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Christians in Brazil: To Protest or Not to Protest?

In recent weeks, Brazil has been convulsed with protests. How are Christians responding?
Two different believers in Brazil take two different attitudes. Guilherme de Carvalho is a staff worker at LAbri, a Christian study center in Belo Horizonte, a city in the more developed southeast of Brazil. He is also the pastor of a local Evangelical congregation. He sees the protests as a catalyst for change in Brazil and thinks Christians should play an active role in shaping the outcome.
Kenneth Wieske is a Canadian Reformed missionary who has been working in the large northeastern city of Recife for thirteen years. He does not see a place for Christians in these protests. He believes true political reform will only happen when Brazilians start changing the way they live.
The protests began when a leftist group (Movimento Passe Livre) denounced an increase in bus fares and demanded a greater level of government subsidy. This quickly grew into a broad expression of discontent with the national status quo as millions took to the streets. Much of the resentment focused on the billions of dollars spent on stadiums for next years soccer World Cup, even as the average Brazilian deals with poor infrastructure, education, and medical care. But the views being expressed in the protests were as diverse as the protestors themselves. Two people could be marching side by side and protesting two totally different things.
Both Belo Horizonte and Recife are slated to host World Cup matches, and both were the scenes of large demonstrations. Carvalho lives near the city center, so he and his family experienced the protests firsthand. He decided early on to get involved. There was a strong feeling among everyone that something major was going on," he says. I had a strong desire to go out in the streets and discovered that many people in my church had gone out too."
Wieske and his family live on the outskirts of Recife, so they didnt feel as much impact from the protests. Theyve been careful to avoid the hotspots. Two weeks ago, though, there was a general bus strike, which meant many people in their church could not get to work.
He says that in some ways the protests did not surprise him: There is great income disparity here and great injustice towards the poor. Especially when I first moved here 13 years ago, I wondered if the poor would ever rise up if someone agitated them enough."
Wieske would not participate in the protests himself because of the way they originated: over a rise in bus fares: The people who protested that are violating the Eighth Commandment," he explains. Those bus fares are subsidized, so other people are paying the fares and the protestors want more of their money. They want to live off the fruit of someone elses labor."
Carvalho also disagrees with the original protests, but he thinks they quickly morphed into something totally different: The initial protests were like a butterfly effect. They brought other people onto the streets to complain about other things. The movement very quickly stopped being left-wing and became national."
He sees lack of political representation as the greatest challenge facing Brazil, and that is the reason he was protesting. Politicians are elected but as soon as they take office they forget the people who elected them," he says.
He has been blogging about his views. His first post on the protests garnered two thousand Facebook likes. He also helped start Igreja na Rua (Church in the Street), a small networking group of believers who are joining in the protests. They have been adding the hashtag #igrejanarua to their banners. The group had its first meeting last week to discuss an agenda. Increasing political representation is its top priority.
Igreja na Rua is only one of many different Christian groups that arose spontaneously during the protests. Carvalho does not know where they will go in the next year, but he is pleased to see Christians becoming more politically engaged.
Carvalho does not believe any good will come from rushing reforms through in the current climate, but he is optimistic that carefully thought-out changes to the law could, in time, have a big impact. This is a historic moment and changes are coming, he thinks. Thus, its particularly important for Christians to remain engaged and vigilant. The recent rise of the extreme left is worrying. Theyve been organizing off the back of these protests. Christians should also organize," he says.
He hopes the protests will lead Brazilian Evangelical Christians-who he believes have been overly ideological-to become more pragmatic in forming political alliances, particularly with Roman Catholics.
Wieske has a very different perspective. He thinks the political system will only be transformed when ordinary Brazilians spark cultural change: We need to address the problems by living in a consistent manner. You wont change corruption in the government if youre tolerating it in your own life. If youre pulled over by a police officer who is looking to get a bribe, dont pay it. Most people find it much easier to pay the bribe and drive on. People have pirated CDs and DVDs in their houses and then they go out and protest corruption."
Wieske believes there are sufficient mechanisms in Brazils current laws and constitution to tackle most of the issues being protested. Brazilians rarely attempt that because it is difficult, expensive, and sometimes even dangerous. But that would change if large numbers began taking legal action. Right now, he thinks people prefer protesting because it is easier.
