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09 Nov 22:15

iTunes 12.7: Can you really delete iOS apps stored by iTunes?

by Glenn Fleishman

When Apple updated iTunes to version 12.7, it overhauled the iOS/iTunes interaction. We ran a guide, “iTunes 12.7: How to cope with the abrupt changes,” which answered most of your questions. But one thing I noted in passing continues to come up: several readers have asked if they can really, really dump the iOS application files that iTunes retained after the upgrade.

You don’t need these. Really. You don’t. iTunes will never rely on them to sync back to your iOS device. Delete them. Go ahead.

iTunes 12.7 no longer syncs iOS apps to iOS devices, something it’s done since the beginning of the App Store. iTunes has never had great features for managing iOS apps stored on your Mac, and iTunes 12.7 didn’t help you take any action with those stored files, either. I found 5GB of iOS apps on one computer and 26GB on another, even though I haven’t synced an iOS device to either in years. Other readers report finding tens or even hundreds of gigabytes of such files!

To read this article in full, please click here

09 Nov 22:13

30 free macOS apps every Mac user should have

by Michael Simon
Powerful Mac apps that won't break the bank
mac macbook

There’s something of a misconception when it comes to the Mac. While powerful tools like Photoshop or Final Cut Pro certainly have price tags commensurate with their robust feature sets, many of the greatest Mac apps won’t cost you anything more than the time they take to download them.

To read this article in full, please click here

09 Nov 22:06

Tweetbot 3 for macOS review: Twitter app pushes forward in usefulness and design

by Glenn Fleishman

The new Tweetbot 3 for macOS remains fundamentally the same, though it has modest but noticeable improvements and new features that give the app a little more sparkle. For example, a new autoplay mode for animated GIFs and embedded video lets you mouse over to start the playback instead of requiring a click, though audio fortunately still requires one. (The feature can be disabled.)

tweetbot3 per account prefs IDG
To start an animated GIF, all you need to do in Tweetbot 3 is move your cursor over the image.

Tweetbot 3: Usability

The app’s approach focuses on what would now be called “classic” Twitter: a chronologically organized timeline with the newest tweets at the top, and an option to autoscroll as new tweets appear. Like other third-party apps, Tweetbot 3 doesn't show Twitter ads.

To read this article in full, please click here

09 Nov 22:03

The real loser: Despite the headlines, it’s not Apple

by The Macalope

Looking at the clock, dear readers, The Macalope sees that it is once again Apple doom-thirty. Or is it a quarter past Apple going out of business? Whatever time you want to call it, the company has had it now for sure this time, that much is certain.

“Huawei Outselling iPhone.”

Oh, nooooooooo. Once again Apple has been bested by <del>Samsung</del> <del>Xiaomi</del> Huawei.

Well, let’s just, for fun, dig into these here numbers, shall we? You know, while we wait for the lights to go out in Cupertino.

Chinese electronics giant Huawei Technologies sold more handsets worldwide than Apple in the second quarter, marking the first quarter since the early days of the original iPhone that Apple hasn’t been among the No. 2 suppliers…

To read this article in full, please click here

09 Nov 21:54

macOS Mojave: What is Dark Mode and how to use it

by Roman Loyola

In macOS Mojave in Dark Mode, dark colors are used in place of light colors in the user interface. For example, in Dark Mode the menu bar at the top of the Mac UI is no longer white with black text. Instead, it’s inverted so the bar is a dark color and the the text is white. That dark theme is carried throughout the UI.

For some, Dark Mode may not seem like a big deal, but Dark Mode has many benefits. The higher contrast of text makes it easier to read documents and menu items. Using dark colors instead of white reduces glare, which in turn reduces eye fatigue. Most importantly, Dark Mode can improve your ability certain aspects of video and photos, such as color and detail.

To read this article in full, please click here

09 Nov 21:54

macOS Mojave: What is desktop Stacks and how to use it

by Roman Loyola

The desktop is a convenient place to save files. You can get to the file you need quickly; it’s right there on the desktop, and you don’t need to sift through folders. Problem is, the desktop can get very cluttered, and your access efficiency diminishes every time you save a file to the desktop without removing one.

The new desktop Stacks feature in macOS Mojave helps organize the clutter. (It’s actually not a brand-new feature; Stacks made its first appearance in the OS X Dock. You can choose to have a group of items in the Dock appear as a Folder or as a Stack. The desktop implementation is new, however.) As the name implies, Stacks puts your desktop files into stacks. When you click on a stack, it expands to show the individual files. You can also scrub through a stack of files to find the one you need.

To read this article in full, please click here

08 Nov 22:08

Paul Ryan Wrote His Own Obituary, and It’s Delusional

by Alex Shephard

Ever since he announced his retirement in April, Speaker Paul Ryan has largely avoided the limelight, emerging now and then to repel another far-right rebellion in the House or gently criticize President Donald Trump over the latest outrage (such as opposing birthright citizenship). Mostly, Ryan has tried to steer clear of Trump, with whom he has clashed and whose presidency many believe convinced Ryan to retire. Asked by CBS News’ John Dickerson last week if Trump practices “inclusive politics which tries to unify,” Ryan shrugged. “Sometimes he does and sometimes he doesn’t,” he said.

You get the sense that, with his political career winding down, Ryan just wants it all to be over. But that doesn’t mean he isn’t thinking about his legacy.

Pressed on his accomplishments back in April, Ryan was modest: “I think we’ve achieved a heck of a lot.... I like to think I’ve done my part, my little part in history to set us on a better course.” That’s as much of a self-assessment as he’ll allow—at least until he signs a hefty book deal with Crown Forum. But on Friday, Ryan published an op-ed in the Washington Examiner that, though ostensibly about turning out GOP voters in Tuesday’s midterm elections, doubled as a political obituary.

It’s a fascinating document, springing from a kind of funhouse-mirror world of Republican politics—one in which Ryan’s disingenuous brand of think tank conservatism has won out over Trump’s demagogic dog whistles, and where Republican congressmen are running for re-election on the roaring economy rather than a caravan of migrant asylum-seekers. It’s also an attempt to launder his legacy, by claiming undue credit for the state of the economy and implicitly justifying the Republican Party’s submission—especially his own—to Donald Trump.


Trump’s name does not appear in Ryan’s op-ed, which is fitting given that Ryan has gone to great lengths to avoid uttering it and often professes ignorance of Trump’s latest offenses. But the absence, while part of a longstanding pattern, suggests wishful thinking on Ryan’s part—and lends an unreality to the article, as if it were being published during a very different election. “When House Republicans campaigned in 2016, we made the American people a promise,” Ryan began. “We said that if voters placed their confidence in us and entrusted us with a mandate to govern, we would lead on the tough issues and improve people’s lives with our ideas.”

That’s a very different version of the 2016 election than most Americans experienced it. Outside of the central, character-driven fight between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, congressional Republicans largely campaigned, for the fourth consecutive election, on repealing Obamacare and exploited instability in the insurance exchanges to protect their majorities. But Ryan and House Republicans also campaigned on an ambitious tax plan that would provide widespread tax relief—though 99.6 percent of the benefits would go to the top 1 percent in less than a decade, according to a contemporaneous study from the the nonpartisan Tax Policy Center.

This was to be expected from Ryan, who built his political career by framing welfare-gutting and upward wealth redistribution as bold, innovative policymaking. Casting himself as the heir to Jack Kemp’s brand of compassionate conservatism, but also a new kind of right-wing policy wonk, he hoodwinked Beltway journalists for years and nearly got away with it.

The cracks in the facade of his carefully cultivated image emerged during his failed—and at times embarrassing—2012 vice presidential campaign. Ryan’s great strength, as explained by Alec MacGillis in a 2012 profile in The New Republic, was not as a master of policy, but a shrewd exploiter of changing political winds. But once Ryan successfully cast himself as the party’s leading conservative wonk, it seemed that nothing—neither repeated policy failures nor evidence of his grift—could dent his standing. “Once you gain a reputation as a Serious Man in Washington, it’s almost impossible to lose it,” MacGillis wrote.

But Trump’s rise exposed Ryan for the fraud that he always was: a bog standard Republican, just one with a P90X obsession. While he was able to bring Trump over to his broader plutocratic program, larger failures—particularly on Obamacare repeal, though the House did eventually pass it—exposed him as someone with noticeably little to offer when it came to ideas. “The Speaker, not the president, is the greatest political fraud of our time,” Jeet Heer wrote in these pages shortly after Ryan’s shoddy attempt at Obamacare repeal crashed and burned in March of last year.

Ryan took the speakership in 2015 to quell a Republican Civil War, but was never quite able to tame the GOP’s right flank, which continued to thumb its nose at him. There was a sense, when he took the job, that he was the only man who could bridge the divides within the Republican Party, but he was barely able to do that. Despite having a unified government, Republicans have accomplished startlingly little over the last two years. But Ryan, cosplaying Ronald Reagan’s sunny optimism, sees only success. “Two years later, I’m proud that we have upheld our end of the bargain,” he wrote in last week’s op-ed. “We passed more than 1,000 bills in the House that make a meaningful difference.”

Asked for documentation, a Ryan spokesperson pointed me to this fact-check from the The Daily Caller News Foundation, which shows that the House has indeed passed more than 1,000 bills this session. But volume isn’t a very good way to judge the effectiveness of a legislative body. “You can’t count the number of bills (of which there has been close to the fewest in modern history) or the number of pages of bills (of which there has been close to the most in modern history). You have to ask whether Congress has enacted meaningful legislation,” GovTrack’s Tauberer told the Daily Caller News Foundation.

Ryan argues that these bills have been meaningful. He touts Congress’ efforts to fight the opioid epidemic and to create “opportunity zones” to make it easier for depressed areas to receive private capital, but it’s not yet clear how effective those policies will be. He also takes credit for the booming economy: “Think about how the American people are better off thanks to the policies we have enacted working with this president.”

This claim is based largely on his signature legislative achievement under Trump, and perhaps ever: the $1.5 trillion tax cut. The cut has essentially acted as rocket fuel—a stimulus for an already thriving economy—but the economy began its boom under Barack Obama. An NPR investigation found that it’s “hard to see … a turning point in major economic yardsticks such as jobs, unemployment, or wages” after Trump’s election, despite Republican claims.

Although the vast majority of the benefits of that cut go to corporations, who saw their tax rate slashed from 35 to 20 percent, and wealthy Americans, Ryan depicts it as a middle-class tax cut. “We simplified the tax code, doubled the standard deduction, and increased the child tax credit to allow people to keep more of what they earn and make filing easier,” he wrote. This is how one might expect Republicans to run on a tax cut, but they’re largely not doing so because many people aren’t seeing the kinds of benefits that Ryan is touting.

This is Ryanism in its purest form: insisting that a policy that largely benefits the rich and explodes the deficit is egalitarian and fiscally responsible. But Ryan’s most brazen dishonesty appears in his description of the GOP’s opposition:

Republicans have delivered on our promises, and today we have a more confident and prosperous America. Democrats, on the other hand, are promising to roll back this progress and suffocate Washington in chaos and dysfunction…. They want to paralyze Washington and drown the White House in frivolous subpoenas and investigations, ignoring the problems that their constituents face. Their plan for healthcare is to abolish the private insurance market, removing all freedom and choice from individuals, and instead have a one-size fits all approach… While the Democratic party is in the throes of an identity crisis, House Republicans are focused day-in and day-out on finding solutions that make people’s lives better.

Here, Ryan adopts Trump’s overheated partisanship, his singular ability to ascribe his faults (“civil war,” “chaos,” “dysfunction”) to his opponents, and combines it with the Republican Party’s Red Scare fear-mongering about Democrats’ interest in universal health care. Above all, there’s the hypocrisy: Washington was overwhelmed by “frivolous subpoenas and investigations” during the six years the Republicans controlled the House under Obama, one of the most scandal-free presidents in American history.

Ultimately, Ryan’s description of the last two years doubles as a description of his time in Congress. At first glance, you see the sunny disposition, the list of accomplishments, the policies taking effect across America. But upon closer inspection, there’s surprisingly little there. Ryan is no less hollow than the Republican Party, which explains why they were so easily commandeered by a celebrity con man.

08 Nov 22:06

How the Roberts Court Caused Georgia’s Election Mess

by Matt Ford

Chief Justice John Roberts made a bold declaration on the state of American race relations in 2013. “Our country has changed,” he concluded in his majority opinion in Shelby County v. Holder, “and while any racial discrimination in voting is too much, Congress must ensure that the legislation it passes to remedy that problem speaks to current conditions.” With those words, he and the court’s conservative majority gutted a key provision of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

Brian Kemp, Georgia’s secretary of state, seems to be on a one-man mission to prove Roberts wrong. The state purged more than 500,000 voters from the rolls under his watch in 2017, raising the likelihood that thousands of voters may be unable to cast a ballot when they show up to the polls next week. The Associated Press reported earlier this month that his office also froze 53,000 voter applications under its “exact match” policy, which allows officials to reject voter registration forms if the applicants’ information doesn’t precisely correspond with state and federal records—even if it’s only off by a comma or a hyphen. Seventy percent of those forms were filled out by African Americans. Kemp is in a tight race for governor against Stacey Abrams, who would be the first black woman ever to hold that position in the country.

Though Kemp is receiving the most attention during this election cycle, his actions are far from unusual. Officials in Republican-led states have enacted a variety of restrictive voting measures over the past decade similar to the ones he’s pursued. They defend these measures as a prophylactic against voter fraud, which is virtually nonexistent. But in practical terms, the greatest effect is to make it harder for thousands of Americans, particularly from disadvantaged communities, to vote. No small share of credit goes to the Roberts Court.


The Voting Rights Act is no ordinary piece of legislation. People died for it. Civil rights activists in the 1950s and 1960s were beaten, bloodied, and even murdered in the campaign to guarantee black Americans ballot access. Once enacted, it proved to be a powerful tool at sweeping away the last vestiges of Jim Crow and ensuring that states where it once thrived would not relapse into past deprivations. Measured by its impact, it ranks among the most effective pieces of human rights legislation passed in the twentieth century.

The law featured two key provisions. Section 2 established a permanent and nationwide ban on racial discrimination in election laws. The VRA’s most powerful weapon, however, was Section 5. That provision established a process known as “preclearance,” whereby certain states and counties with a history of racially discriminatory voting practices had to seek approval from the Justice Department or a federal court in D.C. before making any changes to their election laws. The bulk of the covered jurisdictions were initially in the Deep South. Over time, it expanded to cover Alaska and Arizona to protect Native American voting rights, as well as a smattering of counties throughout the Northeast and the West.

Preclearance amounted to an extraordinary federal intervention in state and local election laws, but the VRA’s drafters argued it was necessary to reverse almost a century of racist voter suppression in the South and elsewhere. “I think it is time that strong medicine be taken for this malady that has come upon us,” Kentucky Representative Frank Chelf remarked during a congressional hearing on the law. “Maybe we need some 110-proof Kentucky bourbon instead of the mild, gentle, soft, mellow, whispering, 86-proof, discriminating whiskey, if you know what I mean. Maybe we even need some block and tackle whiskey. That’s the kind, you know, you take a drink, you walk a block, and you tackle anybody.” The Supreme Court agreed and upheld the procedure’s constitutionality in 1966.

For decades, the law seemed legally and politically secure. Congress reauthorized the VRA with overwhelming bipartisan support in 2006, extending preclearance over certain jurisdictions for another 25 years. But a legal challenge to the extension by a utility board in Texas opened the first crack in the law’s foundation. In 2009, the Supreme Court unanimously ruled in Northwest Austin Municipal Utility District No. 1 v. Holder that the board could apply through the VRA to opt out of preclearance. Roberts, writing for the court, also raised questions about the constitutionality of preclearance itself.

“More than 40 years ago, this court concluded that ‘exceptional conditions’ prevailing in certain parts of the country justified extraordinary legislation otherwise unfamiliar to our federal system,” he wrote. “In part due to the success of that legislation, we are now a very different nation. Whether conditions continue to justify such legislation is a difficult constitutional question we do not answer today.”

Meanwhile, in Georgia, which had been subject to preclearance from the beginning, the VRA was proving as valuable as ever. Before Kemp became secretary of state in 2010, Georgia was twice blocked by the Justice Department from implementing a version of the exact-match policy. But the Obama administration may have seen the warning signs in the Roberts Court’s ruling in Northwest Austin: The Justice Department abandoned its legal fight against the exact-match policy, approving a modified version of the program shortly after Kemp entered office.

At the time, civil rights lawyers suspected that the Obama administration settled the state’s lawsuit to avoid giving the Supreme Court a chance to strike down part of the Voting Rights Act. Those fears were well-founded. When the court took up the issue again in Shelby County in 2013, the conservative justices’ skepticism was apparent.

“Is it the government’s submission that the citizens in the South are more racist than citizens in the North?” Roberts asked during oral arguments. Justice Antonin Scalia made the bewildering suggestion that Congress only reauthorized the VRA in 2006 because lawmakers would not be re-elected if they voted against it, as if that were not how representative democracy should work. “Whenever a society adopts racial entitlements, it is very difficult to get out of them through the normal political processes,” he added.

Civil rights groups warned the Roberts Court that its ruling could have dire implications. “This Court’s decisions in the 1870s to invalidate federal voting rights legislation paved the way for Southern states to enact laws that effectively barred African Americans from exercising their right to vote for many generations,” the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights told the justices in a friend-of-the-court brief. “If this Court were to invalidate Section 5, there is a very real and substantial risk that this history would repeat itself. The Court should not allow this to happen.”

Georgia Representative John Lewis, a civil rights hero, told the court that Barack Obama’s election showed how far the nation had come since Alabama state troopers fractured his skull during the Selma-to-Montgomery marches for voting rights in 1963. At the same time, he warned that the Obama era had also reinvigorated a darker part of the American soul. “In response to more minority voters participating in the political process, six of the nine states fully covered under Section 5 have passed legislation in the last two years designed to restrict voting rights and access to the polls,” he wrote. “These laws hearken back to the days of Jim Crow, and remind us all that we have not left the past behind.”


In the end, Roberts and the other four conservative justices left Section 5 intact, and instead struck down Section 4(b) as unconstitutional. That provision listed which jurisdictions would fall under Section 5. As Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg noted in her dissent, the House and Senate held 21 hearings on the matter during the 2006 reauthorization and had amassed a 15,000-page record as part of its deliberations. But Roberts and his colleagues swapped out the legislative fact-finding process with their own policy assessment and found the law wanting.

“Congress did not use the record it compiled to shape a coverage formula grounded in current conditions,” Roberts wrote. “It instead reenacted a formula based on 40-year-old facts having no logical relation to the present day.” The judicial sleight of hand meant that the court could avoid striking down preclearance itself. Roberts noted that Congress was free to pass a new coverage formula, but he must have known that the Republican Party had no interest in doing so. Preclearance is now a sword that can’t be unsheathed.

Ginsburg compared the majority’s ruling to throwing away an umbrella because it wasn’t raining outside. But Kemp downplayed the implications of the court’s ruling. “It doesn’t mean that we don’t still have to follow the law or that we won’t get sued if we don’t follow the law,” he told the Atlanta Journal-Constitution. “It just shifts the burden from us having to prove to other groups having to prove [discrimination], and that’s huge for the taxpayers of Georgia.”

While it’s impossible to know how the Justice Department would handle individual preclearance cases today if the provision were still in force, the trajectory in Georgia is clearer, according to Danielle Lang, a staff attorney at the Campaign Legal Center, which has challenged multiple iterations of the exact-match policy in court. “I think it’s a very fair statement overall to say,” she told me, “that we would not see the level of disenfranchisement that we see today if preclearance were still in effect.”

08 Nov 22:03

The Kafkaesque Machinery of the Death Penalty in America

by Matt Ford

The Supreme Court, its conservative majority in place for years, no longer debates whether state-imposed death is morally right or constitutionally valid. Justice Brett Kavanaugh’s confirmation last month all but guarantees this will remain true for another generation, despite Justice Stephen Breyer’s best efforts. Since the court doesn’t weigh the substance of the death penalty, it instead focuses on the aesthetics of the system it oversees.

These aesthetics are vital to maintaining public support for the system. American capital punishment is ritualized, with a carefully orchestrated set of appeals that often culminates in a last-minute denial from the Supreme Court. It’s also theatrical: Executions are choreographed to produce a quiet spectacle for an audience of witnesses, who then convey what they see to the wider world. Justice Harry Blackmun, concluding in 1994 that the system no longer met constitutional standards, described it as “the machinery of death.”

The court’s docket this term shows how much that machinery has deteriorated since then, and raises questions about how long the justices can uphold capital punishment while Americans increasingly lose faith in it.

The court first heard oral arguments on Tuesday in Bucklew v. Precythe, an unusual lethal-injection case. A Missouri jury sentenced Russell Bucklew to death in 1998 for murdering a man he found with his ex-girlfriend, whom Bucklew then kidnapped and raped. Bucklew does not challenge the validity of his sentence or any of the procedural aspects surrounding it. Instead, he’s challenging the manner in which Missouri seeks to end his life.

Bucklew suffers from a gruesome condition known as cavernous hemangioma, which creates malformations in some of the body’s blood vessels. Over time, those malformations swell and fill with blood until they form benign tumors. The rare condition can manifest anywhere on the body. Bucklew’s case is even more unusual because it primarily affects his mouth and throat. His uvula is covered in blood-filled tumors that make it harder to eat, breathe, and sleep. There is no cure for the condition, and it will progressively worsen for as long as he lives.

Missouri plans to execute him using the sedative pentobarbital. Bucklew contends that his medical condition raises the likelihood that the lethal injection will go awry. In his brief for the court, his lawyers warned that “the violence of his choking as he slips into unconsciousness will likely cause his tumors to rupture and lead him to aspirate his own blood.” To prevent this, Bucklew asks to be put to death by lethal gas, specifically by asphyxiating him with nitrogen.

