the Amazon warehouse. Deep knowledge of the acts of Benjamin Harrison is of practically no value to anyone. Ideally, I think everyone should have a Ph.D. in US history, but ideally, I think everyone should know everything. What’s good about knowing history as opposed, say, knowing physics or grammar or music theory?

A Famous HistorianHistory rarely if ever helps you “avoid the mistakes of the past,” because conditions in the present are never quite the same, even if they can be made to look similar. Any historian knows that most “bad” decisions either only turn out to be bad in hindsight, or else could easily have been good decisions if one or two things random had turned out differently. It’s not like there is some standard of “good” that historians guard in a vault, against which all acts are measured. Having historians on your decision team is not, I don’t think, likely to help you avoid making mistakes.

But history is really good for strengthening arguments. Why did we have to “take out” Saddam Hussein? Because history shows you can’t appease dictators! Proponents of the Iraq invasion constantly invoked Winston Churchill, Neville Chamberlain, and the “appeasement” of Hitler. But at this moment, it’s very easy to say that knowledge of the past failed to prevent us from making a stupid mistake.

AskTheHistorianAnd of course, in 2003 there were lots of people using the evidence of history to argue against invading Iraq, talking about the futility of nation building and the ungovernability of historically artificial states. It’s not that one side was wrong and the other was right: it’s that history was equally useful to both sides. If you do what The Onion suggests, and listen to historians, you are going to get a range of opinions, pretty much exactly the same range of opinions you’ll get from non-historians. It’s good for strengthening arguments, but not particularly good for assuring good decisions.

So what’s it good for? I’d say it’s good for offering you alternative ways of thinking. History is a repository of the astounding creativity and resourcefulness of people. It’s a record of the multiple ways people come up with to solve basic human dilemmas. It shows how malleable we are, how powerful ideas are in shaping our behavior. It frees us, ironically, from the inevitability of the present by demonstrating how things that look “natural” and timeless and inevitable are actually contingent and fragile and don’t have to be.

If you study history the world you navigate through becomes a deeper, richer, and more interesting place. If you don’t know anything about, say, plants, you just drive through a world of green stuff. But if you know a lot about plants, all the green stuff becomes more interesting and varied. it becomes legible in a different way. As you drive along the freeway, you understand why there’s a freeway; you understand the political, social, economic and technological forces that led to that freeway being there. History is going to make even the most mundane stuff, deeper, richer, and more interesting.

Does it need to do more than that?

 

 

  1. Notice that it starts with Christina Aguilera forgetting the lyrics to the national anthem. That’s not really history, I’d say, and it’s a terrible anthem anyway and we ought to replace it with America the Beautiful. 
01 Sep 09:01

Syrian Intervention: Nick, Please Make the Hard Choice to Be Practical

by Alex Wilcock

The argument over Syria is depressing. After decades of an appalling regime and months of appalling civil war, poison gas has pushed many people simply to say – enough. And, morally, they’re right. Who can’t understand the urge to say, these are terrible things, and they must be fought? But real life doesn’t let us be the Sheriff, all guns blazing. The last decade above all has taught us about playing at cowboy ‘peacemaking’. So much as I empathise with Nick Clegg, it’s time to tell him to be a grown-up.

Syria up-ends all the usual certainties of UK politics. Nick Clegg talks about hard choices trumping idealism, and being practical, and concentrating on what can be done, not what we want to do in an ideal world… Not today. Today Nick says, this is what I believe in, it’s simply right, never mind the cost or the consequences, we can work those out later. And it’s the Liberal Democrats who are having to lecture their Leader, slow down, think about it, we don’t have unlimited money, we need to get people to agree, we’re living in the real world and you can’t just commit to everything you want out of idealism.

Political leaders make all the decisions, and their parties grumble and follow… Not today. To the credit of British democracy, all three leaders have blatantly had kicks in the nadgers from their much less gung-ho MPs. Ed Miliband’s constant u-turns after agreeing military action with the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister are only the most obvious signs – and the press treating this as ‘Miliband changing his mind, and again’ only the most obvious sign that the media simply do not understand that parties are not always monolithic and that leaders are sometimes told where to go by their troops.

It’s a harsh lesson to learn, though the use of chemical weapons is a terrible crime, and weakens us all, and we want to do something about it… Sometimes even the most powerful of us can’t get everything they want.


First and Second Principles

First principle: yes. It was wrong. It was horrible. It was in defiance of international law.