Last year, he and several other Brazilian Christians launched Projeto Reforma Hoje (Project Reformation Today), which seeks to promote Christian Reformed thinking, reflection, and action. The project has a Portuguese-language website with articles on how to apply Christian ethics to areas like education, family, and politics.
Wieske does see room for Christians to participate in a public demonstration, but only if it has a clearly defined purpose. I could see going with a crowd to a corrupt officials place of work or residence and surrounding it and saying, 'We wont leave till your corruption has been dealt with. That way the official is the one being inconvenienced and not the general public. And maybe then that person would start to think about their sins," he explains.
At this point, both Carvalho and Wieske believe the protests will largely fizzle out and see that as a good thing. Whether the protests will bring meaningful changes to Brazil remains to be seen.
Emma Elliott Freire is a freelance writer living in England. Photo via Wikimedia Commons.
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Direct3D 9 Comes To Linux, Implemented Over Mesa/Gallium3D
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Readers stories: Yasuhara Nanoha X5 – First experiences by Roberto
If you have a nice story you want to be posted on 43rumors send the full article at 43rumors@gmail.com.
Today 43rumors reader Roberto posts that extremely long and detailed Yasuhara Nanoha X5 MFT lens test. This lens costs $499 (at BHphoto) and isn’t certainly a lens for the mass. But you can do some great things with it! So click on the link below to read the full test.
I was lurking around this “special” lens for some time now, but except for a few bits of information and picture samples on the web there was hardly anything in-depth about the Yasuhara Nanoha, or so it would seem. Hence I had no other choice than to buy and test it for myself ![]()
The specs on paper were just all too tempting:
- 5:1 macro ratio (magnification) – even if you take the m4/3 crop factor into account, it ́s very impressive! – built-in light source (3 LED ́s)!
- very compact design
- native micro4/3 mount
- competitive price…
Then, a few weeks ago, Thierry of Yasuhara France-Benelux sent me a mail with good news about the Nanoha currently again being in stock, and due to the Yen exchange ratio at a very decent price. Of course I had to say yes…
After a week I was able to welcome the new lens and do a little testing – my first victim being a flat ironed 5 Euros bill.
All images © 2013 roberto23@web.de – Yasuhara Nanoha is a copyrighted trademark, used here only to review the lens.
The lens was exquisitely well packaged, which I take as a charming sign of the family enterprise character of the manufacturer Yasuhara. These lenses are being crafted thoroughly handmade, mine carries a serial number as low as only 384!
Even upon unpacking, the impression of careful manufacture work remains. Next to the lens itself, there is an (English) instruction page, a screwdriver to open/unscrew the lighting body from the lens, which is connected via an (included, of course) USB cable to a separate light source (which is a nice touch, because this way one does not need a PC to power the LED ́s up). The light source itself is a small, high-quality battery station with USB output and works with 2 simple AA batteries. The set concludes with 4 plastic attachments to be used as a carrier or spacer for the exhibits.
The lens resp. the light unit has the USB connection only for powering purposes.
On the previous picture, the inscription 4X – and about 90 ° further to the right then 5X – are the settings for maximum magnification. It should be noted that during focusing, the front lens (already about 1 cm deep hiding inside the lighting cage) must only be between 11 to 19 millimeters away from the object! So this is definitely not like an ordinary Macro lens, where the observer has to be (or can be…) sometimes even a meter away from the bees and spiders! It is more like a microscope in this perspective, built to get objects the size of 1-2 mm into the picture, and such an object must be no more than 1-2 cm away from it!
Back to the lens – the mount is a native micro4/3, made of solid metal. The Nanoha is by the way also available for the Sony NEX and even the Canon EOS-M ((oddly enough, as I consider that system a joke, at least for now).
Unscrewing the lighting unit, you can see the resemblance of the Nanoha to a microscope lens structure. In addition, the serial number is revealed ![]()

The upper part of the lens is concave, i.e. curved inward, which makes it possible to put the lens (including its “lighting cage”) completely on a flat table, and you don ́t have to worry about scratching the glass surface with the (flat) exhibit, even if you completely reach the underground.