State officials oppose Bucklew’s request on both substantive and procedural grounds. Neither Missouri nor any other state has performed a nitrogen asphyxiation, the state argues, so it does not count as a “known and available” procedure under the Supreme Court’s precedents. Bucklew argues that all he has to do under those precedents is demonstrate that alternative methods exist. “How a state implements those other options ... are ultimately up to the state,” he told the court. “An inmate need not specify every last step the state should take along the path to killing him.”

Since the 2008 case Baze v. Rees, the court has favored a state’s desire to perform executions over concerns that its methods may be cruel and unusual. “We begin with the principle ... that capital punishment is constitutional,” Chief Justice John Roberts wrote for the plurality. “It necessarily follows that there must be a means of carrying it out.” That logic isn’t airtight, to say the least. But it’s the law of the land. The court’s conservative justices took it even further in Glossip v. Gross in 2015. In a 5-4 decision, they gave Oklahoma the green light after the state botched two executions, and set a high legal threshold for future challenges to execution methods.

On Tuesday, court-watchers noted a potential change in tone from Roberts, and tough questioning of Missouri’s lawyer by Kavanaugh. “Chief Justice John Roberts asked serious, carefully considered questions about particular execution procedures, the court’s precedents, and the ramifications of those precedents,” Chris Geidner, BuzzFeed News’ legal editor, reported on Twitter.


While Bucklew is challenging how he will leave death row, Curtis Flowers is challenging how he arrived there. His case, Flowers v. Mississippi, has a gobsmacking procedural history even by the standards of death penalty prosecutions. Local prosecutors have put him on trial six times to convict him for the murders of four people at a furniture store in Winona, Mississippi, in 1996. The first three trials led to convictions but were overturned on appeal because local district attorney Doug Evans had gone to extraordinary lengths to keep black Mississippians off the jury. Jurors failed to reach a unanimous verdict during his fourth and fifth trials. The sixth trial saw Flowers, who is black, convicted of all four murders.

Flowers argues that prosecutors also relied on racially discriminatory practices during his sixth trial. Evans allowed a single black juror and a single black alternate juror during the jury selection process, and struck the rest. This tactic mirrored Evans’s past efforts to craft disproportionately white juries; the Mississippi Supreme Court even admonished him after Flowers’s third trial for demonstrating “as strong a prima facie case of racial discrimination as [it had] ever seen.” This time, however, the court upheld Flowers’s death sentence in a sharply divided decision.

Four justices on the Mississippi Supreme Court dissented from the court’s ruling, including Justice Leslie King. Although 42 percent of the panel of prospective jurors were African Americans, he noted, “the jury that convicted and sentenced Flowers consisted of eight percent African Americans.” King also pointed out that Evans asked black prospective jurors three times as many questions as their white counterparts, and that his questions for white jurors were perfunctory re-phrasings of those already asked by the trial judge. “Because of that failure, I cannot conclude that Flowers received a fair trial, nor can I conclude that prospective jurors were not subjected to impermissible discrimination,” King wrote.

When it took Flowers’s case last Friday, the U.S. Supreme Court agreed to consider whether the Mississippi Supreme Court properly applied precedents that forbid racial discrimination in jury selection. But there are also serious doubts that Flowers is guilty of the crime for which he has been repeatedly prosecuted. Local civil-rights groups, including the Magnolia Bar Association and the Innocence Project New Orleans, told the Supreme Court that Flowers’s case was “built on faulty eyewitnesses, improper forensics, and false confessions from untruthful informants.” They noted that Evans, the prosecutor who sought to craft all-white juries to convict Flowers, had attended meetings organized by the Council of Conservative Citizens, a white supremacist group that opposes “all efforts to mix the races of mankind.” Though the justices will not be technically considering whether Flowers is innocent or guilty, this background may make them more receptive to his case’s procedural flaws.

Bucklew and Flowers’s cases ultimately are about whether, and how, their lives will be ended by the government. But they also raise deeper issues with the death penalty. Is it administered in a needlessly cruel way when it risks forcing a man to drown in his own blood? Is it handed out by a local criminal justice system that appears inextricably driven by racism? The justices will have to wrestle with the age-old challenge of maintaining public confidence in American capital punishment. What they may ultimately find is that the system does not deserve it.

08 Nov 21:58

America Voted. The Climate Lost.

by Emily Atkin

The last two years in American politics have spelled trouble for the global climate, thanks largely to the Trump administration. And the next two years probably won’t be much better, given the results of Tuesday’s midterm elections.

Voters failed to pass a historic ballot initiative in Washington state to create the first-ever carbon tax in the United States. They rejected a ballot measure to increase renewable energy in Arizona, and to limit fracking in Colorado. Some of Congress’ most outspoken climate deniers held onto their seats. Several candidates who ran on explicitly pro-climate agendas lost.

Democrats did not quite get the blue wave they wanted, but it was even worse for environmentalists. There was no green wave whatsoever. That’s partially because of record political spending by the fossil fuel industry to oppose pro-climate initiatives, but also because of the Democratic Party’s failure as a whole to draw much attention to the issue.

The midterm elections were always going to be consequential for climate change. The world’s governments only have about twelve years to implement policies that can limit global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius. That’s the point at which catastrophic impacts begin, according to a recent report from an international consortium of scientists.

The U.S., as the largest historical emitter of greenhouse gases, is essential to achieving that target. But for the last two years, the U.S. government has been ignoring the need to reduce emissions—and in many cases, actively working against it. Along with withdrawing from the Paris climate agreement, President Donald Trump has been attempting to repeal and weaken existing climate regulation, with the support of the Republican-controlled Congress.

The midterms gave voters two opportunities to change America’s course on climate change. They could have elected a Congress that would no longer support Trump’s anti-climate agenda. And they could have approved strong statewide climate policies to counter the federal government’s inaction.

Voters took the first opportunity, but only slightly. Democrats won the House of Representatives, making it near-impossible for Trump to pass any anti-climate legislation.

But voters didn’t elect many candidates who ran on pro-climate agendas. Environmentalists had hoped that Florida, being on the front lines of climate change, would make history in that regard. But Democratic Senator Bill Nelson, a climate champion, was unseated by Governor Rick Scott, a Republican accused of banning the word climate from state government websites. And Democratic gubernatorial candidate Andrew Gillum, who pledged to act swiftly on climate, lost to a Republican who has dismissed the problem.

Voters rejected almost every opportunity to enact strong state-level climate policies. The biggest failure by far was in Washington. Initiative 1631 would have made the state the first in the country to charge polluters for their emissions. The proceeds from the carbon fee could have provided Washington with “as much as $1 billion annually by 2023 to fund government programs related to climate change,” Fortune reported, and “potentially kickstart a national movement to staunch greenhouse gases.” The measure lost by 12 percentage points.

The renewable energy ballot initiative in Arizona also presented a big opportunity to reduce emissions. Proposition 127 would have required electric companies in Arizona to get half of their power from renewable sources like solar and wind by 2030. (In a rare win for the environment on Tuesday, Nevada voters passed their own version of that initiative.) Proposition 112, Colorado’s ballot initiative to keep oil and gas drilling operations away from where people live, was far more about protecting public health than it was about limiting climate change. But the effect would have been to limit further fossil fuel extraction in the state.

The oil and gas industry spent quite a lot of money opposing all of these pro-climate ballot initiatives. The campaign against Washington’s carbon fee “raised $20 million, 99 percent of which has come from oil and gas,” according to Vox. The carbon fee was thus one of the most expensive ballot initiative fights in Washington state history. The renewable energy fight in Arizona was also the most expensive in state history because of oil industry spending. The same was true for Colorado’s anti-fracking measure, as the oil and gas industry clearly spent nearly $40 million opposing it.

While Tuesday’s results show the impact of massive political spending by the fossil fuel lobby, they also shine a light on Democrats’ failure to mobilize voters on the issue. The Democratic Party has failed to treat climate change with much, if any urgency this election season. According to The New York Times, the “vast majority” of the party’s candidates did not mention the problem “in digital or TV ads, in their campaign literature or on social media.” And the party’s leaders in Congress have given little indication that they intend to prioritize climate change in the future. Is it any wonder voters weren’t excited about solving the problem, either?


Correction: A previous version of this story stated that Nevada voters rejected Question 6, a ballot initiative on renewable energy. The measure won.

08 Nov 21:56

Man With A Gun And An Unknown Grudge Evens The Imaginary Score In Thousand Oaks, CA

by Susie Madrak

Twelve people were killed by yet another white man on a quest to scratch some unknown psychological itch late last night in a Thousand Oaks, California bar. Thousand Oaks is ranked as the third-safest city in the nation, but as we know, white men with guns who are looking to even some imaginary score are everywhere. When it come to guns, there is no such thing as a safe place.

Just another day in America -- this was the 307th mass shooting this year. Via NBC News:

Several hundred people were inside the venue, which was hosting a "college country night" for students, police said. Ventura County Sheriff Geoff Dean described the incident at the Borderline Bar and Grill as a "tragic, tragic situation."

[...] The other officer went back into the building and dragged Helus out of the line of fire, but he died in the hospital hours later, the sheriff said.

A SWAT team, FBI and others officers arrived soon after. When they entered the building they found 11 people dead.

"They found people hiding in restrooms, people hiding in attics," Dean said. Other witnesses described people using bar stools to break windows and escape. "It's a horrific scene in there, there's blood everywhere."

The shooter is dead and was not carrying an ID. But really, what difference does it make? Another man with a grudge and a gun used it to even the score.

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08 Nov 21:51

Republicans Must Choose Between Trump and the Rule of Law

by Conor Friedersdorf

After Wednesday, elected officials in the Republican Party should have no doubt that Donald Trump will force them to choose in coming days, weeks, and months between loyalty to him and loyalty to the rule of law, between the public’s right to the truth and Trump’s efforts to hide it.

The president began the day with an extraordinary threat on Twitter: “If the Democrats think they are going to waste Taxpayer Money investigating us at the House level,” he wrote, “then we will likewise be forced to consider investigating them for all of the leaks of Classified Information, and much else, at the Senate level. Two can play that game!”

It would be nakedly corrupt to hinge a Senate investigation on partisan game theory or retaliation rather than on the substance of the law and the public interest. Yet the tweet was quickly overshadowed by even bigger news—Trump’s ouster of Attorney General Jeff Sessions.

[Read: The latest drama in Trump’s slow-motion Saturday night massacre]

There’s little question that the resignation was forced for the most illegitimate reason: Trump’s repeatedly, explicitly expressed desire to undermine Robert Mueller’s incomplete investigation, and his open frustration at Sessions’s refusal to help. “We all know this, but it’s worth restating,” the law professor Orin Kerr commented. “The President fired the Attorney General for following ethics rules that required the Attorney General to recuse himself from overseeing an investigation into the President’s campaign and ultimately the President himself.”

Why is there so little doubt about the motive? Sessions was one of Trump’s earliest supporters, continues to share his views on everything from immigration to refugee policy to voting rights to police shootings, and differed significantly only on whether he should’ve recused himself from the probe into foreign election interference.

Trump has obsessed about that recusal for months, behind the scenes and in public, stating in August, “Even my enemies say that Jeff Sessions should have told you that he was going to recuse himself and then you wouldn’t have put him in.” More generally, Trump has suggested that an attorney general ought to loyally protect even a lawbreaking president from the legal consequences of his unlawful actions—and Politico reports that his own son now expects to be indicted.

Wednesday’s ouster will put the Mueller probe under the control of new Acting Attorney General Matthew Whitaker, the author of a 2017 CNN article arguing that Mueller “has come to a red line in the Russia 2016 election-meddling investigation that he is dangerously close to crossing.”

Whitaker reasoned in the article that investigating Trump’s finances “falls completely outside of the realm of his 2016 campaign and allegations that the campaign coordinated with the Russian government or anyone else,” even though Trump Organization finances and business relationships could be relevant if they gave the Russian government leverage over the president, his children, or his associates—or if Trump sought to coordinate with Russia in the realm of politics with the expectation that doing so would benefit his businesses.

[Adam Serwer: Trump will only get more dangerous.]

In another article, Whitaker argued that Trump was correct to fire James Comey, that “calls for an independent counsel or commission to investigate allegations that Russia tried to interfere with our elections ring hollow when similar calls for special counsels during the scandals of the Obama administration were dismissed,” and that “hollow calls for independent prosecutors are just craven attempts to score cheap political points and serve the public in no measurable way.”

And he has tweeted about the probe, criticizing the raid of Paul Manafort’s house and sharing an article that referred to “the Mueller lynch mob.”

Trump “told advisers that Whitaker is loyal and would not have recused himself from the investigation,” according to The Washington Post. But analysts at Lawfare say Whitaker is obligated to seek the advice of Justice Department bureaucrats about the necessity of recusal:

The relevant Justice Department guideline is Section 45.2 of Title 28 of the Code of Federal Regulations, which states that “no employee shall participate in a criminal investigation or prosecution if he has a personal or political relationship with” either “any person or organization substantially involved in the conduct that is the subject of the investigation or prosecution” or “any person or organization which he knows has a specific and substantial interest that would be directly affected by the outcome of the investigation or prosecution.”

Although the regulations do not indicate that Whitaker’s public statements alone necessarily require recusal, Whitaker has other connections to people whose conduct is at issue in the matter. For instance, the regulations define a political relationship as “a close identification with an elected official, a candidate (whether or not successful) for elective, public office, a political party, or a campaign organization, arising from service as a principal adviser thereto or a principal official thereof.”

Rebecca Ballhaus of the Wall Street Journal reports that Whitaker chaired the 2014 Iowa state treasurer campaign of Sam Clovis, who went on to serve in the Trump campaign and administration and who, Ballhaus notes, is now a grand jury witness in the Mueller investigation. The Des Moines Register reported Whitaker’s chairmanship of Clovis’s campaign during the campaign itself. What’s more, in a text message to Ballhaus after Whitaker’s appointment, Clovis wrote that he was “proud of my friend,” referring to Whitaker, raising the question of whether there is a personal relationship as well.

There is an important process point here: Under the same Justice Department regulation mentioned above, Whitaker is obligated to seek guidance from career ethics attorneys regarding whether he should recuse. This is the process Jeff Sessions used in determining that the rules required that he recuse, and Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein also sought guidance regarding his obligations, though Justice officials determined that his recusal was not required. If Whitaker either does not obtain an ethics opinion from career officials or if he departs from that guidance, that would be a serious red flag.

Will Republicans protect the Mueller investigation as Trump gains new visibility into what the special counsel has been up to all this time?

Mitt Romney, now the senator-elect from Utah, stopped short of calling for Whitaker to recuse himself, but said it is “imperative that the important work of the Justice Department continues” and the Mueller probe “proceeds to its conclusion unimpeded.”

The Maine Republican Susan Collins also stated that “it is imperative that the administration not impede the Mueller investigation,” adding that she is concerned that “Rod Rosenstein will no longer be overseeing the probe,” and that “Special Counsel Mueller must be allowed to complete his work without interference—regardless of who is AG.”

And GOP Senator Lamar Alexander said the Mueller investigation will continue.

[Read: Trump repeatedly threatens retaliation against Russia investigators]

Most other Republicans have kept quiet. Who wants to make an enemy of the White House, Fox News, Rush Limbaugh, and those in the GOP base who believe Trump can do no wrong?

But if Trump or Whitaker takes steps to impede the Mueller investigation or fights to prevent House Democrats, with their new subpoena power, from delving into matters Trump would like to keep secret, elected Republicans won’t be able to avoid taking a position forever.

They will have to choose between angering the president and his populist backers and becoming complicit in whatever Trump is hiding, knowing that the president seldom stays loyal to anyone for very long, and that if and when the truth comes out, the public will rightfully hold them accountable if they helped conceal illegal or flagrantly immoral behavior.

Would you want to publicly help Trump fight to keep his closet doors shuttered, not knowing what skeletons lurk inside to one day be revealed?

08 Nov 21:51

The Democrats’ Deep-South Strategy Was a Winner After All

by Vann R. Newkirk II

It would be easy to look at what the Democrats tried to do in the Deep South and forget about the incredible degree of difficulty. In Florida, Andrew Gillum aimed to become the state’s first Democratic governor in 20 years, and the first black governor in the state’s history. In Georgia, Stacey Abrams attempted to break the GOP’s monopolistic hold on power, and sought to become her state’s first black governor and the country’s first black woman governor. In Texas, Beto O’Rourke vied to unseat a sitting senator, Ted Cruz, who’d once been a strong GOP presidential candidate, and to become his state’s first Democratic senator since 1993. In 2017, Gillum was considered a “rising star,” though he was still mostly unknown; The Washington Post’s Ben Terris suggested Texans might be suffering from “mass delusions” when O’Rourke considered the idea of running; and Abrams was, at best, a long shot.

None of these three candidates won Tuesday night, though Abrams is still fighting against her opponent Brian Kemp, pledging to wait until every vote is counted, as she holds out hope for a recount and a runoff. Barring a miracle for Abrams, Democrats will lose all three elections.

But the losses aren’t necessarily evidence of a failed strategy. A deeper look at the results from Tuesday shows that the presence of three rock-star candidates with progressive bona fides had real effects beyond their Election Night outcome, and that the payoff came not at the top of the ballot but at the bottom.

[Read: The Democrats’ most radical election victory was in the states.]

For starters, there’s little reason to think that running more moderate candidates would have provided Democrats with better results. In Gillum’s own state of Florida, incumbent Democratic Senator Bill Nelson is currently in serious danger of losing his seat to the state’s Republican governor, Rick Scott. On Wednesday morning, Nelson’s campaign announced that the race, which Scott leads by only 35,000 votes, would meet the threshold required for a recount. Unlike Gillum, Nelson is a thoroughly moderate politician. He’s a 76-year-old white veteran who has opposed “Medicare for all,” has been rated as a centrist by the political monitor GovTrack.us, is known for “reaching across the aisle,” and is respected by members of both parties nationally and within the state. Assuming the recount doesn’t uncover anything substantial, he’ll still lose to the GOP.

Nationally, the story is the same: Moderate Democratic candidates in statewide races underperformed. The group of moderate Democrats in the Senate—West Virginia’s Joe Manchin, Indiana’s Joe Donnelly, Missouri’s Claire McCaskill, North Dakota’s Heidi Heitkamp, and Montana’s Jon Tester—was all but obliterated on Tuesday, with only Tester and Manchin emerging victorious. These candidates are not from swing states—and indeed may have fallen victim to deepening Republican partisanship in very-red states—so the lessons they provide for thinking about 2020 and other major elections are limited. But all told, there is little evidence in the 2018 results that moderate candidates are the key to the Democratic Party’s future.

Beyond the failure of moderates, the most compelling evidence for the viability of a progressive strategy comes from farther down the ballot. Across the country, progressive ballot initiatives fared surprisingly well. Indeed, measures against gerrymandering, in favor of medical marijuana, in favor of higher minimum wages, in favor of Medicaid expansion, and in favor of criminal-justice reform received broad bipartisan support in several states, and actually outperformed Democrats running for statewide office. In Florida, even as Gillum conceded early, Amendment 4—a ballot initiative restoring the right to vote to more than 1 million people in Florida who were previously disenfranchised due to felony convictions—passed a 60 percent vote threshold and will become law. Gillum championed that amendment.

[Read: Florida felons want their voting rights restored.]

Medicaid expansion, the main policy foundation of Abrams’s campaign, passed on ballot initiatives in Idaho, Nebraska, and Utah; minimum-wage hikes—part of all three of the Democratic darlings’ platforms—won in Missouri and Arkansas. Voters in Colorado, Michigan, and Missouri moved to take gerrymandering out of the hands of politicians. Other significant criminal-justice reforms passed in Florida and Louisiana.

What this means is that though Gillum and O’Rourke may have lost—and Abrams may be on her way—voters across the country, even some in deep-red states, are amenable to the kinds of policies that the Democratic trio championed. And support for these policies is likely even stronger than Tuesday’s results show. Medicaid expansion polls well nationally and in states that haven’t adopted it, as do minimum-wage increases. The mechanisms needed to fund those programs aren’t quite so beloved, but as Tuesday showed, voters are voluntarily choosing to implement progressive reforms and to pay for them.

Abrams, Gillum, and O’Rourke are likely directly responsible for these down-ballot wins. In Florida, Amendment 4’s popularity was clearly boosted by the unprecedented grassroots effort to elect Gillum. In Texas, O’Rourke’s momentum was cited as a key factor in major Democratic gains in the state and local judiciary, including the victories of 19 black women judges around the Houston area. In Georgia, Lucy McBath, a black activist whose son, Jordan Davis, was murdered in 2012 in Florida, declared victory in the state’s Sixth Congressional District over the Republican Karen Handel, a result—still unconfirmed by some major news outlets—delivered by overlapping circles of activists who’d also helped Abrams.

[Adam Serwer: America’s problem isn’t tribalism—it’s racism.]

But perhaps the biggest takeaway is that these three campaigns are going to improve the landscape for Democrats in these states for the years ahead. The turnout strategy for each campaign involved mobilizing low-propensity voters who’d not previously been engaged by politics in this way. There’s good evidence that this kind of outreach, when successful, results in increased voter turnout among these groups over the long term. Coupled with the mobilization of voters to enact and protect progressive ballot initiatives, the expansion of political and organizing leadership, and the development of fund-raising acumen, that means the Abramses, Gillums, and O’Rourkes of the future might find it easier to win.

And Gillum, Abrams, and O’Rourke themselves will still be there. Even assuming Abrams doesn’t manage to win the election, she’s built a strong organizing base in her state, as have Gillum and O’Rourke. They’ll be in place to affect state politics in three of the most demographically important states in the country, and can still be expected to whittle away at the vast structural advantages held by the GOP in those states. This is a start, not an end.