Second principle: so call in the international police.

…Oh.

And that’s where it all falls apart.

There were brief times when the UK, or the US, or even NATO, had both the military and moral authority to do pretty much what they liked. In the ’90s, intervening to save lives in Kosovo, it looked like the world would agree to such action, even if the Security Council didn’t. It wasn’t quite legal, but by what looked like wide consent it was the right thing.

It takes naivety past the point of stupidity not to realise that the world has changed, and that the US and the UK changed it for the worse.

We need a system of international law and enforcement to do what Liberals have always done – stand up to bullies. But none of us have any idea how to get there, and our leaders closing their eyes and wishing because they understandably can’t bear that they have so much power but so much impotence at the same time will not make it real.

We need to face up to the unpalatable fact that, after George Bush and the Labour Party’s invasion of Iraq, the US and the UK cannot be the international police. In principle, you can’t uphold international law by breaking it. In practice, too much of the world would see us yet again not as neutral law-enforcers but only the bigger bullies.

Deputy Prime Minister, I know you, and I know you’re sincere, and I know you feel that something must be done. Be mature enough to realise that sometimes you can’t do something, and that trying might make things far worse.


The Practical Problems

Nick Clegg has written “Five reasons why this is not Iraq”. They’re well-considered reasons. They come from the head and the heart. They’re mostly right. But they’re largely irrelevant. No, it’s not Iraq, but it’s absurdly delusional to ignore the fact that everyone on Earth will see it through that prism. Yes, the Coalition is getting a lot right that Labour’s warmongering lie factory got wrong: waiting for weapons inspectors; letting Parliament decide; publishing the legal advice; committing to something far short of an invasion. Before Iraq, that might have been enough. Today, it simply isn’t.

The practical problem of who you’re taking action on behalf of looks like the most insurmountable one. I’ve written before that international law is the gravest of the three big issues on which Liberals lack an instinctive compass – because it’s impossible for all those concerned to give informed consent. I’ve written before that without that, who appoints you a policeman? Who holds you accountable? If you’re wrong, what defence are you left with other than ‘might is right’? And the fact is that the limited framework of international law we have is ‘enforceable’ by a far more limited and flawed body of international decision-making in which many countries with interests against the letter of international law must give their consent, and in which Russia and China in particular can stop any idealist interventionism from having the fig-leaf of legality. There is no ‘citizen’s arrest’ in international law. There is law – or there isn’t. Breaking the law ‘to do good’, again, means no-one will trust you to keep it, or trust your motives. You might or might not be able to improve things in Syria: the likelihood is that no-one will agree on the balance afterwards. The certainty is that international law will be broken, that making it a reality will be put back, and that countries and people who already distrust the US and the UK for the previous governments’ disgusting actions will be further poisoned against us and say whatever government’s in power, they’re all the same.

The practical problem of what happens next is one you clearly haven’t thought out. Say that you manage a precise, proportionate missile attack – whatever that means. Say that somehow the Syrian regime neglects to smear all the world’s TV screens with images of bloody horror that you perpetrated, as any side now can in any war. Say that things have gone ‘according to plan’. But say that Assad doesn’t back down. Does he ever? So what would you do? More missiles? More planes? Tanks? Troops? Or would you back down, and lose face, and do even more damage to the international prohibition of chemical weapons than that which you fear now – with every future perpetrator knowing that you will go only so far, then crumble? You couldn’t answer that question in your Radio 4 interview this morning. If this isn’t going to be another Iraq, we have to ask, too… What next?

The practical problem of the “war crime” is that today we must demand proof. It would be unforgivably irresponsible not to. Even those of us against the Iraq War ‘knew’ about their weapons of mass destruction, because for Labour to sell us monstrous lies on that scale seemed inconceivable. Now we know that they spun and lied their way to war on sexed-up nothing, we can’t take the word of any government and we can’t just take our instincts as proof. It looks very like there was a gas attack: but the weapons inspectors need to investigate. It seems very like it was Assad’s regime: but evidence has to prove it. We need compelling evidence not just of what but of who. We all know of cases where the police said ‘We know he did it, so let’s just get him’. And we’re not even the police. For too many, we’re seen as the gangsters. The consequences of getting this wrong are incalculably higher than just any old-fashioned copper fit-up scandal.