By the way, this “standing by itself”-procedure has proved to be much more reliable as my attempts with an inverted tripod. The latter vibrated too much – whereas the setup with the Nanoha standing on its own, only stabilized by the weight of my Lumix GH3 above it delivered razor-sharp images even and especially at long exposure times!
But I ́m spoiling now. Let ́s have a look at the USB battery adapter first:
And here comes the lens with one of these plastic attachments – to be used both as carrier (ideal for 3-dimensional objects, such as flies) and a spacer. There are 4 of them in the package, just in case you lose some. (I could leave a remark here regarding Olympus’s policy in terms of lens pouches, caps, hoods etc. but eh… never mind)

So, after a long preface now it ́s time to talk about images… ![]()
All pictures have been made with the GH3 at ISO 100, untouched except for resizing.
First, a cut through the section of a pineapple leaf (you know, that hard, sharp thingy on the top of the fruit). Sorry, it was the first best thing coming handy…
Then some fibers from our bamboo table sets – these things that are on the kitchen table beyond the plates. Size of the rods is about 1 mm, about 4 of them fitting on the image here. I apologize for any bread crumbs, I thought our kitchen is much cleaner than this…

Then a picture of a piece of metal in a stone – I had no idea there was a lost fiber on it, to the eye it was almost invisible:
In this picture you can see, how and why three-dimensional objects represent a major challenge for a macro or microscope lens! The lighting unit was up the task, and throughout the shooting session I had little to none flaring or any lighting disturbances. Also, the 3 small bright LED ́s appear to be optimally adjusted in height, because the illumination was always perfect.
Problems with depth and (un)sharpness of the image you can usually solve with higher aperture. The Nanoha has four fixed aperture values: 11, 16, 22 and 32. The higher I turned it, the more could move sharply into focus. But there are limits as you can see pretty well in that image above.
Back to the images – here comes the end of a bristle brush. The image area covers about 2-3 mm.

And my 2 cents to the story:
The above-mentioned vibrations from the tripod construction used here demanded tribute in that picture of the coin, which I unfortunately found only out about upon checking the images on the PC – so, just to make that clear, the blurriness is not a fault of the Nanoha!
This setup led me eventually to the idea of taking a closer look at a bank note. If you have a 5 Euros bill, take it out now and check out the tiny little stars from the EU flag – and be amazed, what the Nanoha made of them!!!

Being in the company of so much dough I became somewhat dizzy… and promptly had a seemingly brilliant idea!
For my first macro attempts once I had ordered a cheap set of macro extension tubes for micro4/3 from Hong Kong – how would the Nanoha behave in combination with these extensions? They are being made for normal lenses, not for the ones already having a 5:1 ratio…
So, out with the thing, and let ́s have a test run, performed in baby steps.
The tube consists of a base ring and three different extension rings (in an extremely cunning way marked with 1, 2 and 3). Then it finishes with the micro4/3 mount. All in all, the focal point is displaced by a maximum of 65 mm towards the front.

The overall set-up looks a bit menacing … and THAT I definitely would not just place on the table by itself. Despite the microvibrations, here I liked a version with the tripod much better!
And now comes the surprise of the day!
CLEARLY USABLE WITHOUT TOO MUCH QUALITY LOSS – and an accordingly higher magnification ratio with these macro extension rings!
As proof, here are three consecutive images of the same bill. And just compare them with the two and a half stars above, taken by the Nanoha alone!

This was the Nanoha with the 1x extension ring. Here follows the Nanoha with 1x and 2x screwed together as extension:

And let ́s have one at maximum magnification, the Nanoha plus the 1x, 2x and 3x extension rings together, as seen above in the setup picture:

Again: These are unaltered, out-of-camera JPG ́s, no sharpening, nothing, with a vibrating tripod. You can see the fibers of the bill! I think, this is amazing for a POCKETABLE tiny little micro4/3 lens!
I tell you though, even with focus magnifier it is difficult to set it up sharp, the tiniest movement around you reflects on the screen, it made me almost seasick when focusing…
And one more for the road… here is the top-right corner of the 5 from the bill, as comparison:

A good kitchen always invites you to experiment, so I went on a hunt for other interesting subjects. First, I have found a few grains of salt…
(A little bit of dirt on the sensor, sorry for that)
Then I found this little fellow near the window. No harm done by me, he was already in Valhalla, so here it comes. I don ́t know what species we have here, but all in all the bug was about 1 mm long.