08 Nov 02:27

Steve Schmidt: 'We Have A Billion Dollar Anger Industry In This Country'

by Susie Madrak

On Morning Joe, they asked Steve Schmidt about the big takeaway from last night's Democratic victories.

"The big picture was, this was a very good night for the Democratic party across the Midwest, taking back the House of Representatives, the governor's races and the state legislative races," he said.

"And the Trump fog machine can spin this any way it wants. If you have the capacity to make up an invasion of the United States out of whole cloth of a disease-infested horde of immigrants, for sure you have the capacity to say though you lost, you in fact won. So it is a big night for Democrats, no matter what they say.

"To Eddie's point, I want to expand on what he said, the reality is that Paul Ryan was wrong to advise to campaign on the economy. Donald Trump's instincts were validated in big sections of the country. The incitement strategy, the racial demagoguery, it worked.

He laid out all the advantages Republicans have on their side.

"We have to understand we have a billion dollar anger industry in this country. We have a news media functioning as a propaganda arm of a president who controls it. We have an interconnected web of propaganda and misinformation and nonsense where the American people are subjected to a constant torrent of lies. Whether it's a caravan, whether it's illegal voting, whether it's any of the other 6,000 lies that he told over the year.

read more

08 Nov 02:27

White House Suspends Jim Acosta's Credential After Trump Tangle

by Karoli Kuns
White House Suspends Jim Acosta's Credential After Trump Tangle

Let me start this by saying that I think this whole scuffle was staged and intentional. The goal was to show Trump being tough with CNN, for him to repeat the "enemy of the people" lie, AND to give the White House an excuse to suspend Jim Acosta, which they have done.

Here is where Acosta realized they'd locked him out:

Sarah Huckabee Sanders, in a tweet, claimed that his credential was suspended for "putting his hands on a young woman just trying to do her job as a White House intern."

08 Nov 02:26

Kamala Harris Might Have Just Previewed Her 2020 Message to Trump

by Elaine Godfrey

Senator Kamala Harris offered a preview Wednesday afternoon of how she might respond to attacks from President Donald Trump if she runs against him in 2020: by appealing to Americans’ sense of compassion.

“What would you have said to President Trump about his—his mocking of [Christine Blasey Ford’s] memory at his campaign rally last night?” asked Laurene Powell Jobs, who was interviewing Harris at the The Atlantic Festival in Washington, D.C. (Powell Jobs is the founder of Emerson Collective, which is the majority owner of The Atlantic.)

There was a short pause, as the California Democrat considered the question. “Stop being mean,” she replied, simply but firmly.

The president has been roundly criticized for his remarks on Tuesday night mocking Ford, the California professor who testified that she had been sexually assaulted by Trump’s Supreme Court nominee, Brett Kavanaugh, at a high-school party in the early 1980s. “I had one beer!” Trump told a crowd at a rally in Southaven, Mississippi—part of his dynamic reenactment of Ford’s recent testimony.

“How did you get home?” Trump continued, this time mimicking the prosecutor Rachel Mitchell, who was questioning the professor.

“I don’t remember,” he said, acting as Ford.

“How did you get there?”

“I don't remember.”

The re-creation got big laughs from the Mississippi crowd, but many lawmakers characterized it as unnecessarily cruel. Republican Senator Susan Collins of Maine, in an interview with CNN, said Trump’s comments were “just plain wrong.” Her Republican colleague Jeff Flake of Arizona, who helped initiate the FBI investigation into the allegations against Kavanaugh, agreed: “I thought it was obviously insensitive and appalling, frankly.” Even Lindsey Graham, one of Kavanaugh’s and Trump’s staunchest defenders, said Wednesday at The Atlantic Festival that he “didn’t particularly like” Trump’s mockery of Ford.

Harris joined them in condemning Trump’s remarks at length, and in her response, she seemed to implore the audience to expect more compassion from their elected leaders.

[Hurricane Harvey exposes Trump’s empathy deficit].

“I think it was Senator [Patrick] Leahy who asked [Ford] what—‘what do you remember most?’” Harris said, recalling last week’s Senate Judiciary Committee hearing. “It was a very poignant, moving moment. She said, ‘I remember their laughter.’”

“Now we have, last night, the president of the United States at a rally urging a crowd to laugh at her,” Harris continued. “I can’t think of anything more—inappropriate is not descriptive enough—it’s mean. It’s mean. It’s completely without any level of empathy.”

While she didn’t indicate whether she plans to run in 2020, Harris, who went on to discuss the urgent need for bipartisanship in Congress, positioned herself on Wednesday as a candidate who might take a calmer approach to Trump than some of the other 2020 presidential hopefuls—people like former Vice President Joe Biden, who said in May that he would have “beat the hell” out of Trump in high school, or a progressive bomb-thrower like Senator Bernie Sanders.

“What was the purpose of saying that and doing that?” Harris asked of Trump’s remarks. “I can’t understand it, and I’m embarrassed that the president of the United States would do that to this woman.”

08 Nov 02:23

MSNBC Joy Reid at Center of Free-Speech Legal Fight Over Retweets...


MSNBC Joy Reid at Center of Free-Speech Legal Fight Over Retweets...


(First column, 7th story, link)


08 Nov 02:16

A Father Took His 10-Year-Old Fishing. She Fell in the Water and Drowned. It Was a Tragic Accident — Then He Was Charged With Murder.

by Jordan Smith

Last summer I got an email from a man whose reputation, and voice, preceded him. His name is Eric Nadel, and as the veteran commentator for the Texas Rangers baseball team, he’s a Texas sports icon. He has a lifetime contract announcing games for the franchise and has joked that he hopes to outlive it. He was contacting me about a man who’d written to him nearly 10 years ago, who he’s gotten to know pretty well, a man named Wendell Lindsey, who is serving life in a Texas prison for murdering his daughter in a cockeyed scheme to collect insurance money.

It wasn’t unusual for Nadel to get letters from Texas prisoners — among the few comforts they’re allowed (if they can afford it) is a transistor radio purchased from the prison commissary. As a result, there is a lot of listening to baseball games as the summers drag on in the sweltering confines of the state’s prisons. Nadel told me that he’s gotten a decent number of letters over the years and always writes back. He asks his pen pals what they’re in for and gets detailed responses in return. But the response he got from Lindsey was a first: Lindsey insisted he was innocent. Nadel wanted to talk to me about that.

On the phone, he laid out the basics. Lindsey had taken his two young daughters, ages 9 and 10, to fish at a popular spot near Fort Worth. As they were preparing to head home, Lindsey’s oldest fell face first into the water. Lindsey didn’t know how to swim, but he jumped in to try to rescue her. He was unsuccessful, and his daughter drowned. At first everyone thought it was a tragic accident. But that soon turned into a homicide investigation and then a murder charge. Lindsey was convicted and sentenced to life based largely, it appeared, on a host of dubious claims about the science of drowning.

Lindsey was out of appeals, but thanks to Nadel’s resourcefulness, he had a new and well-regarded Dallas attorney on his side. They were exploring the possibility of filing a junk science writ — a mechanism of Texas law that allows prisoners convicted on the basis of unreliable forensic science, or scientific understanding that has since evolved, to challenge their convictions.

Wendell_and_Eric-1536278389

Wendell Lindsey, right, with Eric Nadel in Amarillo, Texas, on Oct. 4, 2014.

Photo: Courtesy of Wendell Lindsey

I’ve been writing about wrongful convictions for 20 years, and I’ve done a lot of reporting on junk forensics, but this was the first time I’d encountered a case in which the science of drowning was called into question. A year after Nadel first contacted me, I can now say that of all the cases I’ve investigated, Lindsey’s ranks among the most dramatic and confounding I’ve seen. There is certainly junk science, and plenty of it: Self-professed experts in the mechanics of drowning were unequivocal in backing the state’s contention that the only way Lindsey’s daughter could have drowned that day was if Lindsey had forcibly held her under the water until she died.

But that’s not the only thing that went sideways. There was a lackluster police investigation built on a foundation of flawed assumptions. There were witnesses with serious credibility issues — chief among them, Lindsey’s estranged second wife, Linda, who painted an elaborate picture of Lindsey as heartless and capable of murder. As it turns out, she was a serial bigamist who was never legally married to Lindsey, and a private investigator had tied her to at least two fake Social Security numbers. There were allegations that the local medical examiner’s office changed its manner of death determination in order to satisfy police, a bumbling defense attorney who managed to make the case even more convoluted, and prosecutors who carried on an injudicious relationship with Lindsey’s surviving daughter after she testified at trial on behalf of the state.

And then there was Lindsey. Hapless at best, he had a long history of making poor decisions, particularly when it came to finances — a history that was often criminal and made his decision to buy life insurance on his daughter seem particularly suspicious. Prosecutors would argue at Lindsey’s 1991 trial that he was obsessed with Linda, and plagued by financial problems, so he intentionally drowned his daughter as part of a plot to woo Linda back into his life.

Over the last year, I’ve asked Lindsey countless questions — in letters, on the phone, and in person — many of them frankly antagonistic, in an effort to get at the truth of what happened at the lake that day. To his credit, Lindsey has answered each at length, at times offering up details of his life that I hadn’t even asked about. He is a prolific letter writer. He’s sent me so many that I had to create a lengthy index to keep them all straight. And in nearly every communication, Lindsey comes back to one thing: He did not kill his daughter. And he’d like a second chance to prove it.

Map-Texas-Fort-Worth-1536330874

Map: Soohee Cho/The Intercept

1Water’s Edge

The day that Jeanette Lindsey died, the water in Lake Worth was a frigid 53 degrees.

Around noon that Tuesday, February 27, 1990, Wendell Lindsey ditched work and picked up his daughters, Jeanette, 10, and Darlene, 9, from their grandparents’ home in Azle, Texas, a small community northwest of Fort Worth. Their grandmother Bonnie Porter homeschooled them on the property, which featured a stock pond where they would often go fishing. Lindsey and the girls had made plans for an outing to do just that.

They packed into his 1977 Lincoln and headed out, first going to Trinity Park in Fort Worth near the city’s zoo. Lindsey thought there were too many people already trying to fish there, so they watched the ducks and goofed around at the playground before returning to the car. They stopped at Taco Bueno for a burrito and then headed back toward Azle. But instead of going directly home, the trio ended up at the Fort Worth Nature Center and Refuge, a large park and wildlife preserve where the Trinity River feeds into Lake Worth. It was a popular spot, a place to fish or canoe, hike or bird watch. They pulled into a turnout off the road and headed down a short path to the water’s edge, fishing gear in hand.

At first, they were fishing right off the bank, but they weren’t getting any bites, so they walked down the path to a spot where a large tree had fallen and was partially submerged in the water. They made their way out onto the trunk and fished from there.

Exactly how long they were there isn’t entirely clear — Lindsey recalls that it was more than an hour — but it was 4:30 p.m. when he checked his watch, just 30 minutes before the park would close its gates. If you’re inside the park after closing, there’s no getting out until morning. Lindsey asked Darlene, who was already standing on the bank, to go up to the car and grab some paper towels from the back seat so they could clean the mud from their shoes before leaving. He was watching her walk to the road, he would later say, when he felt the log shift slightly under his feet. He turned toward Jeanette in time to hear her let out a scream before falling face first into the icy water.

By the time Lindsey was able to haul Jeanette out of the lake, her hair was tangled with decaying organic debris, her pupils were dilated, and her lips were blue. She was dead.

jeanette-wendell-zoo-1536276601

Wendell Lindsey and his daughter Jeanette at the zoo in Fort Worth, Texas.

Photo: Courtesy of Wendell Lindsey

Darlene was up at the road when she heard her sister scream. She turned around and rushed back toward the water. She could see her father in the lake. “He was trying to find her, he was kind of scooting in the dirt and trying to feel around to see if he could find her,” she told Fort Worth Police Detective C.W. Riley roughly two weeks after Jeanette drowned. The water was up to the middle of her father’s chest, she said. She thought he was sitting down. Lindsey yelled for her to go back up to the road to flag down help. “That road just seemed like it never ended for me,” she told me. “Nobody was coming.”

It’s unclear how long it took, but a car did come down the road. There was a Hispanic couple inside. Lindsey recalls hearing a car door close and seeing a man looking down toward the water. Darlene asked them to call an ambulance. The couple took the winding road to the park’s visitor center at the top of the hill, where Letty Alamia, a biologist who worked there, was in the parking lot getting ready to leave. They approached her “frantically,” she recalls, “saying something in Spanish. And since I spoke Spanish, I said, ‘Well, what’s the matter?’” They kept repeating one word, “ahogando” — drowning. “They weren’t very coherent, and they just kept saying that word,” she told me. “And I said, ‘Who? What? What’s drowning?’” A girl, she believes they said. She got on her two-way radio and called a colleague, John Karges, another biologist. She told him that she was going to follow the couple to the water. He said he would be right behind her. No one called 911.

Lindsey was on the bank, wet from head to toe, shaking, and cradling Jeanette in his arms.

When the party arrived at the lake, Lindsey was on the bank, wet from head to toe, shaking, and cradling Jeanette in his arms. He appeared to be in shock, the park employees would later tell investigators. The Hispanic couple drove off; no one remembers when they left, and no one would ever see them again — so no one questioned them about what they saw in the water that day. Lindsey was crying out, “Oh, my baby! My baby drowned!” Alamia recalls. She and Karges didn’t know what to do. Lindsey did not know that there wasn’t an ambulance on the way. Alamia recalls suggesting to Lindsey that maybe they should try mouth-to-mouth or CPR. But, she said, Lindsey wouldn’t move or let go of Jeanette. “So, then we tried to call for help.”

They tried to use their two-way radios to contact the city’s park police, but the radios weren’t working. Alamia ran up the road to a small neighborhood nestled within the park (the neighborhood, Lakeland, had been there since before the city bought the property). She knocked on one door, but no one was home. At a second house, she was allowed in to use the phone. But instead of calling for help directly, she called back up to the Nature Center office and asked the secretary there to do so. (At the time, there were no protocols for how to handle emergencies at the park, Karges told me; they would be crafted not long after Jeanette’s death.)

It would be another 20 minutes before a first responder finally arrived, a park police officer by the name of Mike Alexander. He’s a state game warden now — somewhat of a legend within the Texas Parks and Wildlife Department, he once broke up a group of poachers in East Texas who retaliated by torching his house. By the time he got to the lake, Alexander remembers, Jeanette had no pulse. He asked if anyone had tried CPR. No, they said, because Lindsey wouldn’t let them. That was odd, Alexander thought, but otherwise he found nothing suspicious about the scene. Soon others would come — firefighters, paramedics, and another park officer. They wrested Jeanette away from Lindsey and rushed her by ambulance to a nearby hospital.

Jean Bergquist — the girls’ mother and Lindsey’s ex-wife — remembers walking into the hospital, distraught. She spotted Lindsey and Darlene sitting next to a chaplain. “And I said, ‘You killed my baby!’” she remembers yelling at Lindsey. “Because that’s what I felt, because I thought, you had her, and you didn’t watch her. And Darlene immediately jumped in my face and said, ‘Daddy didn’t have anything to do with it, he tried to save her.’”

Darlene would later testify that she didn’t remember doing that.

But while no one at the scene — not Alamia, Karges, or Alexander — was initially suspicious that anything other than a tragic accident had occurred, the second park officer to arrive, Will Harty, wasn’t so sure, according to Alexander. (Harty was unavailable for an interview for this story.) Among the things that bothered Harty, Alexander remembers, was that when he tried to question Darlene at the hospital, he said that Lindsey got angry and snatched her away. (The chaplain who was with Lindsey and Darlene at the time would later tell investigators that Lindsey did not seem mad.) “That was just the start of it, I guess,” Alexander told me.

The next day, Detective C.W. Riley would get the case.

investigation-1536277398

Members of the Fort Worth Fire Department take measurements at the scene of Jeanette’s drowning.

Photos: Tarrant County District Attorney’s Office

2The Investigation

Three days after Jeanette died, Lindsey went to the Fort Worth Police Department to provide a statement to Riley. He described going to Trinity Park and Taco Bueno before arriving at the Nature Center. He talked about fishing from the fallen tree and sending Darlene to the car for paper towels. And he said that while he was watching to make sure Darlene stayed out of the way of any passing vehicles, Jeanette fell into the water.

Lindsey said he immediately jumped in and made his way over to where he thought Jeanette was. The water was turbid and silty, and he was having trouble with his footing —the lake bed was slippery, and the muddy bottom had a way of sucking in your feet like quicksand. That area of the lake was known as Mud Flats. Lindsey found Jeanette and tried to grab her, he told Riley, but it felt like she was struggling against him. He lost his grip and couldn’t see where she was. He found her again — he grabbed her leg, he thought — and tried to pull her toward the shore. But again, he lost his grip and then his footing. He fell under the water. When he stood up, the water was getting close to chin level. He kept moving forward, using his arms below the surface to feel around for Jeanette. Finally, he found her and grabbed her — either around her arms or neck, he said — and walked backward toward the shore where he pulled her up onto the bank. She was dead.

Riley’s secretary typed up the statement and Lindsey signed it. Although Riley would testify that Lindsey had told him that he did not know how to swim, this was not included in the signed statement.

The same day, Riley met park officer Will Harty out at the scene of the drowning. Harty had called a couple of days earlier to say that he was suspicious of Lindsey’s story, Riley wrote in his report, because the water was quite shallow by the tree Lindsey said they’d been standing on. Members of the fire department’s water rescue unit joined Riley and Harty at the scene to take some measurements. Donning a dry suit, which divers and surfers wear in cold water for insulation, one of the firefighters waded out into the lake. It wasn’t at all muddy, he reported, and he had no problem with his footing. Working with a firefighter standing on the tree, he stretched out a tape measure to determine the depth of the water at several locations.

That Jeanette drowned in the shallowest water measured that day would be accepted as fact by all of the state’s witnesses.

Their conclusions, while crucial to the case, were based on fragmentary, occasionally inscrutable information. According to Riley’s testimony, the men judged that at the point where the fallen tree disappeared under the water line (between 8 and 10 feet out from the shore), the lake was 17 inches deep. (The firefighter in the water testified that it was actually 18 inches deep at that point.) At another point 16 feet out from the tree, the water was 40 inches deep, Riley said, and at 24 feet out, it was 60 inches deep. Someone at the scene took photos of this exercise — you can see a floppy tape measure extending from the firefighter in the water to one standing on the tree; others depict the firefighter in the dry suit at various depths. In one, the water is up to his hips; in another, it comes to mid-chest; in a third, it’s up to his shoulders.

Using these measurements as a guide, investigators would ultimately conclude that the water was roughly 17 inches deep where Jeanette drowned. But how they determined that the drowning occurred at this depth is unclear — and impossible to reconstruct given their scattershot documentation. Riley never took Lindsey or Darlene to the scene to demonstrate what happened. Nor did he ask Lindsey to make a diagram to aid the investigation. When I asked Riley about this, he said that Lindsey refused to accompany him to the lake that day. (Lindsey denies this. He says Riley never asked him to go and that he certainly would have. There is no mention of Lindsey refusing to go to the lake in the official police report.) At trial, Riley testified that he didn’t have Lindsey diagram the scene because he’d never done that before in an investigation. “I cannot recall one,” he said.

The assertion that Jeanette drowned in the shallowest water measured that day would be accepted as fact by all of the state’s witnesses.

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Part of the fallen tree that Jeanette was standing on before she drowned.

Photo: Tarrant County District Attorney’s Office

Roughly two weeks went by without further developments in the case. Then, on March 12, Riley got a call from State Farm Insurance. An adjuster was calling about Jeanette’s death. Riley learned that just eight days before Jeanette drowned, Lindsey had taken out identical $50,000 life insurance policies, with additional $50,000 accidental death benefits, on each of the girls, along with a policy on himself. On the policies for his daughters, Lindsey listed himself and his estranged wife, Linda, as beneficiaries.

Riley called Linda Lindsey.

Two days later, she came in to see the detective. A blonde who wore her hair teased up in a classic ’80s do, Linda worked as an administrative assistant at Alcon Labs, a medical company specializing in eye care products, which is where she met Lindsey, who was a laboratory technologist in research and development. The two began dating in early 1989. Just months later they married. In her interview with Riley, Linda described Lindsey as obsessed with her, and chronically in debt. At first, he lavished her with gifts, she said. They bought a new Ford Bronco (it was repossessed within months) and a Stingray motorboat. Lindsey knew how to swim, she said, and she’d taught him how to water ski. He had been violent toward her and she wanted to leave him, she said, adding that he’d abused prescription drugs and she’d heard he was using crystal meth. She told Riley that Lindsey favored Darlene over Jeanette and had told her that Jeanette was “just like her whore mother.” Lindsey had warned her not to try to leave him, Linda said. “Don’t make me sorry,” he allegedly told her. They had finally separated over Super Bowl weekend — roughly a month before Jeanette died.

Judging by the police report, Riley accepted Linda’s account at face value. Aside from Darlene — who explained to Riley what happened “on the day of the accident,” as she put it — there is no record of Riley interviewing anyone who could corroborate Linda’s inflammatory claims. Riley did not interview the girls’ mother and Lindsey’s ex-wife, Jean, or her husband, both of whom were still close to Lindsey. According to Jean, the allegations weren’t true: Lindsey did not know how to swim, he loved his daughters, and he’d never been violent toward either of them, she told me. As the case moved forward, Jean defended Lindsey in the newspaper — even as Linda was bashing him to the same reporters.

Instead, it appears that Riley looked mostly at Lindsey’s finances as a form of corroborating evidence about his character. Lindsey knows his financial mistakes and misdeeds made him “look suspicious,” he told me. He had a fairly lengthy history of passing hot checks, and he’d used his mother’s Social Security number to get the credit to buy the boat and the Bronco. When he worked briefly as an insurance agent, he said he pocketed some of his customers’ premium money. And he had stolen a couple of expensive microscopes from work — he was using them for home experiments on the effects of microwaves on bacteria, he told me — and then sold them. “I saw an opportunity to make some money there,” he said, “so I did it.”