The practical problem for the Liberal Democrats, at last coming to selfish party interests, is that we just can’t afford yet more ‘betrayal’. It isn’t only pacifists who are weary of war. The UK has been fighting for more than ten years – apparently for nothing. The vast majority have just had enough. And for the Lib Dems, it’s worse. One of the few bits of moral high ground we still have that lets our supporters sleep at night (and still vote for us) is that unlike the Labour Party, at least we didn’t invade another country and soak ourselves in blood in defiance of international law. No, this isn’t Iraq, but just as you’re going on your feelings, a hell of a lot of other people are going on theirs that it feels the same. Not least when bloodsoaked liars Tony Blair and Alastair Campbell are already cheerleaders for their next Iraq.

Look at the opinion polls if you don’t trust my instinctive analysis. This is an adventure on which the political leaders and the voters are absolutely split apart, and no more so than Lib Dem voters: the widest gulf between any party leader’s position and that of his voters is for you. Listen to your voters. Listen to your party. If you can’t even get their consent, how much harder will it be to persuade all the countries that are not already minded to trust you? If there’s any issue likely to make both your supporters and your members vote with their feet and leave you with no power at all, or even rise up and break the Coalition, this is the one.

Nick, I know you long to do something, but this is real life and you are not Batman. It’s a hard choice for you, but the most practical thing you can do is – say no.


For further reading, choose by the hundred, but I particularly recommend Caron Lindsay’s round-up “Syria: what do Liberal Democrats want?”, Mark Pack’s “Syria – I know what’s wrong; working out what’s right is rather harder” and Millennium Dome, Elephant’s “Syrians versus Badgers”, in which he hopes that one day, “people will stop thinking that the solution to a problem is to throw ordinance at it”.

31 Aug 23:18

Oh, You’re THAT Guy!

by LP

“Hello?”

“Is this Wanda?”

“Yeah…who’s calling?”

“This is Andy!”

“Uh…”

“You remember! Andy! From high school!”

“I’m afraid I don’t…oh, wait a minute.”

“See, you remember!”

“Oh, my God!”

“Uh huh!”

“Oh, my God. I remember you and Marty Leffler stole that garbage truck from the city vehicle impound lot…”

“Right!”

“And you filled the back of it with half-melted caramels you got from the dumpster at the Brach’s factory and let them sit out in the sun for, like, three days…”

Five!”

“No way!”

“For real.”

“And then you ripped off those, what were they, fire extinguishers?”

“They were freon dispensers.”

Right, and then you drove over to Dean Schneider’s house and threw weighted raccoons at his window until he came out to chase you…”

“He wasn’t the dean then. He was the principal!”

“Oh, awesome! And then we he was running behind the truck, you opened up the back and he got stuck inside this huge gush of molten caramels…”

“He was like a fly stuck in amber, man.”

“And then you and Marty sprayed him with the freon dispensers and froze him solid and brought him to the gym!”

“Yeah! Exactly!”

“Man, that was the best homecoming ever.”

“Uh…we didn’t do it at homecoming.”

“What?”

“That was Andy Horowitz who did it at homecoming. I’m Andy Scheffman. I did it for junior prom.”

“Oh. Uh, oh. Okay.”

“Yeah.”

‘Well, uh, what’s up?”

“Actually, I was just wondering if you wanted to go out with me sometime.”

“Geez…I’d love to, Andy, but I’m married now! I married Ben Kiesler.”

“Are you serious?”

“Well, you know, we dated all through high school, and…”

“When did you date Ben Kiesler? I thought you went out with Gary Bowman.”

“I never dated Gary Bowman.”

“Wait, is this Wanda Horvath?”

31 Aug 13:00

“War. What is it good for?”: A Private Little War

by noreply@blogger.com (Josh Marsfelder)
"I'm sorry, I seem to have gotten lost and wound up on some other show."

Well, the one good thing to say about it is that we can now be certain about who to blame for “The City on the Edge of Forever”.

Yikes this one is a mess. “A Private Little War” should have been interesting, being the second episode written by Don Ingalls. As the writer of “The Alternative Factor”, an episode I thought was positively delightful, giddily clever and a highlight of the first season, his follow-up effort for the more experimental second season should have been a fascinating watch, if not a minor classic. However, following a comprehensive rewrite from Gene Roddenberry, the story's Vietnam-inspired anti-war subtext became Vietnam-inspired pro-war text in one of the ugliest and clunkiest transformations I've ever seen an episode undertake. The end result is a catastrophically imperialist and bigoted and right up there with “The Apple” as one of the single worst things Star Trek ever produced, and this one doesn't even hold together as a cohesive bit of narrative structure. Ingalls was so offended by this he took his name off the script and used the pseudonym “Jud Crucis”, which is wordplay on the phrase “Jesus Crucified”. So that sounds promising.