With the extension rings I even shot a close-up:
This gave me the idea of stacking. I wanted to do pictures with thorough sharpness – the best way to achieve that is by blending different pictures of the same image together, leaving always the sharpest part visible. Sounds interesting, and also sounds like much trouble in Photoshop, but fortunately there are good programs out there to do the job for you
One I can absolutely recommend is CombineZP, above all a Freeware and easy to use. You just give the software several images with different parts being sharp, and CombineZP will give you the result. The more “steps” (e.g. images) you have, the better your end result will look – and the more time this whole imaging process will take!
Here is the result of stacking 11 images, again from a fellow already out of business – a fly, this time. (And yes, I do recall that movie with Jeff Goldblum, lol…)

To give you an impression on the process, here are the first and last images of the set:
Again: the more images you have, the better your result.
I will close the picture session with one more stacked image courtesy of the Nanoha, a close-up of simple bread. Think about 1-2 millimeters of it:

CONCLUSION
Well, what can I say – I’m very impressed!
It is certainly not a typical lens for, let ́s say, weddings… But as a little, pocketable macro (or micro?) lens, I find it exceptionally well-constructed and made! The Yasuhara Nanoha delivers sharp, very bright images and therefore provides a lot of fun. I think it is a perfect addition to the already wide range of lenses available for system cameras and it can even give owners of good Canon, Sigma, etc. macro lenses the willies when it comes to versatility, size and price! This lens comes from the heart – and it definitely found its way to mine
A data sheet is available at yasuhara.eu, and if anyone is interested in buying one, also check out the yasuhara.fr page of Thierry I mentioned, as he was initially responsible for all the fun I had and have with the Nanoha.
Roberto
P.S.: Contact the author or make Paypal donations at roberto23@web.de. All images © 2013 roberto23@web.de – Yasuhara Nanoha is a copyrighted trademark, used here only to review the lens.
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Why I'm Disappointed by the Texas Abortion Law
Much of the pro-life community is excited over the passage last week of a bill in the Texas House of Representatives restricting abortions after twenty weeks. On the surface, this sounds like a bill that everyone who is pro-life should support. After all, the legislation is based on findings that unborn babies experience pain beginning at the twentieth week of development. Indeed, some assert that they experience pain before then, but that beginning in the twentieth week they can experience excruciating pain. Why would anyone who considers himself pro-life be deeply disappointed in legislation that would restrict abortions that inflict excruciating pain? Why, indeed?
Yet I am deeply disappointed in this bill. I am not disappointed because of what it restricts, but because of what it explicitly and positively permits.
Specifically, the bill contains findings that "substantial medical evidence recognizes that an unborn child is capable of experiencing pain by not later than twenty weeks after fertilization" and that, as a result, "the state has a compelling state interest in protecting the lives of unborn children from the stage at which substantial medical evidence indicates that these children are capable of feeling pain." In addition, the legislative findings state:
Restricting elective abortions at or later than 20 weeks post-fertilization, as provided by this Act, does not impose an undue burden or a substantial obstacle on a woman's ability to have an abortion because: (A) the woman has adequate time to decide whether to have an abortion in the first 20 weeks after fertilization; and (B) this Act does not apply to abortions that are necessary to avert the death or substantial and irreversible physical impairment of a major bodily function of the pregnant woman or abortions that are performed on unborn children with severe fetal abnormalities.
The bill then prohibits all abortions after twenty weeks from fertilization except for the instances just listed. In the definition section, the bill refers to an existing statutory definition of "severe fetal abnormality," which provides that "a 'severe fetal abnormality means a life-threatening physical condition that, in reasonable medical judgment, regardless of the provision of life saving medical treatment, is incompatible with life outside the womb."
So what do I find problematic with this?