Riley then learned that Lindsey had told the State Farm agent that he wanted to use the insurance policies on his daughters as a way to save money that could be put toward their college education. The agent told Riley that with that type of policy, you could surrender it for cash, but the proceeds wouldn’t be enough to pay for school.

According to the police report, nearly two more months would pass without any additional investigation. Then, on May 10, Dr. Marc Krouse, Tarrant County’s deputy chief medical examiner, ruled Jeanette’s death a homicidal drowning. The following day, Riley filed an arrest warrant for 33-year-old Wendell Lindsey.

3The Trial

It would be more than a year before Lindsey went on trial. Beginning in late August 1991, the trial lasted an exhausting three weeks — largely, it seems, because Lindsey’s attorney, Patrick Short, was longwinded and at times nearly indecipherable when questioning witnesses. Between the lines of the transcript, you can see that he might have had a decent defense strategy, but he was hardly deft at carrying it out.

“Are you suggesting to the jury that this scratch right here is a scratch?” Short asked the medical examiner, referencing an autopsy photo. When questioning Lindsey, who would take the stand in his own defense, he offered: “So, what you’re telling the jury is what you remember, at least of what you remember, or what you don’t remember is what you remembered or didn’t remember pretty much at the time?” Juror Tim Vokes summed it up for me: “The defense was pretty bad.”

(Representing himself, Lindsey would later argue in one of his appeals that Short’s performance was constitutionally deficient. The claim was denied.)

Opposing Short were two seasoned prosecutors, David Montague and Elizabeth Cottingham. Cottingham would go on to become an assistant U.S. attorney in Austin, where she still works. Montague would stay on with the Tarrant County District Attorney’s Office. Upon his retirement in 2008, the Fort Worth Star-Telegram ran a flattering article about his career. He had a reputation as a “champion of children,” the paper reported, prosecuting child abuse cases and starting the office’s Crimes Against Children Unit.

The foundation of the prosecutors’ case against Lindsey rested in part on the points emphasized in Riley’s decidedly thin investigation: Lindsey’s financial distress and fixation with Linda — plotting to collect an insurance payout in order to win her back. The evidence of Lindsey’s financial issues was pretty straightforward, and Linda testified without any meaningful challenge to the incriminating behavior she’d previously attributed to Lindsey.

But perhaps the key evidence that sealed Lindsey’s fate was the testimony of state witnesses who claimed expertise in the science of drowning and were unambiguous in the assertion that there was no way Jeanette could have drowned on her own. Among them was Sarah Forsyth, an aquatics coordinator and instructor at Texas Christian University. Good swimmers don’t just drown, especially not in shallow water, she told the jury. And Jeanette’s family — including Darlene — had classified her as a good swimmer.

Cottingham asked Forsyth to assume that a 10-year-old was standing on a log and fell into shallow water. What would the child do? she asked. “Stand up,” Forsyth replied. When the child fell, she would have her hands out in front of her, not only making it impossible that she would land on her face — and thus get mud in her mouth, ears, or nose — but also making it easy for her to find the bottom, get her bearings, and push back up out of the water.

“When you fall on the floor, do you forget to stand up?”

The alleged rarity of finding organic material in the ears, nose, mouth, or lungs of a person who has drowned in silty lake water was an ongoing theme throughout the testimony of the state’s experts. Paramedics and firefighters who tried to revive Jeanette at the scene commented on the water and debris in her system — “chunks of mud” as one of them put it — saying they hadn’t encountered that in other drowning cases.

Forsyth said the fact that Jeanette had screamed suggested she was aware that she was going under and would likely take a breath beforehand — meaning it would not make sense that she would ingest lake water. Forsyth added that a person who was drowning would never be in a horizontal position, make any forward progress through the water, or struggle against a rescuer, as Lindsey’s explanation of what happened would suggest. “It just wouldn’t be possible,” she said. “It wouldn’t happen.”

Would a struggle be “consistent with [a] person sitting on top of the drowner?” Cottingham asked. Yes, Forsyth said, and that would explain why mud was found in Jeanette’s mouth. For that to happen, she said, “you’d have to have your face smushed into the mud.”

None of the witnesses considered whether the temperature of the water could have had any significant impact on the situation. In fact, a firefighter who was at the scene opined that the water was “real nice” the day Jeanette drowned — minutes after testifying that when he returned three days later to take depth measurements, he had donned a dry suit before wading in. That way, he said, “when the water is real cold, we don’t get cold.”

Short, Lindsey’s attorney, tried to push back to little effect. When he asked Forsyth if she was saying that there was no way a child would fail to stand up after falling in the water, she retorted, “When you fall on the floor, do you forget to stand up?”

Forsyth also questioned why Lindsey just sat on the bank with Jeanette in his arms rather than try to initiate CPR. Lindsey had taken a CPR class back in 1976, prosecutors noted. And, Forsyth declared, a person would never forget how to administer aid no matter how much time had passed since their training. Short pointed out that Lindsey was likely in shock — as park employees and first responders at the scene had suggested. But that wouldn’t matter, Forsyth said, agreeing with Cottingham that in an emergency situation, a person wouldn’t “allow themselves the luxury of shock.”

Driving home the state’s theory about the intentional nature of the drowning was Krouse, the medical examiner. “There is absolutely no way this is an accidental drowning,” he testified — put simply, the autopsy evidence was not consistent with Lindsey’s story. “In what way?” Montague asked. “In the description of the — virtually the entire event,” Krouse said.

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Autopsy diagrams show areas of injury on Jeanette’s head.

Photo: Tarrant County District Attorney’s Office

There was a small scratch on the side of Jeanette’s nose and some redness around her jaw that Krouse said could only be consistent with being held down by another person. According to Krouse, the marks could not have resulted from someone trying to save a person who was drowning — or, presumably, from contact with some sort of vegetation or debris underwater. “I can’t think of much else other than a human finger that would do that,” he said. He rejected the notion that Jeanette could have scratched herself while struggling beneath the surface.

And the debris and musty water in Jeanette’s system caused him concern. In total, he removed some two tablespoons of material from Jeanette; a normal amount would be “maybe a teaspoon or so,” he said. The muddy material in both of her ears was odd too: Sure, he would expect to find debris in one ear if a person was trying to save her, but not in both.

On cross-examination, Short made some headway. He asked Krouse whether his assessment relied on what he was told by police about the depth of the water where Jeanette drowned. Not at all, Krouse replied, though he acknowledged that he hadn’t been to the scene himself and had only reviewed photos taken several days later. What he knew about the alleged depth “came drifting down the grapevine somewhere,” he testified. His conclusion about what happened to Jeanette was based on the assumption that the water was quite shallow, he said, no more than up to her chest. He admitted that he would have to “re-examine” his conclusion if the water were deeper.

But Short also undercut himself, bolstering the state’s case. He pressed Krouse about how certain he was that Jeanette’s death had been intentional. “On a percentage, Dr. Krouse, scale of zero to a hundred based on what you know right now, would you tell the jury what the percentage on the manner of death that you believe your percentage is right now?”

“My certainty on manner of death?” Krouse asked. “One hundred.”

I spent nearly a year trying to get an interview with Short. He brushed me off at every turn.

4House of Cards

In court, Short was firm: Jeanette’s death was a tragic accident and nothing more. The state knew that, he argued, but aggressively pursued Wendell Lindsey anyway. The proof was in the timing, he said.

Not long after Jeanette died, her maternal grandmother, Bonnie Porter, took Lindsey and Jean to see a civil lawyer in order to initiate a lawsuit against the city of Fort Worth, claiming that negligence on the part of the Nature Center employees was the proximate cause of Jeanette’s death. There were no emergency procedures in place, and after park employees were alerted that someone was drowning, no one called 911. Had they done so right away, Jeanette might have been revived.

Notice of the lawsuit was filed with the city on April 11, 1990, well after Krouse performed Jeanette’s autopsy and during a point at which the police seemed to have shelved their inquiry into her death. Yet, just weeks later, Krouse would rule her death a homicide and Riley would seek an arrest warrant for Lindsey. The timing was too coincidental, Short would argue to the jury. “Now, what’s the best way … to stop a civil lawsuit for negligence against … the city?” he asked. “Indict somebody for murder.”

Ultimately, the lawyer handling the civil case, Lowell Dushman, declined to follow through with the suit, at least in part because he felt that Lindsey bore some responsibility for what happened to Jeanette. Dushman testified at trial that he decided to ditch the case sometime after Lindsey was arrested. “It wasn’t the kind of case we wanted,” he said.

Still, there was evidence to suggest something odd was afoot. For starters, there was Jeanette’s death certificate, which Krouse signed on March 1. Where the form required a manner of death to be declared, Short pointed out, it looked like the document had been altered — like someone had changed the ruling from “accidental” to “pending investigation.”

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The portion of Jeanette’s death certificate that Wendell Lindsey’s lawyer said appeared to have been altered.

Image: Tarrant County District Court

And then there is the account of C.W. Riley, who told me in an interview this spring that Krouse made his determination early on, but then changed his mind after the detective went to see him. Riley said he couldn’t remember whether Krouse initially ruled Jeanette’s manner of death “accidental” or “undetermined,” but he is certain that he asked Krouse to reconsider his findings. It wasn’t uncommon for the county’s pathologists to change their minds when “new stuff pops up,” Riley told me. But there wasn’t any new medical evidence in Jeanette’s case. I asked him what new information there was for Krouse to consider. “I just told him that I had my suspicions,” Riley said. “And he said he would review it and get ahold of me.”

On the stand, Short did not ask Krouse whether he had initially ruled Jeanette’s death an accident. When asked by the prosecution whether the civil lawsuit had any bearing on his final determination, Krouse said, “Absolutely not.”

In an interview, Krouse told me that he would never revisit a case based on a cop’s request. “That’s total bullshit,” he said of Riley’s account. “I don’t let police tell me what to rule.” He stands by his ruling and insists there was no doubt that Lindsey killed Jeanette. “The evidence was overwhelming,” he said. “It’s like I’ve told juries before, this is my opinion. I could be wrong — but I’m not.”

Lloyd White isn’t so sure about that. Also a veteran pathologist, he worked with Krouse in the Tarrant County medical examiner’s office for nearly nine years. He told me that changing manner of death determinations to comport with what the district attorney’s office wanted was not uncommon. If the DA’s office wanted to prosecute a person, the ME’s office was happy to help that along, he said. White provided several examples of cases in which this had occurred, and while he couldn’t recall an instance in which he knew that Krouse specifically had changed a determination, he said the chief medical examiner often did so, and Krouse was his right-hand man.

“They were saying whatever the DA’s office wanted them to say.”

Once White realized that things like this were happening, he said, he made sure to sign all of his work in green ink, so it would be clear if his original reports had been altered — for example, by use of a signature stamp on a revised report. They would change reports or “take over the case from the pathologist who had actually done the autopsy and write the rest of the report,” he says. “They were saying whatever the DA’s office wanted them to say.”

I followed up with Krouse, asking if he would address White’s allegations. In an email, he replied only that they were “not deserving of a response.”

I’ve gotten to know White through my reporting over the years, so I asked him to look over Krouse’s work in the Lindsey case. He reviewed the autopsy report, photos, and other related paperwork, as well as Krouse’s trial testimony, and he thinks Krouse got it wrong. “Here is one of Krouse’s statements: There is absolutely no way this could be an accident,” he read to me over the phone. “Where do you come up with that? What kind of an objective, medical, scientific observation is that?”

In fact, White said he could find nothing inconsistent with Lindsey’s story of an accidental drowning. “There’s absolutely nothing there that couldn’t be caused by therapeutic intervention” — actions taken by medical professionals to save Jeanette’s life — “and/or something that happened in an accidental drowning or when [Lindsey was] recovering her” body from the water. And, he noted, there was no objective basis for the contention that the water was very shallow where she fell in. “It’s just presupposition on top of unsupported opinion,” he said. “The whole case is a house of cards.”

“They made a big deal out of this mud business,” White added, but there was nothing in medical literature or pathology textbooks that would support the assertions that the amount of debris found in Jeanette’s body was abnormal or it was unusual to find mud in both ears. I asked Krouse about this. He said he didn’t know if there was research to support either observation.

Krouse told me that the district attorney’s office consulted two outside pathologists from Florida about the case and that they agreed with his findings. In a pair of short letters sent to prosecutors back in 1991, the pathologists did write to say that they agreed with his determination — in part, one of them wrote, because the water was so shallow, and Jeanette was supposed to be a good swimmer. The other doctor wrote that he and several of his colleagues had reviewed the case information and agreed with Krouse’s findings. He did not enumerate the reasons why. At trial, Short called his own pathologist to counter Krouse. But, as is typical, prosecutors made sure the jury knew the expert had been paid a generous fee for his testimony.

I also wanted a drowning expert to review the testimony of Sarah Forsyth and the first responders. According to the Innocence Project, nearly half of DNA exonerations to date involve faulty forensic science, but none have dealt with the science of drowning. After some research, I found Dr. Justin Sempsrott, an emergency physician, lifeguard, and co-founder of Lifeguards Without Borders. He agreed to review the case.

Sempsrott started as a beach lifeguard when he was a teenager. When he later went to paramedic school, he realized that what he was being taught about drowning didn’t comport with what he was seeing at the beach. He started doing research that he continued throughout medical school. For years, he says, the information being taught about drowning was bad and outdated. That began to change in 2002, when a Dutch doctor convened the first world conference on drowning — which Sempsrott described as a game-changer, the start of the “modern drowning understanding renaissance.” Sempsrott is among a small group of medical-legal drowning experts who testify in civil court cases, but this was the first time he’d been contacted about an old criminal case. He was interested in doing the review, he told me, “because what we in the drowning research community knew to be ‘fact’ in 1991 is completely wrong.”

At 53 degrees, it bordered on what experts call “extreme cold water,” which has a significant impact on the body.

And, he said, little Forsyth testified to as “fact” was actually true. “The long and the short of it is that I think it was a bogus case,” Sempsrott said. It is not true that competent swimmers don’t drown in shallow water, nor that someone who falls into shallow water will always stand up. “That’s just crazy,” he said. Nor is it the case that a person will always drown in a vertical position — “we know that people drown in all sorts of positions.” And, he said, there is nothing scientifically significant about finding mud in the ears, mouth, or lungs of a person who has drowned. “It was bad science” being peddled from the witness stand, he said.

Forsyth did not respond to numerous interview requests sent to an email address obtained via a background check. Attempts to reach her by phone were similarly unsuccessful.

Of course, Sempsrott can’t say with absolute certainty what happened at the lake that day, but he identified important factors that the experts at Lindsey’s trial all but ignored — including the fact that the water was so cold. At 53 degrees, it bordered on what experts call “extreme cold water,” which has a significant impact on the body. It can cause “cold shock response,” where a person hyperventilates after hitting the water. That alone can cause death, Sempsrott said — it renders a person unable to help themselves.

No one appears to have considered the possibility of Jeanette hitting her head on something underwater, which could also have impacted her ability to rescue herself. (In Jeanette’s autopsy, Krouse noted the presence of two small areas of bruising on her head.) If Jeanette became stuck in the mud, that could explain her struggling against Lindsey as he tried to pull her out, Sempsrott said, and even after she was unconscious, she could appear to be moving, a phenomenon known as “hypoxic convulsions.” In other words, there is science to explain each of the things Lindsey said happened in the water that day — the very things the state and its experts said made him a murderer.

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Linda Lindsey in December 1989.

Photo: Courtesy of Wendell Lindsey

5Linda

If the medical and drowning experts who testified at Lindsey’s trial were wrong, then that left just one witness whose testimony fully supported the notion that Lindsey was a killer: his second wife, Linda. She painted him as cold, calculating, and violent, and provided him with a motive to kill his daughter. Her credibility on the witness stand was crucial, and yet there was reason to doubt her veracity, evidence that jurors never heard.

According to public records, she has been married at least 12 times since 1973, some of them overlapping. When she married Lindsey, she was still married to her previous husband, a man named Doug Henson. And once Lindsey went to jail, she married Henson again — before she and Lindsey divorced.

She painted him as cold, calculating, and violent, and provided him with a motive to kill his daughter.

Lindsey says that Linda told him she had been married twice before, and that it wasn’t until they were splitting up in early 1990 that he got wind that might have been untrue. A co-worker at Alcon Labs told Lindsey that she had overheard Linda talking on the phone about her past and suggested it was something he might want to look into. He did, hiring a private investigator in March 1990 — just weeks after Jeanette’s death — to inquire into Linda’s past as part of his plan to file for divorce. He got the investigator’s report in mid-April. It suggested that Linda had used multiple Social Security numbers and revealed records related to six marriages, but only one divorce. According to the report, Linda had created financial problems for at least two of her husbands.

After Lindsey was arrested, his ex-wife, Jean, released the report to the media. “If the police department’s case for homicide is largely based on Linda Lindsey, she’s totally unworthy of belief,” Jim Bearden, the private investigator, told the Fort Worth Star-Telegram. “I have no doubt that our report was just scratching the surface.” For her part, Linda denied that she’d been married six times. “That’s simply not true. I feel like I’m on trial here,” she told the paper. “But I don’t care what anybody else says about me. I’m not the guilty one.”

At trial, Short tried to get information about Linda’s character into evidence before the jury, but the judge wouldn’t allow it. Short was only allowed to question her while the jury was out of the room. Linda denied ever using fake Social Security numbers but ultimately acknowledged six marriages — though she swore she’d personally seen all of her divorce decrees. Short asked her whether she had married Doug Henson twice. After all, at the time she testified, she was using Henson’s last name. No, she said. Had she ever been married to anyone other than those six men? No, she said.

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Letter to Linda from Wendell Lindsey.

Photo: Tarrant County District Attorney’s Office

Both of those answers were untrue. Public records show she had indeed married Henson twice by the time she testified, and she’d actually been married at least seven times. The seventh marriage was to a man named Gary Oswalt. Oswalt has died, but according to his widow, Judy, he had gone to high school with Linda. Oswalt and Judy were dating, and close to getting engaged, when Linda suddenly popped up with a tale of woe. She convinced Oswalt to leave Judy and marry her. Just three months later, Oswalt showed up on Judy’s doorstep: He’d found out that Linda was already married — and when that husband came back around, Judy recalls Oswalt telling her, Linda took off with him instead. “It was very much a ‘Peyton Place.’” She told me that Linda was manipulative and not to be trusted. That sentiment was echoed by the relative of another husband. “She caused a lot of trouble in our family,” the relative said.

Bruce Anton, the Dallas defense lawyer who recently took on Lindsey’s case, said it was a mistake for the court not to allow the character evidence before the jury. Linda “arguably cast herself in a false light as Wendell’s wife when she knew she was not legally married to him,” he wrote in an email. “Had Wendell’s attorney made that argument I believe the court would have been obligated to admit that evidence and asking her about it may have opened the door even wider.”

I left several messages for Linda before she finally called me back. She told me I was “harassing” her, “disturbing” her life, and that I would be in a lot of trouble if I didn’t stop calling her. I got the feeling she would hang up on me at any second, so I dove in, asking why she hadn’t told the truth about her marriages. She was not pleased. Nonetheless, she talked to me for nearly 45 minutes. She denied being married more than six times by the time she testified at Lindsey’s trial. When I asked her about Oswalt, she told me that I was “entering an area that is certainly none of your business.” She admitted to bigamy, and then denied it — before saying that she’d actually been married to Doug Henson three times, not just two. But none of that had anything to do with her testimony and her “grievance” against Lindsey, she told me (during our conversation, she referred to him as “that ape” and “Mr. Infidel”). When I said that her testimony about her husbands had to do with her credibility, she responded, “My credibility is nothing of your business or concern!”

Later in the conversation, Linda dropped a bomb: When I asked what made her think Lindsey was guilty of killing Jeanette, she exclaimed, “Because he told me!” She proceeded to offer a detailed account of sitting on a couch with Lindsey in the home they shared while married. She asked him what had happened out at the lake, and he admitted to killing Jeanette. “I had to do it,” she said he told her. I asked why she never testified about this alleged confession. She said she did; then said she was “prompted” to say Lindsey had confessed; then said she told prosecutors and cops about the exchange, and she couldn’t help it if there wasn’t record of it in the police report or she hadn’t been asked about it on the witness stand.

Ultimately, she said that even if she had made statements about Lindsey that were “inflammatory, you know, exaggerations, things like that,” it didn’t really matter. “Is that going to overthrow the whole case? Are you kidding me? Come on, girl.”

GATESVILLE, TEXAS - August 8, 2018: Wendell Lindsey is a prisoner at the Alfred D. Hughes Unit prison for men of the Texas Department of Criminal Justice located in Gatesville, Texas. Photo by Ilana Panich-Linsman for The Intercept

Wendell Lindsey, photographed on Aug. 8, 2018, at the Alfred D. Hughes Unit prison in Gatesville, Texas.

Photo: Ilana Panich-Linsman for The Intercept

6Darlene

Darlene remembers when she found out that her father had married Linda. She was surprised — he hadn’t told her or Jeanette anything about the relationship. She was not impressed. “She was a real high-maintenance type of woman,” Darlene said. She’s pretty certain Linda was a “snake in the grass.”

But she still isn’t buying Lindsey’s story.

Darlene has had a hard life — she first married at 14 and later got involved with drugs and in trouble with the law — but she’s always persevered despite the trauma she’s lived with since her sister’s death. “I’m doing good for myself, despite all odds,” she told me. She insists that her father killed her sister — at least that’s how she remembers it. When she turned back from the road after hearing her sister scream, she said, she saw Jeanette kicking around in the water “right underneath” Lindsey. That’s not what she told detective Riley back in 1990, but she says that’s because she didn’t tell anyone anything for quite a while.