I mean really, what more is there to say? Kirk discovers the Klingons feeding advanced weapons technology to a peaceful, idyllic group of childlike natives for...some reason, and his solution is to feed the other side weapons to preserve the “Balance of Power” and, just for good measure, explicitly stating this was the only way humanity survived the proxy wars between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War. This is just about the exact same tack the show attempted back in “Friday's Child”, and I obviously owe D.C. Fontana an apology because it's now perfectly clear whose fault that bit of ethical bankruptcy was. We also once again have that interminable Book of Genesis Garden of Eden drivel which I'm at this point genuinely sick to death of seeing the show roll out over and over again. This time it's shown to be a tragedy, though a necessary one to introduce serpents into the garden (as opposed to “The Apple” which just considered this to be natural part of societal development), but this isn't adding any nuance to this stock, overused plot or providing a sufficiently fresh angle that would justify going over it yet again. Maybe Roddenberry should have just gone into Bible Studies instead of becoming a TV writer.

On top of that, any goodwill the episode stocked up thanks to the introduction of the really quite excellent Doctor M'Binga is quickly squandered by returning to the “Errand of Mercy” tactic of browning up the white actor portraying its Klingon adversary, something every Klingon episode in between had managed to avoid doing. Additionally, having Chekov, Scotty and Uhura freely contribute their opinions and analysis in the first bridge scene, and than having the script incapacitate Spock in order to explore Kirk and McCoy's relationship, are both brilliant moves except for the fact Roddenberry doesn't have Kirk listen to any of them and instead has him just go around winning arguments by shouting louder then the person he's debating against. And, since the show felt I hadn't quite suffered enough, it makes its primary antagonist an ambiguously brown shaman Lady Macbeth who has mastery of strange, vaguely-defined bush magic, lurks around the male cast in an obvious Judas Kiss pose and gets her comeuppance by being gang raped to death by the opposing faction because Gene Roddenberry apparently believes reactionary politics work like pinball machines and that he can somehow score an intolerance combo bonus multiplier.

Structurally, this episode is a disaster. It's perhaps tempting, though I would argue too easy, to blame this on Ingalls' original script, as no matter how much fun “The Alternative Factor” might have been no-one is going to call it an especially tight or coherent piece of work. But in that episode, the structural issues come primarily from the rushed and hectic production schedule the show was working under in its first season, and especially that week. Furthermore, those few problems it did have didn't detract from the experience because the conceit about conflicting parallel universes of matter and antimatter threatening to cause a narrative collapse through their interaction was genius, and the quirks wound up reinforcing that. “A Private Little War” doesn't have that kind of a setup to work with in the first place, and really it's pretty obvious the flow problems come from Roddenberry taking a hack saw to Ingalls' submission: Kirk's motivation and entire personality changes from scene to scene and he waffles back and forth about what his actual moral stance on the situation is, and not in a way that seems indicative of a person re-evaluating himself and his judgment. Kirk, like Star Trek itself, seems to be written to give all the illusion of taking a decisive stand while in truth desperately hoping to remain as neutral, apolitical and indecisive as possible. It's painfully obvious Roddenberry is trying to get Kirk to come out against what would seem to be Ingalls' anti-war intent while still making him look like the upstanding heroic moral crusader, and he just abjectly and comprehensively fails across the board.

It is also worth mentioning one of the many, many changes Roddenberry made to Ingalls' original script was making the Klingon adversary a unique character, when he was originally apparently supposed to be Kor from “Errand of Mercy”. I bring this up not to focus on irrelevant production minutiae, but because in a memo dating from the production, Bob Justman apparently had this to say about that idea:

“Here we are in the outer reaches of our galaxy and who should Captain Kirk run into, but good old Kor – an adversary that he has encountered before and with whom he has been unable to get very far. Just think of it – billions of stars and millions of Class M-type planets and who should he run into, but a fella he has had trouble with before. No wonder Kor doesn’t recognize him at first. The coincidence is so astounding, that he must feel certain that it couldn’t possibly have happened."

Well then.