In the legislation, the state finds that an unborn child can feel pain not later than at twenty weeks after fertilization and that this gives the state a compelling interest in protecting the child. Yet the state refuses to protect such a child when he has a "severe fetal abnormality." In other words, if the poor little baby is going to die from his disabilities after birth anyway, the state of Texas will explicitly allow his being killed in the womb despite the pain it will cause him. Permitting the killing of someone who will die soon anyway is the position of those who favor euthanasia. In fact, it is also the argument made by those who favor infanticide of babies born with serious disabilities that will likely result in their death shortly after birth. The legislation permits euthanasia by abortion.
As is often pointed out, the law acts as a teacher. The lesson here is that unborn babies who have "severe fetal abnormalities" are not worthy of the same protections of other unborn children. I'm sure Princeton professor Peter Singer, who advocates permitting infanticide of disabled newborn infants, can make use of this lesson for his argument that the same applies after birth. And what would be the answer when he does? That killing before birth is different from killing after birth? Isn't that the argument of those who call themselves pro-choice?
When Ive raised this argument, the response is invariably, "Dont you care about the babies this bill will save?" Of course I want to save babies from abortion. However, it is unlikely that this bill will save very many babies, if any. In the United States, 98.5 percent of all abortions occur before the twentieth week. That means that this bill only reaches 1.5 percent of all abortions that occur under existing law. In Texas, the percentage is even smaller. Of 85,000 abortions performed each year, only about one thousand occur after the twentieth week, or about 1.2 percent. Further, this bill has three exceptions to the twenty-week restriction. The first is the one which is the cause of my objection to the legislation. The second is to protect the mothers life. The third is to protect the mother from "substantial and irreversible physical impairment of a major bodily function."
Without question, many abortions that occur after the twentieth week involve one of those three exceptions. Probably almost all late-term abortions would fall under one of these three exceptions. Most women who elect to have an abortion for other reasons are not going to wait until halfway through their pregnancy. Indeed, more than 94 percent of all abortions occur before the sixteenth week. And any woman who might be torn about whether to have an abortion this late in her pregnancy has the explicit legislative affirmation from the state of Texas that she may freely have the abortion so long as she doesnt wait past the twentieth week. In other words, dont delay trying to make up your mind or it will be too late.
But surely this bill may save some lives. Whose lives are those likely to be? Arguably, it will be babies who are diagnosed with fetal abnormalities that are not likely to result in their deaths shortly after birth. So how many babies might be diagnosed with such abnormalities after the twentieth week? Likely very few. The prenatal tests normally performed to detect such abnormalities are usually done between the fifteenth and twentieth week. That is, these tests are performed within the time frame in which the Texas legislation, by its own terms, "does not impose an undue burden or a substantial obstacle on a woman's ability to have an abortion." And while some of these tests now occur after the twentieth week, the bill just enacted creates an incentive to schedule such testing before the twentieth week if the mother wants to have the option of a legal abortion under the new law.
Yet it is possible that such non-fatal abnormalities might be detected after the twentieth week. Indeed, it is likely that such will continue to be the case in rare circumstances. This is where I must get personal. My third of four children and youngest daughter was born with an extremely rare chromosomal abnormality, Rubinstein-Taybi Syndrome (RTS), an abnormality that occurs in about one out of 125,000 births. RTS is not detectible by any existing prenatal testing. Make no mistake about it, I love my daughter and I would do anything morally permissible to protect the life of any child, born or unborn, who has a disability. Those babies left unprotected under Texas new law are just as much made in the image of God as my disabled daughter and her siblings.
And sometimes doctors are wrong. Just last week, there was a story from Britain about a normal, healthy girl who is turning ten whose mother was told would have only a 1 percent chance of survival and was encouraged to get an abortion. Bella Santorum has Trisomy 18, a condition that results in the death of 90 percent of those who have the disorder within a year of birth, and yet Bella is now four. The Texas law will permit the killing of children who doctors may erroneously believe cannot survive long after birth.
Am I saying that it would be better to do nothing? Absolutely not. It would be better to enact legislation that protects all babies after the twentieth week (or even earlier, as have Arkansas and North Dakota), when they can feel pain, and not explicitly refuse to protect a subset of these babies. The legislation enacted in Texas is not the only option. Several states already ban abortion after the twentieth week. Georgia and Louisiana have exceptions similar to the ones enacted in Texas. None of the others make an exception for congenital anomalies. States with a twenty-week, or earlier, ban on abortion which protect all babies, including those with severe fetal abnormalities, include Alabama, Idaho, Kansas, Nebraska, North Dakota, and Oklahoma. The United States House of Representatives passed similar legislation last month. Those are better bills. It is a tragedy that the Texas legislature did not follow those examples.