At trial, Darlene largely testified in line with the statement she provided to Riley — in which she talked about the “accident” that happened the day Jeanette died. She said that after she heard a “scream and a splash,” she ran back toward the water, which was up to her father’s chest. She described him as sitting and using his arms to feel around for her sister. She acknowledged during cross-examination that she couldn’t see clearly through the silty water, and that if it was deep enough, Lindsey could have been standing. She also said that she was confused about what happened that day.

But on redirect examination, Cottingham was able to tease out a damning detail that Darlene never told investigators: that she once told her grandmother Bonnie Porter that she had seen her father sitting on Jeanette in the water. Short objected to the questioning, calling the statement hearsay. Montague argued that it was being offered not for the truth of the matter, but as a way to impeach Darlene. It isn’t uncommon for prosecutors to seek to impeach a witness with a prior inconsistent statement — but regardless of whether the jurors are supposed to take it as fact, they often do, because the suggestion is clear: This was the truth and all the other things she had told police and testified to were not. The judge allowed it. For at least one juror, Tim Vokes, this was key testimony, the thing he remembers most about the trial. “That, for whatever reason, stays with me.”

Although it appears that Darlene’s opinion of her father’s guilt has wavered over the years — Lindsey said that when she last visited in 2016, she told him she hoped he could ultimately prove his innocence — she is now resolute, and nothing would change her mind, she told me. “I’ve done years and years and decades now of looking and searching,” she said. “I know what I’d seen. I know I was traumatized, but it’s there in my brain.”

Jean Bergquist, Darlene’s mother, is also firm: She is certain her ex-husband is innocent. And she believes that it was her mother, Bonnie Porter, who set in motion the criminal case against Lindsey. Lindsey had a good relationship with the Porters until some point not long after Jeanette died. Then Bonnie’s attitude changed. Jean told me that her mother, who died in 2001, was extremely close to Jeanette and devastated by her death. “I love my little girls to the moon and back, but my mother worshipped her. And I believe she took it out on [Lindsey] because he was the one that took her out there and had the accident,” she said. “If it had been my husband who I am married to now, he would’ve been to blame; if it had been me, I’d probably have been to blame.”

Jean believes that Bonnie brainwashed Darlene into thinking her father was guilty — she testified as such for Lindsey’s defense — and she remembers listening in on a phone conversation her mother had with Riley not long after Jeanette’s death. “He said, ‘Mrs. Porter, we find that this is an accident, that’s what we believe, and we’re going to go ahead and close the case,’” she recalls. “And my mom said, ‘Hell no.’ She said it wasn’t an accident” and he had to keep investigating. (Riley told me that he doesn’t remember the exchange.)

Jean also thinks prosecutors unduly influenced Darlene. “They showered her with gifts,” she told me, including dolls and an Easy-Bake Oven. Darlene agrees that Cottingham and Montague were very kind to her. She recalls going to the movies with them and visiting Cottingham’s apartment. She says that Montague took her and her cousin on overnight fishing trips to a lake house he owned. She recalls these outings as happening after her father’s trial. “They were both really good to me.” Jean said she knew about the outings and was upset by the fact that they happened without her permission.

I sent letters to Montague to arrange an interview for this story; when he didn’t respond, I went to his home to try to talk with him. He had just arrived when I rang the bell. He had a long ponytail and rough hands, the kind you get from doing a lot of gardening. He was wearing a Life is Good T-shirt with a stick-figure guy and his dog sitting by a campfire. “Happy Hour,” it read. He said he’d gotten my letters but didn’t want to talk — the only reason to do so would be if this were a wrongful conviction case, and it wasn’t. He recalled Lindsey’s financial distress and Krouse’s conclusions about Jeanette’s death. He said the aquatics expert, Forsyth, was called simply to remind the jurors about “common sense”: that when you fall in the water, you “just stand up.” When I said I had been told that wasn’t accurate, Montague fixed me with a flat stare. He knew that Lindsey had maintained his innocence, he told me, but that didn’t mean anything because Lindsey was a “con man and a liar.”

Montague said he took Darlene out fishing once but doesn’t remember any overnight trips — and he didn’t see anything wrong with maintaining a relationship with her. He’d often stayed in touch with victims of child abuse whose cases he’d prosecuted, he noted.

In an email, Cottingham wrote that she remembered being in touch with Darlene after the trial. One of Darlene’s relatives had asked her to do so because they thought she would make a good “role model,” she wrote. She did not remember buying Darlene dolls or an Easy-Bake Oven, going to the movies, or going on any outings with both Montague and Darlene.
But she did remember Darlene’s family reaching out at some point after the trial to say they were traveling through Austin and would like to see her. It was possible the family dropped by her apartment for a visit, she wrote. Cottingham added that even if she hadn’t been asked to keep in touch with Darlene, she would have done so anyway. “Both Darlene, and the horrible events which caused us to meet each other, touched my heart,” she wrote.

The situation is troubling to Daniel Medwed, a law professor at Northeastern University whose research focuses on wrongful convictions and the role played by prosecutors. While he said it made sense that a prosecutor might “develop a personal allegiance” to a victim and witness like Darlene, “I’m always worried when it feels as though there is a relationship between the prosecutor and the victim that goes beyond the professional and veers into the personal, because I think it could affect prosecutorial discretion and judgment.”

“This is a relationship that is too close for comfort.”

If the relationship was happening while they were preparing for trial, or while it was ongoing, that would raise a specific set of questions — particularly around witness coaching. “Coaching can take the form of suggestive questioning during pretrial prep — ‘Oh, don’t you remember this? Are you sure? Didn’t this happen?’” Medwed said. But it can also be more indirect, “like lavishing gifts or creating a relationship where they want to please you.”

In the context of a murder case, however, even having a relationship that develops post-trial is concerning — precisely because there is a good chance that there will be additional litigation: a motion for a new trial, an appeal, or an evidentiary hearing in which witnesses have to testify again. “It seems like bad judgment — to say the least — to become friendly with witnesses in a homicide case,” Medwed told me, adding that this also raised questions about exactly when the relationship developed. “It’s not as if, out of the blue after trial, they called up this family and said, ‘Let’s go to the lake.’ Common sense suggests that seed was planted early in the relationship and it might have only blossomed later … but it points to a more fraught and complicated relationship pretrial than we would like,” he told me. “This is a relationship that is too close for comfort.”

Lindsey said it wasn’t until some years after he was convicted that he heard rumors about the prosecutors’ relationship with Darlene, so he never had an opportunity to have it investigated or raised as an issue on appeal.

GATESVILLE, TEXAS - August 8, 2018: The Alfred D. Hughes Unit prison for men of the Texas Department of Criminal Justice located in Gatesville, Texas. Photo by Ilana Panich-Linsman for The Intercept

The Alfred D. Hughes Unit prison in Gatesville, Texas.

Photo: Ilana Panich-Linsman for The Intercept

7Wendell

One morning in early January, I met up with Eric Nadel, the Texas Rangers commentator who’d first told me about Lindsey’s story, at the Fort Worth Nature Center. I had asked Lindsey to make a diagram of where he and the girls went fishing the day Jeanette drowned. Using the diagram, trial testimony, and an actual map of the property, I was able to locate the spot — or at least close to it. It was chilly outside, and the winter landscape and gray sky felt foreboding.

Both Nadel and I wanted to see what the water was like. It was certainly cold, which I learned almost immediately after wading out into the lake; one of my rubber boots sprang a leak and my foot was enveloped in icy water. Just steps from the shoreline, my feet were quickly sucked into the muck. I had to work to pull them out, and nearly fell over more than once.

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Lindsay’s hand-drawn map of the spot where he and his daughters went fishing the day Jeanette drowned.

Image: Courtesy of Wendell Lindsey

When Nadel and Lindsey began corresponding, Nadel peppered Lindsey with questions about his case. All of Lindsey’s responses “seemed plausible,” he told me. In 2014, after communicating with Lindsey for several years, Nadel wanted to “look him in the eye” and size him up. He traveled to Amarillo to meet Lindsey. He believed him.

I wanted to meet Lindsey too. Last winter, I drove up to the Alfred Hughes prison in the small town of Gatesville, Texas, where Lindsey is now housed.

Inside a large visiting room, I sat across a picnic table from Lindsey, who is now 62. He was dressed in standard white prison scrubs. I pressed him with questions about his case, including why he thought Linda would say all those bad things about him if they weren’t true. He said he didn’t really know for sure but guessed it had to do with his poor financial decisions and the fact that he’d listed her as a beneficiary on his daughters’ life insurance policies. He’d done that after they had already separated, which at least suggested that the prosecution’s obsession theory might have had some basis to it. He says he can’t explain why he listed Linda, but she was furious when she found out.

In audio of a phone call they had before Lindsey was arrested for murder, Linda goes on and on about how angry she is to be dragged into the investigation and how it’s a drag on her life. She threatens to kill Lindsey if he doesn’t do something about it. “She really got pissed off at me,” he recalled. “I think that was a little revenge factor there, motivated her to do that.”

“I didn’t get her out of the water in time. I was there, I was her parent.”

Lindsey has repeatedly told me that Linda’s contention that he was obsessed with her simply wasn’t true — though he admits he was smitten, at least at first. She was sexy and smart, and she liked baseball and war movies. Linda provided prosecutors with a trove of love notes she’d received from him, presumably as a means to back up that part of her story. I sent copies of the notes to Lindsey. He says he wrote most of them early on in their relationship and during a period of separation after a fight in the fall of 1989 (Lindsey admits that he pushed her onto a bed and spit on her while they argued). It wasn’t long after Jeanette died that he initiated divorce proceedings. If he was so intent on winning Linda back, he asks, why would he do that? When he received the private investigator’s report, he was resolute in his decision. “I had no idea at all about these previous marriages and so forth,” he told me. “I was kind of bumfuzzled by it all, when I read the report. It just blew me away.”

Lindsey said there were things that didn’t come out at trial that he feels are important, including information about the insurance policies. Part of what was so damning was the timing: He had applied for the policies just days before Jeanette drowned. But he said that what the jury didn’t know — even though he says he explained this to his lawyer — was that he had been shopping for insurance for months and had talked to several insurance companies before settling on State Farm. He is adamant that he took out the policies as a means to save up some cash for his daughters’ education — even if that might have been an ill-advised financial plan.

He is still somewhat bewildered by his circumstances. If he could go back in time, he says, he would never have gone to the Nature Center that day. “I wish I’d have just said, ‘Hey kids, we can’t go fishing today, sorry, we’re just going to go back to the house.’ But that’s not the way it went down,” he told me. “I didn’t intentionally drown Jeanette, but I feel responsible for it because I feel like I let her down. I didn’t get her out of the water in time. I was there, I was her parent. I was there to protect her, to look after her, and I let her down.”

Top photo: Wendell Lindsey, photographed on Aug. 8, 2018, at the Alfred D. Hughes Unit prison in Gatesville, Texas.

The post A Father Took His 10-Year-Old Fishing. She Fell in the Water and Drowned. It Was a Tragic Accident — Then He Was Charged With Murder. appeared first on The Intercept.

08 Nov 02:07

Prosecuting Parents — and Separating Families — Was Meant to Deter Migration, Signed Memo Confirms

by Cora Currier

On April 23, the heads of the three major immigration agencies wrote to their boss, Secretary of Homeland Security Kirstjen Nielsen, to present her with three options for how to step up immigration enforcement at the border. They recommended “Option 3” — prosecuting every adult who crossed the border illegally, including those who came with their children — because it would “have the greatest impact on current flows.”

In other words, top immigration officials believed that prosecuting parents, even if it meant separating families, would deter migration. Following their recommendation, Nielsen signed off on “Option 3,” authorizing one of the darkest dramas in the Trump administration’s attempt to remake the U.S. immigration system, resulting in thousands of families ripped apart, hundreds of parents deported alone, and children scattered in shelters across the country.

Despite the fact that the memo makes clear that “Option 3″ would involve family separation, Nielsen for months maintained publicly that “this administration did not create a policy of separating families at the border” and avoided saying that the goal of the newly aggressive prosecutions was deterrence.

The memo and other communications on family separation were released in redacted form through a Freedom of Information Act request brought by the watchdog groups Open the Government and Project on Government Oversight and were shared with The Intercept; the groups also obtained an unredacted copy of the memo, which, at the request of their sources, is not being published. It appears to be the same document reported on, but not published, by the Washington Post in April, before Nielsen added her signature. (The signature itself is redacted, but a spokesperson for the Department of Homeland Security confirmed that it is Nielsen’s.)

In a statement, POGO and Open the Government noted that “the memo does not discuss any plan for reuniting separated families, or the harmful effects of separation on children, nor does it reflect any input from the government agencies who would be responsible for caring for the separated children.” They added that there is more to be learned about the decision-making behind the administration’s actions this spring and summer: “The records point to new important documents, such as a legal analysis of the family separation policy, which remains shielded from the public and from Congress.” The groups also plan to challenge the redactions on the released documents.

“The American public deserves to know what our government has been thinking in terms of how to carry out these extremely devastating policies.”

“This is part of a story to be told here about the humanitarian travesty,” said Emily Creighton, deputy legal director at the American Immigration Council, which is also seeking documents related to family separation. “I think the American public deserves to know what our government has been thinking in terms of how to carry out these extremely devastating policies.”

The Trump administration’s “zero tolerance” immigration policy, which meant trying to prosecute every single person who crossed the border illegally, was enshrined in an April 6 executive order and in guidance from Attorney General Jeff Sessions. In response, the April 23 memo said the immigration agencies could either take a “scalable approach” to curbing illegal entry to the U.S., broadly increasing referrals for prosecution, or they could more systematically refer all single adults for prosecution. But going after single adults would create “the potential for an increase in fraudulent/fictitious” groups presenting as families, the memo cautioned, reflecting a longstanding narrative among immigration authorities that migrants use or even traffic children to avoid detention (a phenomenon whose significance is disputed by outside experts). “DHS could also permissibly direct the separation of parents or legal guardians and minors held in immigration detention so that the parent or legal guardian can be prosecuted,” the memo stated.

And so, the heads of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, Customs and Border Protection, and Immigration and Customs Enforcement landed on the recommendation to prosecute adults with children, too, because it “would likely have the most effective impact” and be “the most effective method” of achieving the “administration’s goal of ending ‘catch and release,’” the memo said, deploying the term used by critics of the long-standing policy of allowing individuals, typically mothers and their children, to be released on bond while awaiting their immigration hearings.

The officials who wrote the memo admitted that the approach had the drawback of “requiring significant resources and presenting increased legal risk” — an understatement, given the public outcry and bevy of legal challenges that occurred once reports of families being separated hit the press.

Many observers have pointed out that the Trump administration’s crisis at the border — the chaos of family separation, the overloading of immigration courts — is one of its own making, the result of a decision to prosecute each and every person illegally entering the U.S. The memo provides a window into the administration’s attempt to rationalize “zero tolerance” with misleading statistics. It frames the policy as a response to a jump in the number of migrant families crossing the U.S.-Mexico border this past spring. But the spike described in the memo is relative to a pronounced dip last year; when the number of border crossings in 2018 is compared with the number in other recent years, it ceases to look remarkable. In fact, border crossings have been on a general downward trend for the last two decades.

The memo also cites a trial period of family separation in El Paso, Texas, from July to November 2017, claiming that it led to a 64 percent decrease in families crossing the border illegally — a statistic that Vox’s Dara Lind has debunked. And it uses the historic arrival of thousands of Central American children in 2014 as an example of the difficulty in deporting adults who arrive with children — ignoring the fact that many of those people may have had legitimate asylum claims or other avenues to stay in the country, notes Katherine Hawkins, an investigator with POGO.

ICE was deporting other families speedily to make room in their facilities for newer arrivals.

Beyond the DHS family separation memo, other documents obtained by POGO and Open the Government include an email sent to Border Patrol chiefs and deputies in July, after judges had intervened against family separation and ordered the government to reunite children with their parents. The email says that thanks to the judge’s order, ICE needed space at family detention facilities in order to reunite families, and so they were “in the process of repatriating as many FMUAs as possible to make space.” (The acronym stands for “Family Unit Aliens,” and is immigration authorities’ shorthand for children apprehended with one or more parent or guardian.)

The acknowledgement that ICE was deporting other families speedily to make room in their facilities for newer arrivals raises concerns about whether the agencies infringed migrants’ right to due process, says Creighton of the American Immigration Council. “Here, you have another inhumane policy introduced in order to address the other inhumane policy,” she said.

Trump ended family separation by executive order on June 20, and the court-ordered reunification process continues. In the meantime, the administration has moved forward with new regulations that would supersede the Flores agreement, a federal consent decree dating back to 1997 that limits the detention of migrant children. If approved by a judge, the regulations will allow immigration authorities to hold families with children for longer and in a greater variety of facilities. They represent a major push toward the administration’s goal of mitigating the public outrage over family separation while expanding family detention.

Correction: Sept. 25, 2018, 11:38 a.m. 

This story has been corrected to reflect that the documents were obtained by POGO and Open the Government through a FOIA request, not a FOIA lawsuit. 

Top photo: Seven-year-old Andy is reunited with his mother, Arely, at Baltimore-Washington International Airport in Linthicum, Md., on July 23, 2018.

The post Prosecuting Parents — and Separating Families — Was Meant to Deter Migration, Signed Memo Confirms appeared first on The Intercept.

08 Nov 02:07

An Untold Number of Indigenous Children Disappeared at U.S. Boarding Schools. Tribal Nations Are Raising the Stakes in Search of Answers.

by Alleen Brown

When Yufna Soldier Wolf was a kid, she was made well aware of why her family members only spoke English, and why they dressed the way they did. Her grandfather and other elders used to recount their experiences at boarding schools, where the government sent hundreds of thousands of Indigenous children, from nearly every Indigenous nation within U.S. borders, to unlearn their languages and cultures. “A lot of them were physically abused, verbally abused, sexually abused,” she said.

At the center of the stories were the children who never came home from the Carlisle Indian Industrial School, where her grandfather was a student. “My grandpa used to say, ‘Don’t forget these children. Don’t forget my brother — he’s still buried there,’” Soldier Wolf said. She promised that she would remember.

The school, which opened in 1879 in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, and closed its doors 100 years ago this month, was the United States’ most notorious Indian boarding school and the starting point for more than a century of child removal policies that continue to tear apart Indigenous families today. Carlisle, and hundreds of federally funded boarding schools like it, were key to the U.S. government’s project of destroying Indigenous nations and indoctrinating children with military discipline and U.S. patriotism.

It was Soldier Wolf’s closeness to her family and their stories of abuse at the school that inspired her to become the Northern Arapaho tribal historic preservation officer and work on the return of the children lost at Carlisle.

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Yufna Soldier Wolf, center, Mark Soldier Wolf, left, and Crawford White Sr. hold pictures of the three Northern Arapaho children buried at the Carlisle Indian School during a meeting to negotiate repatriating the remains of 10 children on the Rosebud Reservation in Rosebud, S.D.

Photo: Charles Fox/The Philadelphia Inquirer via AP

In June, after about a decade of back-and-forth with the U.S. Army, which owns the Carlisle property, Soldier Wolf stood present as Little Plume, the last of three Northern Arapaho children buried there, was exhumed and sent back to the Wind River Reservation in Wyoming. The remains of two others, 14-year-old Horse and 15-year-old Little Chief, Soldier Wolf’s great uncle, had been returned the previous August.

The Northern Arapaho Tribe is the first to succeed in bringing home children interred at Carlisle’s military cemeteries — but it won’t be the last, and Carlisle is only the tip of the iceberg.

A coalition of Indigenous organizations — including the National Congress of American Indians, which represents 250 Indigenous nations, the International Indian Treaty Council, the Native American Rights Fund, and the National Native American Boarding School Healing Coalition — has turned to the United Nations to demand that the U.S. government “provide a full accounting of the children taken into government custody under the U.S. Indian Boarding School Policy whose fate and whereabouts remain unknown.”

After unsuccessful attempts to obtain such information directly through Freedom of Information Act requests to the U.S. Bureau of Indian Education, the coalition members hope that pressure from the U.N. Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances will make the difference. An appeal could require the U.S. to report on the statuses of missing Native boarding school children every six months.

“Our greatest hope is to start to raise awareness about this part of American history, but also to get some acknowledgement and accountability from the U.S. government,” said Christine Diindiisi McCleave, executive officer for the Boarding School Healing Coalition. “The fact that they haven’t willingly done that is disrespectful and a human rights violation.”

The Interior Department, which oversees the Bureau of Indian Education, did not respond to a request for comment.

Those pushing for the U.N. filing and the return of children’s remains acknowledge that it’s only a beginning — a full accounting of Carlisle’s legacy would mean reforming child welfare systems that continue to separate Native children from the land and their communities. Although Carlisle and the boarding schools like it have closed, child removal is an enduring reality for many Native families and their nations. “It’s always worked for colonizers worldwide, you take the children and you break the family tie,” said Madonna Thunder Hawk, a boarding school survivor who now works for the Lakota People’s Law Project advocating Indian child welfare reform in South Dakota. “If we’re fighting for the land, we’re also fighting for our future,” Thunder Hawk said of her community in Cheyenne River. “Who is going to be on the land? We’ve got to keep our children.”

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Carlisle’s founder, Richard Henry Pratt, seated center on the bandstand, with a group of Navajo students upon their arrival at the school on Oct. 21, 1882.

Photo: John N. Choate via Carlisle Indian School Digital Resource Center

“Kill the Indian, Save the Man”

For Carlisle’s founder, Richard Henry Pratt, an Indian fighter who once served with George Armstrong Custer, the boarding school was another battlefront of the Indian wars. Pratt devised the school’s curriculum of “kill the Indian, save the man” from his experiments in forced education on Cheyenne, Caddo, Arapaho, Kiowa, and Comanche prisoners of war at Fort Marion, Florida, in the early 1870s. The prison experiments impressed Indian reformers in Congress, who authorized the Bureau of Indian Affairs to take control of the Carlisle Barracks to build the nation’s first off-reservation boarding school.