I guess I can throw “The City on the Edge of Forever” at his feet as well: Never mind the fact that just three episodes ago we were thinking about making Koloth a reoccurring adversary, not to mention four episodes ago we actually turned Harry Mudd into one. Forget all of that: Reoccurring adversaries really are lame aren't they? I mean, who'd want to have our heroes regularly face off against an equally matched, likeable foil who had perfectly legitimate reasons to be involved in the plot and who provided an ever-present challenge to their ethics that they would have to constantly rise to defend their philosophy against? That's just stupid. But, we'll meet Ingalls halfway and make the new guy just as hideous a racist caricature, right? That will make it all better.

Look, when you start making Harlan Ellison look reasoned and cosmopolitan by comparison, it might just be time to re-evaluate some things about yourself and your life.

I could continue to yell and scream and rant and rave and turn this post into yet another 3000 word missive on how reactionary and offensive Star Trek is, but what's making me the angriest now is that “A Private Little War” is bad in exactly all the areas the show has been bad in the past. It's a kind of Greatest Hits version of Roddenberry's retrograde writing style, but it grates in exactly the same way “The Apple”, “Friday's Child”, “Who Mourns for Adonais?” and the entirety of Roddenberry's tenure as showrunner did. It contributes absolutely nothing to either the show or my discourse about and analysis of it, except I guess for the big snow-white furry poisonous ape dude. What's really the point? Star Trek has somehow, and without any help from Roddenberry, transformed itself and touched immortality this season. “A Private Little War” not only doesn’t help the franchise, it doesn't even get to hinder it in any meaningful way apart from being yet more evidence to support my argument that the original Star Trek had more of an impact in setpieces and isolated iconic moments than it did in the aggregate as a TV show.

Ultimately this episode leaves me in a bit of a conundrum. While it's certainly not filler and most definitely another train wreck, it ends up *feeling* like filler. It's really beginning to seem like since “The Trouble with Tribbles” things have changed for Star Trek forever: I find myself far less inclined to break down and declare the show dead at this point and much more inclined to just get really annoyed that I have to review another Gene Roddenberry episode. Was “Tribbles”, in addition to demi-classics like “Amok Time”, “The Doomsday Machine”, “Wolf in the Fold”, “Mirror, Mirror” and “Journey to Babel” enough to turn this floundering ship's fortunes around to such an extent that not even Gene Roddenberry can run it aground anymore? From hindsight we can easily claim that yes, it absolutely was, but in 1968 “A Private Little War” must have seemed like yet another example of Star Trek's utter lack of consistent standards or quality. In the end, the story might not be that Star Trek was at risk of dying, but that it was dead on arrival and has been trying to claw its way out of the grave since day one.

But we know its legacy is certain now. We can rest a bit easier. The only good thing about “A Private Little War” is that stock footage of the White Rabbit's footprints from “Shore Leave” were used for those of the Mugato. It sucks. Gene Roddenberry has to go. Let's move on.
31 Aug 11:46

On Syria

by Charlie Stross

(Note: My Snowden/sociology piece has spawned a longer essay on the same subject area, in Foreign Policy.)

And I'm sorry, but I can't stay away from the clusterfuck of our security policy and the inane side-effects of the war on terror. Like a dog returning to its vomit, I've just got to circle back to middle-eastern politics.

Short version: proposals in the UK and USA to carry out bombing strikes against the Assad regime in Syria are not only criminal (in the absence of a firm UN Security Council ruling on the matter), they're stupid. One such imperial adventure might be an accident, two might be a coincidence, but embarking on a third one within a decade of the blood-spattered fiasco that was Iraq and the traumatic counter-insurgency occupation that was Afghanistan should be grounds for incarcerating any western politician proposing it in an institution for the criminally insane.

Syria, lest we forget, is in the throes of a civil war. The government—a nastily dynastic version of the Ba'athist quasi-fascist ideology that dominated many Arab nations between the mid-1950s and the early noughties—is fighting a varied bunch of rebels. Note that the government is largely dominated by secularized elements of the Shi'ite Alawite minority, who make up around 12% of the population; the majority are Sunni (74%), Christian (10%) and a variety of other sects.

If this sounds like the same sort of demographic split as Iraq, with Christians instead of Kurds, then give yourself a gold star: both "nations" were carved out of the bleeding carcass of the Ottoman Empire by France and the UK in the wake of the First World War under the auspices of the Sykes-Picot Agreement.