North Dakota provides even more protection to unborn babies who are diagnosed with "a genetic or a potential for a genetic abnormality." This spring, that states legislature enacted, and the governor signed into law, a bill that expressly forbids abortions for purposes of sex selection or because "the unborn child has been diagnosed with either a genetic abnormality or a potential for a genetic abnormality." That law, the first of its kind in the nation, is currently being challenged in federal court. It may be struck down, in whole or in part. But for now, those restrictions are in force.
So, while I recognize the hard work and good intentions of those who have worked for the enactment of the Texas bill, I must voice my strong objection to this exception. I urge those who have supported this bill, many without even being aware of this explicit exception, to now turn their attention to repealing the provision making this exception and to enacting protections such as those enacted in North Dakota earlier this year.
Gregory K. Laughlin is Associate Professor of Law and Law Library Director at the Cumberland School of Law at Samford University in Birmingham, AL.
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Geração Facebook diz “não” à Força Sindical, à CUT e aos partidos políticos, e Dia Nacional de Lutas vira um grande mico. Falha tentativa dos “aparelhos” de ganhar as ruas
Micou de maneira retumbante o tal Dia Nacional de Lutas. A CUT, a Força Sindical, outras centrais e os partidos políticos de esquerda foram malsucedidos na tentativa de pegar carona da onda de protestos que sacudiu o país. Houve, sim, muita atrapalhação nas estradas, ocupação em porto, escaramuças, dificuldades aqui e ali, mas nada nem remotamente parecido com os protestos havidos no mês passado. ATENÇÃO, LEITOR! Se eu fosse um desses “cientistas sociais” que têm medo dos seus alunos e gostam de posar de moderninhos – aquela gente, sabe?, que agora deu para falar em “crise da democracia representativa” –, estaria achando lindo o que aconteceu. Mas eu não acho, não. Na verdade, o evento desta quinta jogou ainda mais luzes sobre os havidos no mês passado e só reforçou alguns temores que eu tinha. O que significa o micão desta quinta, em contraste com aquele milhão e meio de dias atrás? Significa que reivindicar o inexequível é bem mais gostoso, o que nos remete a um dos lemas de Maio de 1968, na França: “Seja realista, peça o impossível”. O evento também expõe uma das forças e, ao mesmo tempo, das maiores fragilidades da “onda de protestos” no Brasil: a composição social de quem vai ou foi às ruas. O primeiro passo para responder de forma eficiente à realidade e admiti-la: os pobres, com raras exceções, preferiram, até agora, ficar em casa.
Assim, entendam direito o meu ponto: não lamento o fato de o protesto desta quinta ter sido malsucedido porque gostaria de ver a CUT, a Força e até os petistas a liderar a massa… Eu não! Deus me livre! Lastimo é que a pobreza de liderança política no Brasil se reflita também nos sindicatos e que estejamos sem o fio que possa desatar o nó. Vamos lá. Milhões de trabalhadores poderiam ter ocupado as praças para cobrar redução na jornada de trabalho, certo? É uma reivindicação muito mais, como direi?, palpável do que os tais 20 centavos. Mas aí alguém se lembrou de gritar: “Não é pelos 20 centavos”. E estava dada a deixa para uma mobilização que tem, sim, âncoras no mundo real – corrupção dos políticos, ineficiência do serviço público, gastança de dinheiro –, mas que se expressa numa espécie de bolha de sensações e de emoções. Para voltar a Maio de 1968, o que conta é fazer as barricadas do desejo. A utopia é a da ausência de estado, assuma isso a forma violenta (os baderneiros) ou pacífica (uma coisa, assim, “faça amor, não faça a guerra”).
Cobrar redução da jornada e fim do fator previdenciário, olhem que coisa!, parece apequenar o movimento e a razão por que se vai às ruas; é, como diriam os adolescentes hoje em dia (de maneira irritante), “tipo assim” coisa de pobre, de um pragmatismo incompatível com o sonho e com as evocações românticas. Os “sonháticos” querem um outro mundo possível… Não! Na verdade, pretendem um outro mundo… impossível. Nele, não só os políticos não roubam como, a rigor, não há políticos nem política.