As Pratt assembled Carlisle’s first class of students, Commissioner of Indian Affairs Ezra Hayt ordered him to take children from the Lakotas because of their “hostile attitude toward the government.” Hayt hoped to pressure the Lakotas, and other western Indigenous nations, into opening millions of acres of treaty-protected territory for white settlement. “The children would be hostages for the good behavior of their people,” wrote Pratt of his first Carlisle recruitment mission at the Rosebud and Pine Ridge agencies in Dakota Territory.

From the 1880s through the 1920s, conditions at boarding schools were especially terrible — and deadly. “Routinely, you have students begging for clothes and food,” said Preston McBride, a University of California, Los Angeles Ph.D. candidate working on a dissertation about health conditions in the schools. “There were students sharing spoons and cups in dining halls, sharing bath water,” he added. “Once a disease hit, it rapidly spread.”

The schools tended to send sick kids back to their families — many died en route or within days of arriving home. When students did die in the schools, McBride said, records show that at times the area Indian agent, rather than the family, was informed of the death. Runaways were common, and for children thousands of miles from home, finding their way back would have been practically impossible.

Indeed, determining exactly how many children might have disappeared after they were sent to boarding school is no simple task. “It’s really hard to give an estimate to anything related to boarding schools — because the government doesn’t even know how many children went through them,” McBride said. He estimates those who disappeared number in the thousands.

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A second-grade classroom at the Carlisle Indian School, circa 1902.

Photo: Carlisle Indian School Digital Resource Center

From Boarding School to Foster Care

Thirty-five years after Carlisle closed, when Sandy White Hawk was 18 months old, she was adopted out to a white missionary family who promised to “save” her from a life of poverty and abuse on the Rosebud Reservation, where she was born. White Hawk did not escape either in her adopted family, and the problems were compounded by a deeper sense of loss over who she was as an Indigenous person.

White Hawk compares her experience as an adoptee to that of her brother, who was sent away to boarding school. “Adoption and boarding schools were about stripping Native people of who they were,” she said. Throughout the 20th century, the two worked in tandem.

After World War II, social workers picked up where boarding schools like Carlisle left off, placing children into state foster care or adopting them into white families. The child sweeps dovetailed with federal termination policy, which aimed to assert state jurisdiction over Native lands and relocate Native people off-reservation. In 1957, Utah Republican Sen. Arthur V. Watkins, a termination advocate, characterized the approach as a “freeing of the Indians from special federal restrictions on the property and the person of the tribes and their members,” which held them back from “the full realization of their national citizenship.”

Once relocated to cities and enrolled in public schools, families came under increased surveillance by state officials and children once again became targets for removal. The practice became so routine that by the early 1970s, according to a report by the Association on American Indian Affairs, more than a quarter of Native children nationwide had been taken from their families. As Amy Lonetree, a history professor at the University of California, Santa Cruz, put it, “Every single Indigenous family in the post-World War II era lived with the threat of child removal.”

The practice was particularly acute in states like Minnesota, and today, it has hardly subsided. “We have the highest rate of Indigenous child removal in the United States,” White Hawk, now an Indian child welfare advocate living in Minnesota, said of the state’s foster care system. In 2016, the Star Tribune reported that although Native children made up less than 2 percent of Minnesota’s population, they accounted for a quarter of children in foster care.

Advocates like White Hawk say that while healing from the past is important, stopping contemporary forms of Indigenous family separation is just as urgent. In recent years, the Goldwater Institute, a powerful libertarian think tank based in Phoenix, has led multiple legal attacks on the Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978, charging that the legislation — which requires judges and social workers to preserve Native families when possible — does not ensure equal protection under the law because it is based on “race.” ICWA, however, was established to protect children who are members of tribes or whose biological parents are members of tribes in an effort to combat the history of places like Carlisle and the role foster care and adoption agencies play in continuing to remove Native children from their families.

To White Hawk, keeping Native families together today is also about shifting resources from the foster care system to affordable housing, especially in cities like Minneapolis, which is experiencing a housing shortage. “We have always known what we need, but we have not had resources,” she said. Instead of providing effective housing assistance to keep Native families together, the state’s money goes into the foster care system. “It’s a shame that money would go to a stranger to foster an Indian child and not to preserve the Indian family, which is the heart of ICWA.” According to state statutes, Minnesota foster parents can earn anywhere from $650 to $2,410 per child per month, depending on the number of children under their care and a child’s special needs.

ADVANCE FOR WEEKEND EDITIONS - In this March 1, 2016 photo, Yufna Soldier Wolf wipes away tears while kneeling at the grave of her great-grandfather, Chief Sharp Nose of the Northern Arapaho Tribe, at the family cemetery on the Wind River Reservation near Riverton, Wyo. Soldier Wolf is seeking the remains of her great-uncle Little Chief, who died while attending Carlisle Indian School in Carlisle, Pennsylvania. (Dan Cepeda/The Casper Star-Tribune via AP) MANDATORY CREDIT

Soldier Wolf wipes away tears at the grave of her great-grandfather, Chief Sharp Nose of the Northern Arapaho Tribe, at the family cemetery on the Wind River Reservation near Riverton, Wyo.

Photo: Dan Cepeda/The Casper Star-Tribune via AP

Fighting Back

In the face of Carlisle’s sweeping legacy, returning some of the children who were taken is a remarkably arduous small step. There is a lack of legal clarity around whether the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990, which governs the return of property or human remains to Native communities, could be successfully applied to a military institution like Carlisle. So far, only individual descendants, not Indigenous nations, have attempted to appeal for the return of Carlisle students’ remains. Nations interested in bringing home children have to track down individual family members — a huge problem for kids who entered the boarding school as orphans.

McBride acknowledged that no investigation could give a complete account of all the missing children, because records are so inconsistent. But if researchers were able to access the voluminous material that does exist, archived by the federal government and individual schools, they could help bring closure to some families and communities — and obtain important official acknowledgement of the system of child removals that forms a key piece of the nation’s foundation.

According to Andrea Carmen, the executive director of the International Indian Treaty Council, the U.S. government’s failure to account for missing Native boarding school children is “an ongoing human rights violation under international law.” The organizations are currently assembling the U.N. submission, which will include testimony from tribes and individuals whose children were lost.

After the children buried at Carlisle came home, Soldier Wolf resigned her position as the Northern Arapaho tribal historic preservation officer. “I felt I’ve run this path,” she said. The return of her relative Little Chief was more than a gesture to her grandfather; it was about offering her own children a different set of possibilities that didn’t include “this sad story of we never got our uncle back,” she said. “Because we got him back.”

Top photo: The student body of the Carlisle Indian School in 1892.

The post An Untold Number of Indigenous Children Disappeared at U.S. Boarding Schools. Tribal Nations Are Raising the Stakes in Search of Answers. appeared first on The Intercept.

08 Nov 02:05

Gruesome Footage of Dairy Calves Exposes a Gaping Loophole in California’s Landmark Animal Welfare Law

by Saul Elbein

This article includes graphic images that some readers may find disturbing.

On a chilly night in December 2016, Julianne Perry led a group of volunteers over the shoulder of the highway and into the darkness of California’s Central Valley, toward the sound of lowing cattle. Their headlamps lit the way across dirt fields, their nostrils and throats filling with the choking smell of ammonia and feces floating in the humid air. They walked toward the sound, as one volunteer described it later, of thousands of cattle screaming. After a mile, they came to their target: a complex of low, wooden buildings that seemed to go on forever in all directions.

Before embarking on their nighttime mission, Perry and the other animal rights volunteers had looked at the area on Google Maps and been staggered by the scale of operations. Google’s satellite imagery showed a vast complex with beef-feeding and calf-raising; a dairy sprawled next door. A count based on the satellite images revealed roughly 4,000 hutches, each with three individual stalls of about 6 1/2 feet by 2 feet, a little larger than a bathtub. That would be space for over 10,000 animals in the vast spread of hutches an eighth of a mile across, beside a lake of feces.

That night, on a portion of the property, they found thousands of black-and-white Holsteins and Jersey calves – breeds commonly used for dairy production – crammed into stalls so small that, as shown by the video they shot, a calf had to turn itself nearly double as it strained to turn around in its stall. Other videos show calves covered in their own filth; the hutches have slats in the floor to let manure fall through into a gutter that was regularly hosed out, but invariably some gets trapped on the floor. “Every time they had to lie down, they had to lie in their own waste,” Perry recalled. “They pee, poop, eat, sleep in one small space.” Aside from clinging to the fur of the cattle, the feces caked on the floor, where it was kicked into aerosol by the nervous shuffling of thousands of calves. “You can’t compare the smell to anything,” Perry said. “It fills your senses in a way that you can’t think of anything but how sick you feel, your brain telling you that you can’t survive here.”

Perry and her fellow volunteers were investigators with Direct Action Everywhere, or DxE, a decentralized group of activists that seeks to publicize the day-to-day doings of industrial agriculture. They had come to this property — 100 miles east of San Francisco — as part of a mission to figure out whether major legal reforms that California had passed in 2008 had made any difference in the lives of calves raised in the state. They found a gaping hole.

A calf turning around in a hutch at the farm. Video: Direct Action Everywhere

In 2008, Californians passed one of the country’s farthest-reaching initiatives to improve farm animal welfare: the Standards for Confining Farm Animals, pushed by a coalition of groups including the Humane Society of the United States. Proposition 2, as it was known, was backed by a number of other animal rights organizations and sought to end what advocates see as one of the worst practices of industrial agriculture: the extreme confinement of some farm animals for their entire lives. Certain classes of animals are packed into excruciatingly tight quarters from birth to slaughter, unable to perform “natural behaviors” like stretching their limbs, kicking their legs, or even turning around in their enclosures.

The statute, billed at the time as one of the most sweeping pieces of animal welfare legislation in American history, targeted what advocates saw as the worst categories: egg-laying hens, crammed together in battery cages; mother sows, confined with their piglets in tiny stalls; and veal calves, traditionally taken at birth (so their mothers can begin immediately producing milk) and raised in tiny crates before being killed. “We knew no law could tackle every issue, and that there’s unbearable pain in other parts of the industry,” said Josh Balk, vice president for farm animal protection at the Humane Society. “But these were the most emblematic confined animals.” The measure passed with 63 percent of the vote.

But Perry, an intelligence analyst at Intel who moonlighted with DxE, was skeptical. In investigations from California to the Carolinas, DxE has probed the space between industry promise and industry practice, with often grotesque results. By sneaking onto factory farms with cameras, DxE investigators had revealed mass cannibalism in cage-free chicken houses that supplied Costco. They found turkeys packed together with open sores, in six inches of feces, in a California farm that Whole Foods had marked as the best of the best. And when Smithfield, the Chinese-owned, Virginia-based corporation that is one of the world’s largest pig farmers, announced that they had phased out farrowing crates for sows, a DxE investigation alleged that crates continue to be used. Wayne Hsiung, DxE founder, faces 60 years in prison for the Smithfield investigation.

What DxE found in Oakdale points to a problem with Prop 2 – a relevant fact for California voters, who will go to the polls next month to vote on Prop 12, a referendum intended to close some of the loopholes in Prop 2.

Although the on-the-ground investigation was conducted nearly two years ago, and DxE has not returned to the spot since, their findings point to a way in which the law still allows dairy calves — the vast majority of calves in California — to be held in tight confinement. That remains true whether or not Prop 12 passes.

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Newborn calves at the farm are fed from bottles (in silver-colored brackets) that are removed at night. Aside from the threat of contagion, one reason dairy calves are kept separately is that they can injure themselves or their neighbors with desperate suckling.

Still: Direct Action Everywhere

Perry was driving through the Central Valley, checking out farms for an investigation into the dairy industry, when she made the inadvertent discovery. The California dairy industry — by far the nation’s largest, with 1.7 million dairy cows, each of which produces nearly a ton of milk a year — was, thanks to its political power, not included in the confinement ban of Proposition 2, unlike the state’s tiny veal industry.

This was, to Perry, a triumph of semantics over common sense: “If the reason for [Prop 2] was to protect the welfare of baby boy cows, then why does it matter if it was for one product or another?”

Though the Holstein and Jersey calves that make up most California cattle are not primarily bred for beef or veal production — unlike, say, Angus cattle — they are still fed into a vast state beef industry. Since cows, like all mammals, must bear offspring in order to start lactating, dairy operations must repeatedly impregnate their cows, producing hundreds of thousands of calves a year. Female dairy calves become “replacements” for the dairy herd, but male calves have been a problem for dairy operations for as long as they have existed — a problem solved by turning them into veal, which entails slaughtering the low-value male dairy calves before much effort has to be spent feeding them. Veal calves are traditionally kept tightly confined to keep the meat tender, and it was this confinement that animal welfare groups celebrated ending in 2008. But veal has a minuscule market share in California, and has dropped to insignificance nationwide. Since 2008, national veal production has fallen by half, to just 0.43 percent of beef production. Meanwhile, despite a rise in genetically engineered brands of bespoke semen that lets dairies impregnate their cattle with only female calves, the dairy industry still produces over 1 million calves a year.

So what was happening to those calves? “When the average person hears the word ‘veal,’ they think of baby calves confined in crates so small they can barely move,” Perry told The Intercept. “And when they hear that veal [confinement] has been banned due to concern for animal welfare, they’ll assume calves are no longer being forced to live in those conditions.” So she was therefore surprised to come upon the operation outside Oakdale in December 2016, and find what looked like thousands upon thousands of veal hutches stretching into the distance. Those kinds of hutches had been all but outlawed for veal calves by Prop 2, and voluntarily rejected by the main veal industry groups soon after. And yet here they were.

In April of this year, DxE flew drones over the property. The footage reveals the same tiny hutches in rows a dozen deep, spread out beside the sewage lagoon.

Determining who was responsible for the calves they saw, and what they were raised for, turned out to be complicated — not least because the California calf supply chain, winding as it does across thousands of family operations and rural land holdings, is hard to untangle.

The address that DxE visited in Oakdale, California, is listed on the website for RayMar Ranches. According to the website, the company was started by Ray Alger to breed Angus cattle for other ranches; Alger’s son, Jeff Alger, and his son-in-law run a calf-raising operation called A&A Cattle Company. The two businesses share a phone number in public listings. Satellite imagery of the address, retrieved from Google Maps, shows a sprawling farm operation surrounding the family mansion.

Despite repeated tries, The Intercept was unable to get comment from RayMar about the calves discovered by DxE and the conditions in which they were raised. The first time, a woman picked up and said, “The Intercept? Never heard of it,” and hung up; the second, a man told me, “I don’t have any dairy cows. I’m an old man. I’m retired.” (The calves in the hutches on the property were, uniformly, Holsteins and Jersey cattle – that is, breeds raised almost exclusively for dairy production.) The Intercept made repeated efforts, by phone and email, to get in touch with Jeff Alger, but he did not respond.

A representative for the dairy next door, Hilltop Holsteins, said in an email that the calves in DxE’s video did not belong to Hilltop; he maintained that there were no calves kept at Hilltop and declined to say where they were sent to, out of the fear of “some folks steal[ing] our future generation.” The representative, Kevin Abernathy, who is a lobbyist for the dairy industry, also denied that Hilltop had any relationship with the Algers’ businesses.

graveyard-1535056691

About one calf in 20, on average, dies before leaving feedlots, generally of diarrhea or pneumonia. Beside the calf hutches at Hilltop Holsteins, investigators with DxE found a pile of calf corpses that had been there for some time.

Still: Direct Action Everywhere

The conditions DxE filmed showed the costs of confinement.

One cost, the calf-raising industry has long known, is a higher rate of sickness and death — 1 in 5 calves suffers from diarrhea severe enough to require antibiotics, according to a dairy industry study, and when calves die — as about 7 percent do, on average — diarrhea is the cause of death half the time. In a grim note of that death rate, Perry and the other DxE investigators found a pile of calf corpses, many of them covered in maggots.

Perry was shocked. She crawled into one of the stalls and sat as a calf licked the top of her biohazard suit. It reminded her of a dog, only 300 pounds and shoved into a space approximately the size of a bathtub, exposed to the elements, with no blankets or bedding, utterly without company or touch. “I’m just 5-foot-2, and I couldn’t raise my arms without hitting that enclosure,” she said. If the owner of the calves is not selling veal, said Dena Jones, who runs the farm animal program at Animal Welfare Institute, a Washington, D.C.-based advocacy and policy group, there was no obvious need to keep them in such tight confinement. The industry has long claimed that “individual housing” is necessary as a preventative measure for the endemic disease in feedlots. But more recent research has shown that calves in properly managed “group housing,” where a few calves live together in one stall, are no more likely to contract disease, and display a range of benefits: They play more and are better socialized, and — more relevant to an industry dedicated to managing them — are less afraid of new foods and new experiences.

“There would be very little difference between the welfare of the animals DxE observed and the welfare of veal calves in traditional crates or stalls,” Jones wrote to The Intercept. “The welfare of these animals is poor — very restricted movement, no bedding, no enrichment of any kind, no social interaction with other calves, etc.”

A standard practice during DxE investigations, as both a propaganda and morale-boosting measure, is to rescue — or from the industry perspective, steal — an animal in distress. “It’s a way to walk out of there not just feeling like the world is awful,” said Hsiung, the DxE founder. The volunteers brought out a male Holstein calf, who, at 300 pounds, seemed to have spent months in his crate; he struggled to walk, and the activists speculated that he had perhaps never walked before.

DxE investigators say they brought the calf, who they named Nick, to a veterinarian office, where he was diagnosed with pneumonia — the other major killer of calves — and given little chance of survival. DxE says the vets also found that he had a severely weakened immune system, a result of never having received colostrum, which calves usually get from their first feeding from their mothers. “That meant he had been taken away the day he was born,” Hsiung said.

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Volunteers for DxE rescue a calf.

Still: Direct Action Everywhere

Was the confinement captured on video a violation of Proposition 2? The law, which defined “cruelty” as being unable to perform “natural behaviors,” only banned extreme confinement for veal — defined, somewhat circularly, as “the food product described as veal.” That means that under current law, if a dairy farm raises a calf in tight confinement, butchers it, and sells the meat as veal — that’s illegal. But raise the same calf in the same conditions, butcher it the same way, and sell it as beef: That’s legal. And if the farm similarly confines that calf’s sister, who will join the dairy herd — that’s legal too.

Hsiung believes the upshot was clear: Putting in thousands of all-new enclosures would be expensive — and, as long as the cattle weren’t sold as veal, legally unnecessary. But Jones, the analyst from Animal Welfare Institute, suggested the distinction was without difference. “While this situation may not be a violation of the law passed as Prop 2 in 2008, it certainly violates the spirit of that law. If Californians were made aware of this form of animal treatment, I believe most would strongly disapprove.”

November’s referendum, Proposition 12, is meant to address some of the areas that Proposition 2 left ambiguous: for instance, which state agency regulated confinement standards, leading to what Hsiung called “a game of regulatory hot potato.” Proposition 12 charges the California Department of Food and Agriculture. The previous referendum’s behavior standard — animals have to have enough space be able to perform natural behaviors, which led to gridlock over what constituted natural behaviors, and how much space was required — would be replaced with a concrete engineering standard, requiring veal calves to have 43 square feet by 2020. And borrowing a provision passed in Massachusetts in 2016, the farthest-reaching measure would ban any products from confined egg hens, sows, or veal calves to be sold in California after 2020 — no matter where in the country they had been produced.

Many animal welfare and rights groups — including Animal Welfare Institute and Animal Legal Defense — are for the measure, however tepidly, because they see it as at least an improvement over the current practice. Hsiung, of DxE, agrees, but DxE as a whole is divided. PETA has pointed out that though the law outlaws cages for egg-laying chickens, it only gives them a square foot of space each – a concern many other DxE volunteers share. They fear that if Prop 12 passes, it will lock in a low standard of animal protection while persuading voters that the moral and technical problems with confinement have been solved.

Note, too, that Proposition 12 only applies to veal calves. There is still no provision for other calves, which make up the vast majority of the calves in California and around the country. And even if there were more veal calves to be concerned about, DxE volunteers note, the standard for veal is still only about 6 by 7 feet — enough room to turn around, but not much else.

Today Nick, the calf that DxE rescued, lives on a sanctuary with another calf taken during an investigation of a Land O’Lakes dairy facility. “It’s very powerful to see these animals run for the first time,” said Cassie King, a DxE volunteer, because for most of their lives, “they’ve been in a crate, never had the chance to run.” That deprivation, said Hsiung, is mirrored in other things they do. “You see them staring at the sky, stare at something colorful, and you realize they’ve never seen it before. What is a flower, an apple, a pig, a human being? The first time you give an apple, they just stare at it. What is this?”

This, he said, is “what we could give all these animals: Let them walk on grass, see the sky, explore their world, look up and see blue. They could sleep on bedding, not their own feces.” But even at its best, Proposition 12 won’t do this, for veal calves or any others. For all the talk of natural behaviors, 43 square feet is not nearly enough space to run.

Correction, October 9, 2018:
An earlier version of this story stated that DxE supported Prop 12. Wayne Hsiung, the group’s founder, supports the measure, but the group’s membership is divided. 

The post Gruesome Footage of Dairy Calves Exposes a Gaping Loophole in California’s Landmark Animal Welfare Law appeared first on The Intercept.

08 Nov 02:03

Trump Administration’s Limits on Asylum for Domestic Violence Put Guatemalan Women in Peril

by Cora Currier

Dora Marisol López helped put the woman’s husband in jail years ago.

“He would leave work to go stay in the street in front of her house. She would go to the market, and he’d go along behind her,” López recounted. “She went to the kids’ school and he’d be right behind her. At night, he’d climb up on the roof of the house and shine a light into her bedroom to see if she was sleeping with someone.”