The UK and France had a lot of experience of running colonial empires, and had devised a recipe for establishing puppet states. You carved up the blank areas on the map, deliberately cutting across tribal/national boundaries, to establish zones with a 70/25/5 percentage split. The 70% majority were to be ruled and policed by representatives drawn from the 25% minority, armed with clubs and possibly rifles, while the 5% of imperial merchants and administrators enforced colonial rule over the 25%ers with machine guns and gunboats.

With the draw-down from empire, many of the 5% left; often a puppet monarchy would be left in power, but be deposed by a coup some few years later. The coup ideology would be attractive and post-colonial, and the coup plotters were the educated mid-ranking officers who had worked for the imperialists and now rose through the armed forces the former colonized nation. In some, it was Communism; in large chunks of the Middle East (Iraq, Syria, Egypt, Libya ...) it was Ba'athism or its close cousin Nasserism.

I'm going to tip-toe around the reasons for the Syrian civil war, not to mention the Arab Spring in general; I'm not an Arabist or Middle Eastern scholar, I'm just an interested layman. However, the point I'd like to make is that the demographic mix in Syria, as with the situation in Iraq, is ripe for civil war, ethnic cleansing, and (whisper it) genocide. It's the same shit-stinking mess we—the west—left all over Africa: the 70/25/5 split coming back to bite us. (You can see it in Rwanda, with the largely artificial Hutu/Tutsi split that descended into mass murder: in Zimbabwe, with the Shona/Ndebele split; and just about everywhere you look. Even, dare I say it, in the demographics of the Indian Empire as created by John Company—now split into India, Pakistan and the former East Pakistan, Bangladesh.)

Now, nerve gas is nasty stuff. But what was it doing there in the first place? I suspect the key answer can be found to the south-west, in the hulking Arab geopolitical spectre that is Israel. Israel has nuclear weapons. Nerve gas is the poor man's nuke. Presumably the Assad family's thinking was that, in the final contingency of a hot Israel/Syria war breaking out and escalating beyond control, they could threaten the Jewish settlers in the Golan Heights as a deterrent against Israeli use of battlefield nuclear weapons. Luckily for us, even such head-bangers as Hafez al-Assad, Benjamin Netenyahu, and Ariel Sharon were saner than Tony Blair (who managed to start five foreign expeditionary wars in his first six years in office, more than any other British Prime Minister ever). So that Syria/Israeli chem-nuke exchange never happened. Phew.

So: Rewind to 2010. We had an unstable dictatorship ripe for civil war, ruled by the relatively ineffectual younger son of a strong man. Bashar al-Assad was reputedly happiest when practicing as an opthalmic surgeon in London; only after the death of his elder brother Bassel in a car crash did his father Hafez designate him as his anointed successor, probably because the alternative—his brother Maher—was a hot-tempered thug. The Arab Spring breaks out all over, blood flows, and by-and-by the Arab Spring comes to Syria. Finally, in 2013, it is alleged that nerve gas (probably Sarin) has been used against the Rebel forces by the Syrian army.

Allegations are flying left and right; the Syrian government protests that the rebels used gas, the rebels say the government used gas, and nobody can get access to the bodies of the victims; this report from Medecins Sans Frontieres raises as many questions as it answers. Some of the more plausible speculation is that Maher al-Assad may have ordered the use of gas without authorization from above. But it's not impossible that the whole incident was a cock-up; with shells whizzing back and forth, and gas shells presumably stored where they could be used if needed, what is the probability that a nerve gas storage facility was inadvertently damaged?

But let's leave the right and wrong of it alone. It's horrendous stuff, and deliberate use of gas in war is a war crime, but assigning blame is something for the International Court in the Hague to untangle.

Here's the problem, as I see it: it's being used as a rallying cry to drag the US military—and the UK—into yet another colonial war in the Middle East.

If the USA and UK go down this route, we will end up killing innocent civilians. And not just a handful; we don't have the expertise to tell Syrian rebels from government loyalists. It's a civil war. They're fighting battles within built-up areas inside cities. Sending in the bombers will work about as well as it ever did (i.e. somewhere between "broke a lot of windows" and "killed a couple of million civilians who were minding their own business"). It won't solve the essential political problem, which is the legacy of the imperial 70/25/5 divide-and-conquer principle. If it does succeed in targeting the Syrian government forces to the point where the rebels emerge as victors, it may even be setting up the preconditions for anti-Alawaite pogroms and genocide.