É claro que eu poderia lembrar àqueles valentes cientistas sociais que têm medo de contrariar os alunos que também as manifestações de junho levaram às ruas as… minorias!, ainda que tenham mobilizado, sei lá, 20 ou 30 vezes mais gente do que a desta quinta-feira. Huuummm… Então vamos ver: líderes que efetivamente representam grupos e com os quais se podem fazer acordos mobilizam meia dúzia de gatos-pingados; não líderes – e que, portanto, não lideram, mas alçados pela imprensa à condição de estrelas da não representação – conseguem criar eventos que reúnem alguns milhares. Muito bem! O que se vai negociar com eles? Chamem a Mayara Vivian e os coxinhas radicais do Passe Livre…
Há quem se deixe cair de encantos por um paradoxo cuja graça, havendo alguma, é não mais do que literária – e literatura meio velha, da década de 60: a “juventude” (ah, os tarados pela juventude…) que está nas ruas tem força, mas não sabe o que quer, e os que sabem o que querem já não têm força. Mas onde está a virtude desse troço? Se isso produzir algo, tenho minhas dúvidas, será, no máximo, um impasse. Para o qual ninguém tem resposta.
Dilma está encalacrada? Está, sim, de dois modos distintos: há o impasse de fundo, que diz respeito ao esgotamento do modelo lulo-petista, do qual, vamos ser francos, até havia pouco, a esmagadora maioria da imprensa não havia se dado conta. Ou havia? Leiam os jornais de há dois ou três meses. Com ou sem “povo” na rua, o país ia mal das pernas. E agora ela enfrenta o descontentamento com “tudo isso que está aí”. Ocorre que esse “tudo isso” pode se voltar contra qualquer um; ele é dirigido, na verdade, contra o governante de turno. E não consegue se transformar numa agenda.
Essa conversa mole da “sociedade horizontal”, sem hierarquia de valores, sem eixo e sem centro, sinto muito, é conversa de bêbados. É divertido e coisa e tal, mas sempre chega a hora de pagar a conta e de voltar para casa – sem contar a ressaca… Não vai a lugar nenhum e ainda pode produzir alguns desastres. Boa parte do que o Congresso votou até agora, emparedado pelas ruas, se querem saber, não é coisa boa e tende a ter efeitos deletérios. Na esfera econômica, o país vive um congelamento branco de tarifas públicas que pode ter efeitos desastrosos. Ensaia-se facilitação de mecanismos de democracia direta que, se efetivados, tornarão a democracia brasileira refém de minorias organizadas e barulhentas.
Caminhando para a conclusão
Sim, as centrais sindicais e os partidos quebraram a cara ao tentar, de maneira oportunista, pegar carona no movimento das ruas. Tiveram uma lição e tanto. Mas isso só nos diz o tamanho do impasse e os riscos que estão por aí. Não há nada de belo ou de bom numa sociedade sem interlocutores considerados confiáveis para articular o futuro. Vivemos, nesses dias, sob uma espécie de ditadura do presente.
Pode dar em quê? No quadro atual, há, sim, o risco de eleger em 2014 alguém que fale em nome da “não política”, e aí saberemos o que é crise! Mas o mais provável é que se tenha mesmo uma saída “conservadora” – no caso, conservadora do statu quo; vale dizer: a continuidade do petismo. E isso seria igualmente desastroso.
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Fim do mal chamado “foro privilegiado” é só o moralismo dando um tiro no pé da moralidade
Eu cá das minhas férias muito peculiares, trabalhando um tantinho, lembro aos leitores que o fim do foro por prerrogativa de função — que chamam por aí de “foro privilegiado” — tem tudo para ser um notável tiro no pé que o moralismo dá na moralidade. É nisso que dá se dedicar mais ao grito do que ao pensamento. Talvez seja preciso escrever menos cartolinas e prestar um pouco mais de atenção à história.