The woman had come to López, a litigator for the Guatemalan public prosecutor, with gouges on her hands where her husband had driven a pen beneath her skin. He told her that if she denounced him to the authorities, he’d kill her. But she did it anyway, and the prosecutor’s office brought charges. He was sentenced to 12 years.

This past July, eight years into her husband’s punishment, the woman got a worrisome visit from his brother. The sentence had been commuted, she learned, and he would be released that very weekend. The brother had a message: “It didn’t matter to him if he spent the rest of his life in jail, when he got out, he would kill her.”

The woman called López in a panic. López, a graying, middle-aged woman who has been handling cases of violence against women for years, said she remembered her story clear as day; she’d felt great affection for the woman, and her predicament had affected López deeply. She counseled the woman to leave the city immediately and go into hiding. In the meantime, López went to the office in charge of reducing sentences and tried to argue against the commutation, but did not prevail.

“I know if she didn’t leave the capital this weekend, he would get out of jail and kill her, and this case would become a femicide like so many others,” López said. The woman wanted to apply for asylum in the United States – but her chances of even getting in front of a judge have decreased significantly under policies instigated by the Trump administration.

Over the past few weeks, leading up to the midterm elections, President Donald Trump has stoked animus against immigrants from Central America by spreading falsehoods about refugee caravans currently making their way north through Mexico. He has ordered thousands of troops to the southwestern border, promised to hold asylum-seeking families in tent cities, and floated an executive order that would limit Central Americans’ ability to request asylum. But the administration has already taken steps that have drastically impacted the prospects of one group in particular: Central American women fleeing domestic violence.

Guatemala has one of the highest rates of deadly violence against women, or femicide, in the world — 7,357 violent deaths tallied between 2008 and 2017 by the nonprofit Grupo Guatemalteco de Mujeres (Guatemalan Women’s Group, or GGM.) An unknown but certainly large number of those crimes, both physical and sexual, begin in the home, as domestic violence at the hands of husbands, partners, or relatives. The particular combination of factors that contribute to violence against women in Guatemala — a patriarchal culture, devastating poverty, racism against Indigenous Maya, and a society strained by the legacy of armed conflict and now riven with violence from gangs and drug traffickers — has been recognized internationally, including in the United States.

In 2014, a landmark decision by the Board of Immigration Appeals, which has jurisdiction over all U.S. immigration courts, established that “married women in Guatemala who are unable to leave their relationship” qualified as a particular social group that could be singled out for persecution. The board underlined that the Guatemalan state was incapable of providing protection and could even be complicit in the violence against them. That decision, building off others that recognized violence against women as grounds for asylum, set a far-reaching precedent that has been especially important for women from Central America.

Attorney General Jeff Sessions, however, aimed to change all that. In June, using a rarely exercised power of his office, Sessions personally intervened to overturn an asylum decision concerning a woman from El Salvador. He used the opportunity to issue a sweeping statement about the nature of domestic abuse, calling it a private crime, and saying that “generally, claims by aliens pertaining to domestic violence or gang violence perpetrated by nongovernmental actors will not qualify for asylum.” The decision also argued against the idea that widespread violence against women in Central America meant that local governments were unwilling or unable to take on the problem, “any more than the persistence of domestic violence in the United States means that our government is unwilling or unable to protect victims of domestic violence.”

A woman and her daughter look at crosses displaying clothes of women victims of violence during a tribute at the headquarters of the Survivors Foundation in Guatemala City on November 23, 2014, in the framework of the Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women.  AFP PHOTO/Johan ORDONEZ        (Photo credit should read JOHAN ORDONEZ/AFP/Getty Images)

A woman and her daughter look at crosses displaying clothes of women victims of violence during a tribute at the headquarters of the Survivors Foundation in Guatemala City, Guatemala, on Nov. 23, 2014.

Photo: Johan Ordonez/AFP/Getty Images

Sessions’s decision led to new guidelines for officers who conduct “credible fear interviews,” an initial step in a petition for asylum at U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. The new guidance follows Sessions in saying that gang and domestic violence cases likely won’t qualify, and also tells officers to factor in whether someone crossed illegally, and if they could’ve found refuge within their home country or another country besides the United States.

In August, the American Civil Liberties Union and the Center for Gender and Refugee Studies at the University of California, Hastings College of the Law, filed suit, saying that the new guidelines were causing people with legitimate asylum claims to be rejected, thus putting their lives in danger. The attorneys general of 19 states joined the suit, with the attorney general for Washington, D.C. writing that the “cruel policy arbitrarily closes our borders to refugees who seek asylum due to legitimate fears of violence in their home countries,” and added that it “ignores decades of state, federal, and international law.”

Guatemala has one of the highest rates of deadly violence against women in the world.

A decision in the suit is expected soon. In the meantime, lawyers and advocacy groups are pushing forward with domestic violence asylum claims and urging refugees not to give up hope: They say that Sessions’s word is not, in fact, law.

Sessions’s ruling “tries to bully decision-makers to deny these cases,” said Karen Musalo, a professor at UC Hastings and director of the Center for Gender and Refugee Studies. “The attorney general with this decision doesn’t rip out stem and root the viability of these cases. But he’s trying to signal that these cases are no longer viable, and some asylum officers doing credible fear interviews, and some judges reviewing cases — they are going to take the path of least resistance and dismiss.”

The Justice Department did not respond to requests for comment. A spokesperson for USCIS said, “We are unable to comment on matters involving pending litigation.”

The government does not release statistics that break out the reasons why asylum-seekers are approved or denied, so it’s not possible to know precisely how many women have been granted asylum on the grounds of domestic violence before or after the 2014 decision, and it will be hard to know how many are turned away because of the new guidance.

But recent statistics show that the number of asylum cases approved overall has dropped sharply this year. Advocates say that there has been a visible narrowing of opportunity at the credible fear stage, where migrants rarely have the assistance of a lawyer who prepares them to make a nuanced argument for why they need protection. Groups working in border detention centers say that, anecdotally, they’ve seen an increase in denials of credible fear from domestic violence cases since June.

Robert Painter, with the Texas legal services organization American Gateways, said that his organization is seeing cases in which officials are interpreting the guidelines simplistically: “Other components — political opinion, ethnicity — those tend to get overlooked by the asylum officer or the judges. If they hear the words ‘domestic violence,’ their knee-jerk reaction is to think, ‘This isn’t a good claim.’”

Relatives mourn next to the corpse of Gabriela Ordonez, 15, who was riddled with bullets by alleged gang members in the northern outskirts of Guatemala City, on the eve of the celebration of the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women on November 24, 2014. More than 550 women have died so far this year in Guatemala. AFP PHOTO/Johan Ordonez        (Photo credit should read JOHAN ORDONEZ/AFP/Getty Images)

Relatives mourn the corpse of Gabriela Ordonez, 15, on Nov. 24, 2014. She was shot by alleged gang members in the outskirts of Guatemala City, Guatemala, on the eve of the celebration of the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women.

Photo: Johan Ordonez/AFP/Getty Images

In Guatemala, the administration’s attempts to close avenues for asylum have reverberated deeply. Multiple women’s rights advocates interviewed in early August said outright that there was now no asylum for domestic violence in the United States. Despite that common belief — which attorneys in the U.S. say is incorrect — lawyers, shelter directors, and others argued forcefully that Sessions’s decision rested on fundamental misunderstandings of how violence against women functions in Guatemala.

In his argument, Sessions made a glancing, dismissive reference to a “broad charge that Guatemala has a ‘culture of machismo and family violence,’” which he said was “based on an unsourced partial quotation from a news article eight years earlier.” But most everyone agrees that the situation for women in Guatemala is dire and not improving.

“If they hear the words ‘domestic violence,’ their knee-jerk reaction is to think, ‘This isn’t a good claim.’”

In 2016, eight years after Guatemala recognized femicide and other forms of violence against women as a specific crime, the government said it had received over 456,000 reports since 2008, with 65,543 made in 2016 alone. In 2017, according to the Grupo Guatemalteco de Mujeres’s count, 732 women died violent deaths; every recent year has seen a similar figure.

The roots of Guatemala’s patriarchy run deep, said Gabriela Monroy, a psychologist who works at Casa Alianza, a home for abused girls in Guatemala City. “The man is the master, the head, the boss of the family and the home. And this is so deep in our culture that it justifies that the man has physical and sexual access to his wife, his daughters,” she said. She connected this to the legacy of colonialism and to Guatemala’s decades of armed conflict, when many men were forced to watch their wives and relatives raped, abused, and killed by those in power: “There was also the use of female bodies to cause damage to men.”

Poverty exacerbates the situation, making it difficult for women to leave their abusers: “How are you going to report the man who is keeping the household afloat? If you say something, your five siblings or your five kids are going to be left without any economic protection,” Monroy said.

Family and friends attend the wake of Madelin Patricia Hernandez, a victim of a fire at the Virgen de Asuncion children shelter, at her grandmother's home in Guatemala City, Guatemala March 9, 2017. REUTERS/Saul Martinez - RC18CDE59090

Family and friends attend the wake of Madelin Patricia Hernandez, a victim of a fire at the Virgen de Asuncion children shelter, at her grandmother’s home in Guatemala City, Guatemala, on March 9, 2017.

Photo: Saul Hernandez/Reuters

“We’re at the lowest levels in terms of education, health, and employment,” said Carolina Escobar, Casa Alianza’s director. One child had come to the shelter after her father sold her into marriage with an older man “in exchange for a double-liter of soda and some sandwich bread.”

“The parents couldn’t feed the rest of their kids,” Escobar said. “It’s horrible what I’m saying, but it’s a real case, even if it seems so surreal.”

Indigenous women especially struggle to access justice and face additional discrimination. The lead plaintiff in the ACLU’s case, a Mayan woman going by the pseudonym of Grace, was raped and beaten continuously for 20 years by her non-Indigenous husband, who “frequently disparaged her and mocked her for being indigenous and unable to read and write,” the ACLU said. In rural areas, there are few outposts of the public prosecutor, few specialized judges, and little police presence. “There’s discrimination against women wearing Indigenous clothing, and they often aren’t bilingual, and the judicial system is all in Spanish,” said Hilda Morales Trujillo, a pioneering women’s rights lawyer and activist.

The entire country has suffered from an increase in drug trafficking and the spread of gangs. When a woman’s abuser is connected with organized crime, the situation can be extremely dangerous not just for the woman, but also for those who try to help her, said Norma Cruz, director of the Fundación Sobrevivientes (Survivors’ Foundation), a shelter and legal services provider in Guatemala City.

TOPSHOT - A police officer stands next to a poster during a march to mark International Women's Day in Guatemala City on March 8, 2018. / AFP PHOTO / Johan ORDONEZ        (Photo credit should read JOHAN ORDONEZ/AFP/Getty Images)

A police officer stands next to a poster during a march to mark International Women’s Day in Guatemala City, Guatemala, on March 8, 2018.

Photo: :Johan Ordonez/AFP/Getty Images

As for whether the Guatemalan state is capable of handling the problem, most agree that police protection is inadequate, justice is excruciatingly slow, and impunity is the norm — for femicides, it’s estimated to be 98 percent. Even if authorities aren’t actively complicit in the crime — which is sometimes the case — they often display the same prejudices that generated the violence in the first place.

Morales Trujillo said that women are often discouraged from coming forward with their denunciations as often by officials they encounter as by their families and communities; they’re told that they’ll be shunned or suffer more if they denounce their husbands, that they will lose their family’s breadwinner, that their children will grow up without a father. She has also seen judges perpetuate the antiquated stereotype that a woman who has been abused must have provoked it.

That’s despite the fact that in 2008, Guatemala passed path-breaking legislation, the Law Against Femicide and Other Violence Against Women, which recognized new categories of violence specifically directed at women, opened new angles for prosecution of those crimes, and the possibility of reparations for victims. It also created a network of specialized prosecutors and judges who were sensitized to deal with them. It was hailed as a major turning point. But the law hasn’t been sufficient, advocates say.

“The patriarchal interests, the macho interests, those classist, racist interests — they’re taking the teeth out of that law,” said Giovanna Lemus, director of a government-funded network of women’s centers and shelters run by GGM. As of August, the shelters had received no money in 2018. In a recent report, GGM laid out various ways in which the law’s impact has been weakened by lack of funds, contradictory legal developments, and bureaucratic slow-walking.

Many of the programs set in motion by the law are no match for the burden of caseloads. For instance, there is a specialized team from the public prosecutor that works with Indigenous women, offering translation and culturally sensitive services, but their reach is limited. “There are backlogs everywhere because there’s too much need and too little capacity,” said Escobar. (The U.S. government is a major donor to initiatives attempting to strengthen Guatemala’s judicial systems, and Trump’s threat to cut off aid over Guatemala’s handling of the refugee caravan could make things worse.)

Many of the advocates blamed the current president, a comedian-turned-politician named Jimmy Morales, for steps backward on women’s rights. They were especially distressed by Morales’s silence and inaction in the case of 41 girls who died in a fire at a government-run shelter in March 2017. After the fire, stories of abuse and human trafficking in the shelter surfaced. (A former Guatemalan foreign minister made headlines this summer saying he knew of several women who’d accused the president of sexual abuse, but to date, no victims have come forward. Morales has denied any wrongdoing, dismissing the allegations as rumors and lies.)

“With this government, we’re losing the advances we’d made because we have a government that’s indifferent toward policies protecting women, to laws for women and children,” said Cruz.

To compare the United States’ handling of domestic violence and Guatemala’s, as Sessions did in his decision, was “crock,” said Musalo, of UC Hastings. “To argue that even in the U.S. we don’t have a perfect system for protecting women, it’s so not comparable that you can’t even wrap your mind around it.”

Near-total impunity combined with the lack of funding and political will for women’s rights also makes it difficult for advocates to accept the idea, implicit in Sessions’s decision, that women could simply move within Guatemala. Aside from the limitations imposed by poverty and lack of resources, Guatemala is a small country, and it’s not so easy to disappear.

Authorities can be bribed for information or paid to track a woman down, said Lemus, mentioning the long history of Guatemala’s shady, deadly intelligence apparatus. Narcos can pay others to do their dirty work. “When the abusers have more resources, they do more,” she said. After helping women from rich and powerful families, Lemus said her group ended up under surveillance, with cars circling their offices and sex workers placed outside to watch the door. They’d even had their phones tapped.

Women dressed in black take part in the commemoration of the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women in Guatemala City, Guatemala, on Nov. 25, 2016.  According to a UN report released on Thursday, 625 women have died due to violent events in Guatemala this year. / AFP / JOHAN ORDONEZ        (Photo credit should read JOHAN ORDONEZ/AFP/Getty Images)

Women take part in the commemoration of the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women in Guatemala City, Guatemala, on Nov. 25, 2016.

Photo: Johan Ordonez/AFP/Getty Images

“When the women want to leave, they believe that the only way to get away from the violence is to get out of the country. And I believe them. Justice is very slow. They can’t stay shut up in a shelter the whole time,” said Cruz. In extreme cases, her foundation finds places where women can stay for up to 15 days completely isolated, without a phone and without leaving the premises, to hide from their abuser. Sometimes the women aren’t even told exactly where they are. But that solution isn’t permanent, and prolonged protection also puts shelter staff in danger. The network of shelters in Guatemala is small and insufficient to the number of women needing help.

The guidelines also tell USCIS officers to consider which other countries asylum-seekers passed through before reaching the United States. The Trump administration has been pressuring Mexico to accept the status of being a “safe third country” to which the U.S. could send asylum-seekers. In Mexico, on top of well-documented threats to migrants and the fact that in many states they’d remain within easy access of their abusers, women have fewer economic opportunities and encounter less robust immigrant communities to welcome them than in the United States, said Cruz.

The idea that the U.S. has a moral burden to take in more Central American refugees was a common refrain among Guatemalan advocates. After supporting a 1954 coup against Guatemala’s left-leaning president, the U.S. funded and supported the genocidal regimes of Guatemalan military leaders during the civil conflict that lasted 36 years, until 1996, killing over 200,000 people, many of them Maya.

“There is a chain that has not been broken with the armed conflict,” said Morales Trujillo. “The violence was organized with the support of the United States. … There is a responsibility from a political point of view because of their interference in Guatemalan affairs. But also from the point of view of humanity. When someone comes knocking at your door, and they have no alternative, the door has to open.”

Reporting for this story was supported with a grant from the International Women’s Media Foundation.

The post Trump Administration’s Limits on Asylum for Domestic Violence Put Guatemalan Women in Peril appeared first on The Intercept.

08 Nov 01:28

Men Are Socialized to ‘Act Inhumanely’

by Nicolas Pollock

Thomas Page McBee transitioned at age 30. In his male body, he “started to experience the world differently immediately,” he says in a video filmed at the 2018 Aspen Ideas Festival in June. “I gained a lot of privileges and also lost a lot of connection.”


McBee, the author of Amateur: A True Story About What Makes a Man, goes on to detail how his experience of male socialization later in life afforded him a unique perspective on the internalization of masculinity. “When you look at Harvey Weinstein, you're seeing an extreme of a socialized behavior,” he argues.

08 Nov 01:28

The Humanification of Pet Food Is Nearly Complete

by Joe Pinsker

To succinctly capture the strangeness of how Americans feed their house pets in the year 2018, there are perhaps no better five words than pumpkin-spice lattes for dogs. If there’s room to use a few more qualifiers, then non-GMO, American-made goat’s-milk pumpkin-spice lattes for dogs would probably be more evocative.

That is a real product, sold by a real company—“Just add warm water!” the label says—and it would not feel too out of place on the shelves of many pet-food aisles, where these days one is almost just as likely to encounter labels boasting “grass-fed beef” and “high-protein” recipes as anywhere else in the store.

As these aisles indicate, pet food—particularly high-end pet food—is edging ever closer to human food, and the overlaps between the two categories can be uncanny. “People are putting whole berries in there, whole cranberries, whole blueberries,” says Don Tomala, the president of Matrix Partners, a pet-products branding firm. “They’re putting kelp in there, they’re putting turmeric in there, they’re putting apple-cider vinegar in there … These are all trends within the human-food side.”

[Read: Why do humans talk to animals if they can’t understand?]

Tomala, who helped launch the dog food Kibbles ’n Bits in the early 1980s, remembers that back then, “it was food for your dog—that was about as far as it went.” Ingredients weren’t fussed over, and the packaging was playful; he remembers cartoonish labels, say, with “a bubble-faced dog on it smiling.” That wouldn’t fly today. Tomala says packages now are more likely to display “a serious-looking dog … It looks nutritious and healthy—it looks like something I’d buy at Whole Foods.”

This transformation of pet food reflects a broader trend, in which people go to ever-greater lengths to address the human needs they project onto their pets, almost as if the animals were their children. Some Americans buy silicone testicular implants so that their pet might “retain its natural look and self-esteem” after being neutered, or make provisions in their wills for their horses; a friend recently told me that she discovered, when picking up a new prescription, that she and her dog had been put on the same anxiety medication.

Marketers often attribute the treatment of pets as little humans in part to Millennials waiting longer to have children, which frees them up to channel their energies toward their “fur babies,” a term people sometimes (unfortunately) use for their pets. With that in mind, it makes sense that some people would want to buy the finest foods for their animals. Another factor behind the rise of high-quality pet food is the increased concern many shoppers have about the environmental and social impact of all sorts of consumer goods.

“One of the main things that we’ve seen in the past five-plus years is that the parents, the shoppers, of the pets, they’re looking at pet food in the very same way they’re looking at the food they buy for themselves,” says Steve Rogers, a principal consultant at the firm Clarkston Consulting who advises large food and beverage companies, many of which have pet-food divisions. Non-GMO, gluten-free, no preservatives—these are what many consumers are after, and, Rogers says, “any trend that you almost see in consumer purchases or consumer food, pet food is basically a lagging indicator.”

These trends, of course, do not apply to the entire pet-food market, but they do apply to a significant, fast-growing chunk of it. Based on market research and conversations with clients, Rogers estimates that about half of pet owners could be potential buyers of these more expensive, ethically sourced, and organic varieties. And Tomala says there’s plenty of demand for regular old dog food, but “it just isn’t what’s driving the pet industry as much—the growth is coming from higher-end products,” the ones that cost twice as much, or more, per pound. Indeed, Americans’ spending on pet food has increased from $18 billion in 2009 to $30 billion in 2017, which far outpaces the rate at which pet ownership rose during that period. In other words, people are spending more on food per pet than they did a decade ago.

One company that has benefited from this increase is the Honest Kitchen, a San Diego–based firm founded in 2002 that makes the aforementioned pumpkin-spice lattes for dogs as well as a range of other “human-grade” pet foods. “That just means the ingredients are from the human food chain and are manufactured inside a human food facility and follows all of human food regulations,” as opposed to the regulations for pet food at the state and federal levels, explained Carmen Velasquez, the company’s marketing director. The Honest Kitchen makes dehydrated products, which, with the addition of warm water, achieve “almost like an oatmeal consistency. You can still see cranberries, pieces of apple, little banana chips,” Velasquez says.

“We definitely pull inspiration from the human food chain,” she told me, citing her company’s “instant bone broth” and “seasonal instant eggnog.” It also sells beef jerky for dogs. Mike Steck, the company’s chief marketing officer, who was also on the phone, said, “We have to be careful. Part of what we have to do with the brand is make sure that it can never be confused as human food.”

[Read: Why is buying pet food so hard?]

Dana Brooks, the president of the Pet Food Institute, a trade group representing pet-food makers, has taken note of the humanification of pet food as well. “We’re trending more into the space of having our pet food look a little more like our food,” she said.