Also, we'd be back to doing the same dumb thing for the third time in a decade. No current front-rank politician can have any excuse for being ignorant of the events in Iraq and Afghanistan; why are they now so eager to repeat them? It's not even as if Syria has any oil. (Oh, wait ...) Bombing people, far from preventing radicalization and terrorism, generates it; it's almost as if, seeing the engines of the war on terror running low on gas, some fiendish entity decided it was time to stoke the flames again. Why are we going here?




EDIT: There is one thing the West can do that would be unambiguously good. Also, cheap; and it wouldn't involve killing anyone.

Nerve agents like Sarin aren't black magic; they're close relatives of organophosphate insecticides. Medical treatments exist. In particular there's a gizmo called a NAAK, or Nerve Agent Antidote Kit. The drugs it relies on (neostigmine, atropine, and diazepam) are all more than fifty years old and dirt cheap; they won't save someone who has inhaled a high lethal dose, but they'll stabilize someone who's been exposed, hopefully for long enough to get them decontaminated and rush them to a hospital for long-term treatment. Mass Sarin attacks are survivable with prompt first aid and hospital support.

We should be distributing gas masks, field decontamination showers, NAAK kits, and medical resources to everyone in the conflict zones. Government, civilian, rebels, it doesn't matter. By doing so we would be providing aid that was (a) life-saving (b) cheap, and (c) put a thumb on the side of the balance in favour of whoever isn't using nerve gas. We'd also be breaking with the traditional pattern of western involvement in the region, which is to break shit and kill people, mostly innocent civilians who were trying to keep their heads down. It wouldn't fix our bloody-handed reputation, but it'd be a good start.

30 Aug 12:52

Letter to Nick Clegg – Secret courts and bedroom tax

by Iain Donaldson
Dear Nick,
Following the vote in Parliament last night the Prime Minister demonstrated how to graciously step back from a position and accept the will of our democratically elected representatives that Britain should not engage in the folly of military intervention in Syria.To step back, accept that you have lost the vote, and so quickly return to the task that parliament has set is not in my view a sign of weakness, it is a clear sign of strength and dignity that will serve the Prime Minister well.
At our Spring conference this year you faced two major votes where you disagreed with the view of the vast majority of members of the Party.
Will you now follow the lead of the Prime Minister and graciously step back from your position and accept the will of our democratically elected conference representatives that both secret courts and the under occupancy rules and levy are wrong?
In the case of the under occupancy rules and levy literally thousands of British people are living in fear that they will have to uproot their homes and move to smaller unsuitable housing as a result of the social cleansing exercise that the under occupancy rules impose, whilst the simple reality is that the rules do nothing to alleviate the chronic shortage of affordable housing that our country faces.  I will not repeat here the concerns our colleague Paula Keaveney raised with you in your ‘ask Nick’ session at Spring Conference or the many excellent contributions to that debate.
In the case of the secret courts cases placed before a Judge under the Secret Courts do not represent justice as the claimant will not know what acts the security services accuse them of, nor will they therefore be able to defend themselves against false or erroneous allegations that may be made to a Judge.
I will not repeat here the concerns our colleague Paula Keaveney raised with you regarding the under occupancy rules and levy, or that I raised with you regarding the secret courts, in your ‘ask Nick’ session at Spring Conference or the many excellent contributions in the relative debates.
I would however point out that Liberal Democrat conference has voted virtually unanimously to oppose both of these pieces of legislation; will you as Leader of the Liberal Democrats now graciously accept defeat and do the job that your party has elected you to do?
Iain Donaldson

* Chair of Manchester Gorton Liberal Democrats, a member of the NW Regional Executive and the English Council and a former City Councillor of 19 years

30 Aug 12:51

Syria: an opportunity lost, an opportunity gained?

by Mark Valladares
Parliament has spoken. And whilst it isn't entirely clear that what it appears to have said is actually what it meant to say, there are some serious questions that follow on from the outcome of last night's defeat for the Government.

Is the 1925 Geneva Protocol a dead letter, if nobody is willing to enforce it?

Written during the time of the ill-fated League of Nations, the Protocol outlawed first use of chemical weapons, and is still being ratified in various places - Syria ratified it in 1968, Moldova in 2010. It was widely accepted as applying to use anywhere, including domestically, although some signatories weren't entirely happy to share that view.