Parte dos processos do mensalão foi para a primeira instância da Justiça. Deu em quê? Sem contar que é evidente que se aumenta enormemente a chance de recursos. Não por acaso, hoje em dia, os próprios políticos são os mais interessados nessa mudança.
Cadê a memória, gente boa? A primeira chicana do julgamento do mensalão foi justamente o pedido encabeçado por Márcio Thomaz Bastos para que os não políticos e os políticos sem mandato — como José Dirceu, por exemplo — fossem julgados na primeira instância. Vocês já se esqueceram daquele voto “de improviso” de Ricardo Lewandowski que tinha 70 páginas???
Os mensaleiros só estão hoje mais perto da efetiva punição — vamos ver que destino se dará aos embargos — porque o processo foi julgado no Supremo. Dadas todas as instâncias para recursos, o melhor caminho para a impunidade é mesmo a mudança da Constituição nesse particular. É uma tolice considerar que, assim, se estaria fazendo mais justiça. A chance enorme é que se faça menos.
De resto, como desconsiderar o risco da proximidade de lideranças políticas regionais com tribunais locais? Respondam depressa: vocês acham que, em regra, um prefeito e um governador preferem ser julgados na primeira instância ou no STJ? Vocês acham que Dirceu, João Paulo Cunha e José Genoino, se tivessem podido escolher, teriam optado pelo Supremo?
Com a devida vênia aos que acham que assim se estabelece a igualdade, sou obrigado a deixar registrado aqui que considero isso uma bobagem. Como tolo foi o voto da CCJ do Senado em favor do fim de qualquer voto secreto. É tudo o que pretende o Executivo. Se essa tontice avançar, nunca mais se derrubará um veto presidencial ou se votará contra uma indicação oficial para qualquer cargo.
Nessa leva de bobagens, a Câmara aprovou também por esmagadora maioria a chamada “independência” da Defensoria Pública na esfera federal. Daqui a pouco, cada órgão do estado terá a ambição de ser um Poder da República. Até parece que a autonomia administrativa — e orçamentária — tornará mais livre um defensor. Expliquem-me como. O deputado Mendonça Filho (DEM-PE) foi dos poucos — apenas 3 — que tiveram a coragem de votar contra; houve nada menos de 408 votos a favor e uma abstenção. E ainda foi hostilizado por isso. Sei que lá vem pauleira, mas não seria eu se não o dissesse: essas autonomias só servem para criar caixas-pretas e alimentar, ao longo do tempo, privilégios. Ocorre que agora se está fazendo tudo na base do frenesi. “É a voz das ruas”, dizem, “é a voz das ruas.”
Pois é… Se eu acho que as ruas querem coisas que não são boas, só me resta dizer. O fim do foro por prerrogativa de função — que não é privilegiado coisa nenhuma! — vai tornar a punição de corruptos ainda mais distante. E, sim, é preciso dizer: também acaba abrindo janelas para outras práticas nefastas, como a perseguição política e, lamento!, a venda de sentenças. “Por que, Reinaldo, juízes de primeira instância são mais corruptos?” Não! Ocorre que eles são muitos. E também deve haver os que não prestam, não é mesmo?, a exemplo do que ocorre entre jornalistas, caminhoneiros, padres, pastores, deuses da Grécia antiga…
Um dia um jornalista investigativo — não é o meu caso; só investigo advérbios — vai se debruçar sobre o comércio paralelo que se criou no país depois da Lei da Ficha Limpa. Subiu enormemente o preço das absolvições…
É preciso tomar cuidado para não dar uma de Savonarola dos trópicos. O fim do que chamam “foro privilegiado” é hoje um privilégio há muito esperado por alguns espertos. Basta somar dois mais dois e se vai chegar imediatamente a quatro. A voz rouca das ruas não deveria ser surda à razão.
Caiado, deputado do DEM, cai de pau no regime de trabalho forçado para médicos recém-formados criado pelos stalinistas do governo PT
http://coturnonoturno.blogspot.com.br/2013/07/oposicao-reage-contra-dois-anos-de.html
Vale a pena ler o que o comentário do Coronel sobre esse programa estúpido criado pelo PT.
http://coturnonoturno.blogspot.com.br/2013/07/mais-medicos-tem-as-digitais-das-quatro.html
Got Malware? Get a Hammer!
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