She mentioned a company called Freshpet, which in its own words makes “real pet food, fresh from the fridge.” In explaining the appeal of “real” food, Brooks said, “Maybe you can provide your pet something that looks similar so you feel like you’re sharing your meal with your pet.” She told me about a recent visit she’d made to a Freshpet facility: “I mean, I was hungry when I was touring it—it smelled like hamburgers and roasted chicken and beef stew.”

The history of pet food as a consumer good has not always been so appetizing, as Katherine C. Grier, a historian at the University of Delaware and the author of Pets in America: A History, told me. Grier walked me through pet food’s past, starting in the mid-1800s, when housewives would cook a separate “dog stew” that consisted of leftover meat, bones, gristle, or vegetables mixed into potatoes or rice or cornmeal. The first consumer pet food, Grier said, hit the American market in the 1870s: A British company, Spratt’s Patent Ltd., sold biscuits that claimed to improve the performance of hunting dogs and show dogs.

Over the years, Spratt’s and other companies started selling to more casual dog owners, but what really launched dog food into the mainstream was canned food, which started appearing on shelves around the 1910s. The first canned food was made up entirely of horsemeat—something that humans generally wouldn’t eat but that was left over after worn-out workhorses were killed and turned into soap, fertilizer, or other products. Some meatpacking companies, following the success of horsemeat pet food, realized they could package their own unused animal bits and started entering the market as well.

The Great Depression, ironically, is when canned food started to really catch on. In tight times, households scaled back their meat purchases, which often meant less in the way of leftovers for the family pet. So households started turning to canned food, which allowed them to keep feeding their pets protein more cheaply. Human-quality meat was also hard to come by during World War II, and according to Grier, after the war was over, pet food got its own aisle in the supermarket.

This was the beginning of the pet-food market that today’s cat and dog owners would recognize. While the food was generally nutritionally adequate, it was still kind of gross; horsemeat still made it into cans for decades after the war, but disappeared over time. Even today, pet food can include, in the words of the independent organization that helps establish industry standards, chickens’ “heads, feet, [and] viscera.”

When I referred to some pet-food ingredients as “unsavory” in my conversation with Brooks of the Pet Food Institute, she said, “The only thing I would caution is when you hear ‘unsavory,’ it may be unsavory to you as a human consumer … [but] also provide the minerals and some of the vitamins that pets need.” There are animal parts, she noted, that many Americans prefer not to consume, but are “considered delicacies in other countries.”

American pet owners’ ambivalence about these ingredients is part of what high-end food manufacturers are responding to. They are also catering to the pet owners who worry about contaminated food and (probably too much) about grain allergies.

But the sorts of products that some of them are buying—see: jerky—seem unlikely to address health concerns, and blur the line between human and pet indulgences. The concept of that line is something I talked about with Molly Mullin, an anthropologist who lectures at North Carolina State University and studies human-animal relationships. “These categories, people have to, to a certain extent, make them up as they go along,” she says. “People are always revisiting them and thinking about them and playing with them.”

Food is just one category that’s getting played with. And that’s probably a good thing: As upscale pet foods become more environmentally friendly and more ethically sourced, those trends can trickle down into the mainstream market as well and shape the way more American pets are fed.

Still, the contribution to the greater good seems modest, given that the majority of pet food is ultimately just the feeding of some animals to others—not to mention that some people pay to pamper their pets while other people go hungry. And besides, who can tell how much a pet actually likes human-grade bone broth? Humans are not always good at reading dogs’ emotions—the canine expression that humans interpret as a smile actually can indicate fear or worry. For the most part, pet food isn’t getting more human-like so that pets can feel better—it’s so humans can.

08 Nov 01:23

About That Monstrous Black Hole We’re All Orbiting

by Marina Koren

Contrary to what its name suggests, the black hole at the center of our Milky Way galaxy is not an empty void. It’s a piece of space that weighs as much as several million suns. Here, gravity reigns, and it is relentless; the black hole tugs inexorably at anything that gets too close—a cloud of cosmic dust, an entire star the size of our sun—and swallows it. Nothing, not even light, can escape a black hole’s maw, which means astronomers on Earth, watching the meal from afar, can’t see it.

Astronomers know that the black hole is there because they can observe what’s happening around it. With telescopes, they have captured the chaotic conditions around a seemingly empty spot in space. Stars whip around at extraordinary speeds. Gas and dust accumulate into a rotating disk that glows brightly as it moves. Streams of powerful radiation and energetic particles erupt from this disk and surge into space.

This pinwheel of cosmic matter at the heart of the galaxy can be difficult for us layfolk to fathom. But we don’t have to rely on our imagination.

Astronomers on Wednesday reported new telescope observations of the environment around the Milky Way’s supermassive black hole, named Sagittarius A* (pronounced “a-star”), and they transformed the data into a lively animation:

The video is positively ghostly. Clumps of gas swirl around the black hole, traveling at about 30 percent of the speed of light.

Astronomers collected the data for the visualization using an instrument on the European Southern Observatory’s Very Large Telescope, located in the deserts of northern Chile. The instrument, appropriately named GRAVITY, detected flares of infrared radiation coming from the disk surrounding Sagittarius A*. The researchers believe the bursts originated very close to the black hole, in an incredibly tumultuous region known as the innermost stable orbit. Here, cosmic material is slung around violently, but it remains far away enough that it can circle the black hole safely without getting sucked into the darkness.

If the thought of orbiting a monstrous, star-gobbling black hole spooks you, don’t worry. Earth, located about two-thirds out from the center of the Milky Way, is at a very safe distance. The planet is in no danger of being consumed and wiped off the face of the universe.

But like everything else in the galaxy, it has long been subject to the black hole’s whims. When black holes belch radiation into space, the outflow can heat surrounding gas so much that it prevents the gas from cooling. If cosmic dust can’t cool, it can’t condense to form individual, brand-new stars, including ones like our sun. Scientists suspect that the fates of galaxies—whether they produce new stars or stop altogether—rest with the supermassive black holes at their centers.

But if the thought of the Milky Way’s black hole eating all by its lonesome makes you sad, or if you’re rather offended that black holes are routinely described as monsters, don’t worry about that either. Sagittarius A* has plenty of friends. Some astronomers predict that as many as 10,000 smaller black holes reside near the center of the galaxy.

08 Nov 01:16

Spanking Is Still Really Common and Still Really Bad for Kids

by Joe Pinsker

The good news about spanking is that parents today are less likely to do it to their children than parents in the past. The bad news is that parents today still spank their kids—a lot.

“Some estimates are that by the time a child reaches the fifth grade [in the United States], 80 percent of children have been spanked,” says George Holden, a professor of psychology at Southern Methodist University who studies parenting and corporal punishment. Spanking is also widespread worldwide.

Perhaps parents are quick to spank their children because it can bring about immediate acquiescence, but the benefits, a consensus of scholars and doctors agree, end there. On Monday, the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), which represents 67,000 doctors, came out strongly against the practice, saying that it “harms children,” doesn’t change their behavior for the better, and may make them more aggressive later in life.

[Read: No spanking, no time-out, no problems]

The first time the AAP, which publishes recommendations on everything from bullying to teens’ sleep schedules, issued guidelines on spanking was in 1998. Those guidelines said that pediatricians should encourage parents to seek out other punitive measures, which remained the organization’s stance until this week. “Now, with the accumulation of two more decades of research, it’s much more clear that parents should not spank their children,” says Robert Sege, a pediatrician at Tufts Medical Center who helped write the AAP’s latest statement. Other research has indicated that spanking is linked to an increased likelihood of anxiety, diminished cognitive abilities, and lower self-esteem, among other things.

Holden says it’s difficult to say exactly how common spanking is, because some surveys measure parents’ beliefs about whether spanking is acceptable (which don’t always line up with their actual behavior) and others tally up parents’ reports of their behavior (which … don’t always line up with their actual behavior). He says it’s clear, though, that “the majority of [American] children at some point in their childhood are hit”—a word Holden uses interchangeably with spanked because, he says, the term spanking can “normalize the act of hitting children.” (The peak years of spanking, he says, are from ages 2 to 5.) Holden also said that academic research points to spanking being more common among those who live in the South, those who have fundamentalist religious beliefs, and those who have less education.

Still, the ubiquity of spanking today represents an improvement over the past. According to the General Social Survey, as of 2014, 70 percent of American adults agreed that a “good, hard spanking is sometimes necessary to discipline a child.” In the mid-1980s, the percentage was in the mid-80s. Holden attributes this decline to the mounting evidence against spanking, and pediatricians who advise parents not to spank.

The AAP’s new guidelines also note “the harm associated with verbal punishment, such as shaming or humiliation,” and indeed, many parenting experts and psychologists have promoted positivity as a way of changing kids’ behavior. Alan Kazdin, the director of the Yale Parenting Center and a former president of the American Psychological Association, has called spanking “a horrible thing that does not work,” and says that what does work is enthusiastic approval of good conduct. “When you get compliance, if that’s the behavior you want,” he told my colleague Olga Khazan in 2016, “now you go over and praise it … very effusively.” The idea is that such praise will encourage better behavior in the future.

One reason it may be difficult to adjust from punishment to praise is that spanking and yelling are, to many parents, cathartic in frustrating moments. Another is that the philosophy behind spanking—essentially, that physical punishment can change kids’ behavior—has a deeper history that’s hard to erase from the culture. “The Puritans believed in infant depravity, and they totally rejected the idea of childhood innocence,” says Steven Mintz, a history professor at the University of Texas at Austin. “They argued that you had to break a child’s will just as you had to break a horse, and physical punishment was viewed as the key to that.”

Later, 20th-century parenting-advice givers as beloved as Benjamin Spock once said that the quick act of spanking could be “less poisonous than lengthy disapproval,” though he revised his position later in life. Now, in the 21st century, doctors and researchers don’t equivocate—but Americans keep on spanking anyway.

08 Nov 01:15

How Senate Republicans Will Use Their New Power

by Russell Berman

Republicans may have lost the House on Tuesday night, but they secured a valuable consolation prize: a larger Senate majority.

With help from President Trump, the GOP advantage in the upper chamber will grow by at least two seats and by as many as five, giving the party a crucial buffer as it tries to extend a conservative imprint on the federal judiciary over the next two years.

Republicans captured Democratic seats in Missouri, Indiana, and North Dakota, as conservative challengers seized on Trump’s enduring popularity with the party base to easily oust incumbents whose tilt to the center was no match for their state’s GOP lean. Senator Claire McCaskill of Missouri fell to state Attorney General Josh Hawley in her bid for a third term, while Senators Joe Donnelly and Heidi Heitkamp could not repeat their surprising victories from six years ago. Businessman Mike Braun defeated Donnelly in Indiana, while Representative Kevin Cramer ousted Heitkamp in North Dakota. Republicans won a fourth seat in Florida, where two-term Governor Rick Scott defeated the three-term incumbent Senator Bill Nelson by a narrow margin.

At the same time, the GOP blocked Democratic efforts to make inroads into longstanding Republican strongholds. In Texas and Tennessee, neither the insurgent energy behind Beto O’Rourke nor the middle-of-the-road appeal of former Governor Phil Bredesen could overcome the Republican bent of the electorate. Senator Ted Cruz defeated O’Rourke, the well-funded three-term congressman, while the conservative Representative Marsha Blackburn of Tennessee won election to the seat vacated by the retiring Senator Bob Corker.

The GOP held a 51–49 edge heading into the midterm elections. While Democrats still have a chance to pick up seats in Arizona and Nevada, the three losses in the middle of the country and Nelson’s defeat in Florida ensured Republicans would grow their Senate majority.

[Read: An existential moment for Democrats]

The precise size of the majority will likely have limited impact on legislation. Because Democrats appear to have won back the House, any further effort to repeal the Affordable Care Act, for example, is doomed. But Republican control of the Senate, however narrow, will allow Trump to make an even deeper mark on the federal judiciary, and potentially on the Supreme Court. Republicans have confirmed dozens of appellate and district-court judges in the past two years, and they have cemented a conservative Supreme Court majority with the elevation of Justices Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh.

Democrats scored their own victories in West Virginia, where Senator Joe Manchin defeated the state’s attorney general, Patrick Morrisey; and in New Jersey, where the scandal-tarred Senator Bob Menendez held on despite an aggressive and well-funded challenge from the businessman Bob Hugin. The Menendez race became competitive after the longtime Democratic senator was tried on corruption charges and admonished by the Senate Ethics Committee. A federal trial ended in a hung jury.

But Republicans retained critical seats in Texas and in Tennessee, where Blackburn defeated Bredesen, the state’s former governor, in a race that Democrats had higher hopes for earlier in the campaign.

In the closing weeks, the races for control of the House and the Senate seemed to cleave in separate directions. The Senate campaign was fought largely on Republican turf, unlike many of the critical House races playing out in GOP-held districts that swung toward Democrats in 2016. Led by Trump, the GOP tried to press its advantage by hammering Democrats over their treatment of the Supreme Court nominee—and now Justice—Kavanaugh, and by summoning fears of a migrant caravan of refugees moving north through Central America toward Mexico and the southern border. The four Senate Democrats who lost all voted against Kavanaugh, while Manchin, who survived, supported his nomination.

Trump, too, played sharply different roles in the most competitive House and Senate contests. Many House contenders in suburban districts that have turned against Trump wanted nothing to do with the president and touted their willingness to oppose him. But GOP Senate candidates like Hawley in Missouri, Cramer in North Dakota, Braun in Indiana, and Morrisey in West Virginia welcomed him to enormous rallies in the hope that he could drive his loyal supporters to the polls.

[Read: Scattered thunderstorms, with a chance of Republicans]

And as his party’s fortunes sagged in one chamber and improved in the other, Trump tried to take credit for the GOP’s Senate campaigns while dismissing potential losses in the House as par for the course for a first-term president. “I think we’re going to do well in the House,” he told reporters on Sunday. “But as you know, my primary focus has been on the Senate, and I think we’re doing really well in the Senate.”

On Tuesday night, the president ignored the GOP’s defeat in the House entirely. “Tremendous success tonight,” he tweeted. “Thank you to all!”

Despite the favorable political climate, the path for Democrats to a Senate majority this year was daunting from the beginning. Just one-third of the chamber’s 100 seats open up every two years, and in 2018 Democrats were defending 26 seats while Republicans had to protect only nine. And many of those Democratic incumbents were fighting for reelection in red states that Trump carried by wide margins two years ago. In North Dakota, for example, Heitkamp won her first election in 2012 by fewer than 3,000 votes. Two years ago, Trump won the state by a whopping 35 percentage points.

Yet even the prospective loss of a few seats did not match the nightmare scenario Senate Democrats were contemplating at the beginning of Trump’s term, when it seemed possible that a strong year could give Republicans close to a filibuster-proof 60 seats. Several Democrats representing states that Trump won in the Rust Belt and the upper Midwest had strengthened their positions long before Election Day. They included Senators Sherrod Brown of Ohio, Tammy Baldwin of Wisconsin, Debbie Stabenow of Michigan, and Bob Casey of Pennsylvania—all of whom prevailed on Tuesday.

In contrast to the Democrats, just a single Senate Republican, Dean Heller of Nevada, was up for reelection in a state Hillary Clinton carried in 2016. But the race for control of the chamber became much closer with the surprise retirements of Senators Jeff Flake of Arizona and Corker of Tennessee, two Republicans who had bickered with Trump and grown weary of his bombastic brand of politics. In Arizona, Democratic Representative Kyrsten Sinema was running about even with GOP Representative Martha McSally, while Bredesen had faced longer odds against Blackburn.

[Read: These three races could flip the Senate]

Still, no Democratic candidate in 2018 captured the imagination—and adoration—of the party’s liberal base more than O’Rourke, the 46-year-old, third-term El Paso congressman who challenged Senator Ted Cruz in Texas. O’Rourke reached voters in every corner of the state by broadcasting his long weekend drives on Facebook Live, and by Election Day he had raised more than $70 million—easily the most for any candidate in the country who was not contributing substantial sums of his own money to his campaign. The energy behind his campaign made the Senate race the closest Texas has seen in years and undoubtedly helped Democrats down the ballot. But it was not enough to overtake Cruz.

So it was, too, for Democrats more broadly. The party swept into the House majority on a wave of repudiation of Trump by voters in suburban districts. But Democrats could not puncture the president’s equally energized base in rural America, and by the end of the night, they had slipped further behind Republicans in the Senate than when they started.

08 Nov 01:12

America's Problem Isn't Tribalism—It's Racism

by Adam Serwer

It’s fashionable in the Donald Trump era to decry political “tribalism,” especially if you’re a conservative attempting to criticize Trump without incurring the wrath of his supporters. House Speaker Paul Ryan has lamented the “tribalism” of American politics. Arizona Senator Jeff Flake has said that “tribalism is ruining us.” Nebraska Senator Ben Sasse has written a book warning that “partisan tribalism is statistically higher than at any point since the Civil War.”

In the fallout from Tuesday’s midterm elections, many political analysts have concluded that blue America and red America are ever more divided, ever more at each other’s throats. But calling this “tribalism” is misleading, because only one side of this divide remotely resembles a coalition based on ethnic and religious lines, and only one side has committed itself to a political strategy that relies on stoking hatred and fear of the other. By diagnosing America’s problem as tribalism, chin-stroking pundits and their sorrowful semi-Trumpist counterparts in Congress have hidden the actual problem in American politics behind a weird euphemism.

[Read: America is divided by education]

Take Tuesday’s midterm elections. In New York’s Nineteenth Congressional District, the Democrat Antonio Delgado, a Harvard-educated, African American Rhodes scholar, defeated the incumbent Republican John Faso in a district that is 84 percent white, despite Faso caricaturing Delgado as a “big-city rapper.” In Georgia, the Republican Brian Kemp appears to have defeated the Democrat Stacey Abrams after using his position as secretary of state to weaken the power of the black vote in the state and tying his opponent to the New Black Panther Party. In Florida, the Republican Ron DeSantis defeated the Democrat Andrew Gillum after a campaign in which DeSantis’s supporters made racist remarks about Gillum. The Republican Duncan Hunter, who is under indictment, won after running a campaign falsely tying his Democratic opponent, Ammar Campa-Najjar, who is of Latino and Arab descent, to terrorism. In North Dakota, Democratic Senator Heidi Heitkamp lost reelection after Republicans adopted a voter-ID law designed to disenfranchise the Native American voters who powered her upset win in 2012. President Trump spent weeks claiming that a caravan of migrants in Latin America headed for the United States poses a grave threat to national security, an assessment the Pentagon disagrees with. In Illinois on Tuesday, thousands of Republicans voted for a longtime Nazi who now prefers to describe himself as a “white racialist”; in Virginia, more than a million cast ballots for a neo-Confederate running for Senate.

[Read: How to teach white kids about race ]

A large number of Republican candidates, led by the president, ran racist or bigoted campaigns against their opponents. But those opponents cannot be said to belong to a “tribe.” No common ethnic or religious ties bind Heitkamp, Campa-Najjar, Delgado, or the constituencies that elected them. It was their Republican opponents who turned to “tribalism,” painting them as scary or dangerous, and working to disenfranchise their supporters.  

The urgency of the Republican strategy stems in part from the recognition that the core of the GOP agenda—slashing the social safety net and reducing taxes on the wealthy—is deeply unpopular. Progressive ballot initiatives, including the expansion of Medicaid, anti-gerrymandering measures, and the restoration of voting rights for formerly incarcerated people, succeeded even in red states. If Republicans ran on their policy agenda alone, they would be at a disadvantage. So they have turned to a destructive politics of white identity, one that seeks a path to power by deliberately dividing the country along racial and sectarian lines. They portray the nation as the birthright of white, heterosexual Christians, and label the growing population of those who don’t fit that mold or reject that moral framework as dangerous usurpers.

The Democratic Party, reliant as it is on a diverse coalition of voters, cannot afford to engage in this kind of politics. There are no blue states where Democrats have sought to make it harder for white men without a college education to vote, even though that demographic typically votes Republican. Democratic candidates did not attack their white male opponents as dangerous because four white men carried out deadly acts of right-wing terrorism in the two weeks prior to the election. Democratic candidates for statewide office did not appeal to voters in blue states by trashing other parts of the country considered to be conservative. Democratic candidates who ran for office did not advertise their willingness to use state violence against groups associated with Republican constituencies.

I am not arguing that the Democratic Party or its members are particularly virtuous. A little more than a century ago, it was the Republican Party that was reliant on a diverse coalition of voters, and the Democratic Party that rode white rage to power. Rather, I am saying that when a party’s viability is dependent on a diverse coalition of voters, that party will necessarily stand for pluralism and equal rights, because its survival depends on it. And when a party is not diverse, it will rely on demonizing those who are different, because no constituency exists within that party to prevent it from doing so, or to show its members that they have nothing to fear.

[Carol Anderson: Brian Kemp’s lead in Georgia needs an asterisk.]

In the Trump era, America finds itself with two political parties: one that’s growing more reliant on the nation’s diversity, and one that sees its path to power in stoking fear and rage toward those who are different. America doesn’t have a “tribalism” problem. It has a racism problem. And the parties are not equally responsible.

23 Nov 14:11

Philly's Mayor: 'Our President Is A Bully And A Punk'

by Scarce

Jim Kenney lambasted Trump's decision to give Haitians and others affected by natural disasters 18 months to leave the country.

Source: CBS News

Philadelphia's Democratic Mayor Jim Kenney called President Trump a "bully" and a "punk" on Wednesday after the administration announced it is giving Haitians and other immigrants affected by natural disasters 18 months to leave the U.S.

"There's no compassion whatsoever in the White House," Kenney said during an address he gave to City Hall that Philadelphia's local NBC affiliate captured on camera. "And I'm just beside myself with sadness because our president is a bully, our president is a punk, and he just doesn't get it."

"I don't know where he was raised, but his family didn't do a good job raising that guy, I tell you the truth," Kenney continued. "And I just can't express any more deeply my disappointment with where our country is headed, and where we've been. And it's only been a year of this nonsense and chaos."