The Protocol was written in a simpler time, when technology limitations meant that access to chemicals was restricted, the means of delivery were few, and pretty obvious, and the idea of using such weapons against your own citizens was almost unthinkable. Besides, they weren't very accurate, being vulnerable to wind shifts and the like.

The world is a much more complex place now, and delivery of chemical weapons much simpler, so the idea that only sovereign nations might use them is a flawed one. That has implications for enforcement, and I'm not convinced that existing international bodies are best suited to dealing with the new environment.

So, if it is to be assumed that last night's vote rules out British involvement in Syria in the near term, does this mean that we have effectively chosen not to enforce the Protocol?

I hope not. But perhaps if the United Kingdom finds itself in a position to bring the UN Security Council together to address the question of treaty enforcement in an era where sovereign states are not the only players, this may be an opportunity gained, rather than one lost.

29 Aug 17:14

Labour: all in a spin over Syria

by Alisdair Calder McGregor
The last 24 hours have seen some horribly duplicitous double-dealing over the motion on Syria before the House of Commons. Labour are busily trying to concoct a narrative that they are taking a lead on the issue, while doing serious damage to the ability of the UK to seriously engage in overseas politics.

I shall lay my cards on the table here; I'm neither an untrammeled warhawk nor a complete dove - not in general and certainly not when it comes to Syria (or the middle-east in general). I don't believe that there is an easy solution for the whole situation (staying out is only easy for us, before someone comments), and the whole package must be handled with extreme care to keep things from deteriorating badly. Civil Wars, and the politics around them, are like unexploded bombs; just waiting to turn into a cloud of hot gas and flying shrapnel.

Nonetheless I've been utterly astounded by the sheer gall the Labour Party are displaying over the motion before the House of Commons. Everything started with the (inevitable) decision to recall parliament to debate the matter.

With Foreign Policy matters, unlike domestic issues, there's generally a more consensus driven approach to policy making (events like the Iraq war debate and Tony Blair misleading parliament into an illegal war notwithstanding). It was thus quite a surprise to hear Labour indicating that they would try to amend the motion before the commons, even more of a surprise to see them publish the amendment before the substantive text was released, and shocking to hear that if their amendment failed they would whip their MPs at the vote.

Whip them to abstain, that is.

The idea of whipping their parliamentary party to abstain on a war vote was clearly a nonsense. It was quickly called out on the bubble-watching media and twittersphere for the cowardice it was. A few people also noted that one or two Labour frontbenchers might defy the whip and vote against in any case (notably Dianne Abbott).

In any case, Labour swiftly pulled a u-turn and announced that they would vote against the substantive motion if their amendment was not adopted. Unusual, because of the aforementioned general consensus building approach to foreign policy, and rather damaging to Labour (and Milibands) own credibility on foreign affairs, but hardly the end of the world.

Consensus was then obviously rapidly sought by the government. Hague in particular shifted tone markedly, and the eventual motion, when the substantive text was released, contained the points Labour had pushed for (report back from the weapons inspectors, UN agreement and so on).

I was at this point quite glad. The motion as finalised satisfied my worries over legality and objectives, at least in the short term, and required a further commons majority before any escalation by UK forces could occur. Labour had played a bit of politics but come out with a bit of credit, the Liberal Democrats had a motion that wasn't gung-ho adventurism of the worst Tory school, it looked like the Tories were satisfied with the soft power benefits for now, and best of all Labour seemed to have learned from their illegal Iraq war.

And then Labour had to try and go one division too far.

Labour are now indicating that - despite assurances, despite the substantive motion containing the safeguards they wanted, the safeguards they would vote in favour of - they will now vote against come what may.

This doesn't merely shoot their own foreign policy credibility in the foot - although it's done that handily - it also shoots the UKs own foreign policy soft power in the foot too. A quote from an unnamed (for obvious reasons) government official says;

No 10 and the Foreign Office think Miliband is a f***ing c**t and a copper-bottomed sh*t. The French hate him now and he’s got no chance of building an alliance with the US Democratic party.

Not only is Ed Miliband now endangering the Labour Party's credibility - they are now committed to voting against a motion which contains the principles they previously wanted to vote for - he is undermining the credibility of the UK as an international power of western democracy.

Ed Miliband is showing that he is unfit to hold power, and in the process he is damaging the country. Unlike Nick, who treats the issue with the extreme seriousness it deserves - rightly drawing parallels with Kosovo - Ed is playing a petty game inside the Labour Party.

Is it really worth it just to keep Dianne Abbott on the front bench, Ed?