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20 Jul 21:13

Jordan Peele’s Nope Is Spectacular, Indulgent, and Brutal

by David Sims

One of the many horrifying scenes in Jordan Peele’s Nope occurs on the set of a ’90s sitcom, when a performing chimpanzee flies into a frenzy and attacks his castmates. This memory unfolds through the eyes of the child star Ricky Park (played as an adult by Steven Yeun), sheltering in terror in the ravaged room. At one point, his gaze alights on a strange, specific sight: a single shoe, balanced on its heel, pointing straight up in seeming defiance of gravity. It’s a tranquil image in a sea of chaos, so distinctive that Ricky has never forgotten it despite the trauma of the day.

Peele’s film never explains the mysteriously posed shoe; indeed, Nope is not concerned with explaining much. Instead, the focus is on spectacle, and the Herculean emotional and physical tolls that come from witnessing it, or, even worse, trying to capture it on camera. The central object of fascination for Nope’s ensemble is a saucer-shaped unidentified flying object that’s tooling around the hills outside Los Angeles. And yet Peele is not just making an inventive sci-fi thriller. Nope is tinged with the acidic satire that suffused his last two movies, as Peele examines why the easiest way to process horror these days is to turn it into breathtaking entertainment.

[Read: ‘Get Out’ is a funny and brilliantly subversive horror film]

The brother-and-sister leads of Nope are OJ (Daniel Kaluuya) and Emerald Haywood (Keke Palmer). They claim that they’re the descendants of the jockey who was the subject of The Horse in Motion, the first “moving picture” ever captured by a camera. They own a ranch in Agua Dulce, the dramatic mountain country just beyond Los Angeles that was the backdrop to many a classic Western, and they train horses for film appearances. In short, their entire livelihood depends on the movie business. The cheerfully obnoxious Emerald seems a born performer herself, but OJ is taciturn to a fault, the one true introvert amid the film’s portrayals of spotlight-seeking artists and actors.

Next door to the Haywood ranch is a chintzy amusement park operated by Ricky, who’s still coasting on the notoriety of his childhood sitcom horror, though completely unable to articulate the experience plainly. When asked about the chimpanzee attack, he cheerfully points to a Saturday Night Live parody of the event that “pretty much nailed it.” After spotting the UFO in the sky, he designs a whole live rodeo show around it, trying to conjure the magic of his youthful performances, even though that line of work led him to his darkest day. Ricky is one of Peele’s most compelling creations, a chipper yet vacant spirit who provides a brutal, if indirect, critique of the showbiz machine.

[Read: The kinetic horror of Lupita Nyong’o’s ‘Us’ performance]

Nope is filled with mesmerizing hangers-on; even though the glitz of Hollywood lurks in the background, the film rarely leaves the echoey terrain of Agua Dulce. Other oddballs include Angel Torres (Brandon Perea), a tech-store clerk who spouts conspiracy theories at OJ and Emerald as he helps them scan the skies for the flying saucer; a gravel-voiced filmmaker named Antlers Holst (an incredible Michael Wincott), forever in search of the perfect shot; and an enigmatic figure in a silver helmet whose introduction late in the action adds a poison-penned exclamation mark to Peele’s already sharp script.

The ensemble is diffuse, and Peele takes his time building out story lines that seem totally unrelated. One could argue that he’s due a little indulgence after the grand success of his films Get Out and Us, both of which were more tautly plotted and had third acts heavy with exposition. But the ambiguity is also justified by the unknowable invasive force at the center of Nope; what unites every character in the film is a desire to transmute it into something entertaining and impressive, to render a scary riddle into a conventional tale of interplanetary visitors. Nope has other ideas, and so does the swooshing saucer hiding in the California clouds.

Only OJ has the presence of mind to flee when confronted with the unknown—he mutters the film’s title to himself under his breath multiple times as a sort of reminder that he doesn’t have to charge into danger. But even he is eventually taken with the allure of capturing the saucer on film. Kaluuya plays that internal turmoil with the simmering intensity that’s made him one of his generation’s most enthralling actors. He’s a perfect muse for Peele, whose widening ambition with every project bucks the Hollywood trend of retreating to the safest artistic territory for the biggest spectacles.

18 Jul 14:09

July 17, 2022

by Heather Cox Richardson

On July 18, 1863, at dusk, the Black soldiers of the Massachusetts 54th Volunteer Infantry of the U.S. Army charged the walls of Fort Wagner, a fortification on Morris Island off Charleston Harbor in South Carolina. Because Fort Wagner covered the southern entrance to the harbor, it was key to enabling the U.S. government to take the city. 

The 600 soldiers of the 54th made up the first Black regiment for the Union, organized after the Emancipation Proclamation called for the enlistment of African American soldiers. The 54th's leader was a Boston abolitionist from a leading family: Colonel Robert Gould Shaw.

Shaw and his men had shipped out of Boston at the end of May 1863 for Beaufort, South Carolina, where the Union had gained an early foothold in its war to prevent the Confederates from dismembering the country. The men of the 54th knew they were not like other soldiers: they were symbols of how well Black men would fight for their country. This, in turn, would be a statement of whether Black men could truly be equal to white men under the country’s laws, once and for all, for in this era, fighting for the country gave men a key claim to citizenship.

The whole country was watching...and the soldiers knew it.

In the dark at Fort Wagner, the Massachusetts 54th proved that Black men were equal to any white men in the field. They fought with the determination that made African American regiments during the Civil War sustain higher losses than those of white regiments. The assault on the fort killed, wounded, or lost more than 250 of the 600 men and made the formerly enslaved Sergeant William Harvey Carney the first African American to be awarded a Medal of Honor. Badly wounded, Carney nonetheless defended the United States flag and carried it back to Union lines. United States soldiers did not take the fort that night, but no one could miss that Black men had proved themselves equal to their white comrades.

The Battle of Fort Wagner left 30 men of the 54th dead on the field—including Colonel Shaw—and hurt 24 more so badly they would later die from their wounds. Fifteen were captured; 52 were missing and presumed dead. Another 149 were wounded. Confederates intended to dishonor Colonel Shaw when they buried him in a mass grave with his men; instead, the family found it fitting.

In 2017 I had the chance to spend an evening in the house where the wounded soldiers of the 54th were taken after the battle.

It is a humbling thing to stand in that house that still looks so much as it did in 1863 and to realize that the men, carried hot and exhausted and bleeding and scared into it a century and a half before were just people like you and me, who did what they felt they had to in front of Fort Wagner, and then endured the boat ride back to Beaufort, and got carried up a flight of steps, and then lay on cots in small, crowded rooms, and hoped that what they had done was worth the horrific cost.

I am not one for ghosts, but I swear you could feel the blood in the floors.

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11 Jul 21:30

The American Scam

by swissmiss

“Everyone knows how productive you can be when you’re avoiding something. We are currently experiencing the civilizational equivalent of that anxiety you feel when you have something due the next day that you haven’t even started thinking about and yet still you sit there, helplessly watching whole seasons of mediocre TV or compulsively clicking through quintillions of memes even as your brain screams at you — the same way we scream at our politicians about guns and abortion and climate change — to do something.”

It’s Time to Stop Living the American Scam, by Tim Kreider

06 Jul 18:07

Dedo

by swissmiss
A.N

Sharing because of the price.

Dedo is pretty. (Whispers: And expensive.)

05 Jul 21:32

America Is in Denial

by Mitt Romney
A.N

Mitt Romney... weird. I mean...i dunno

Even as we watch the reservoirs and lakes of the West go dry, we keep watering our lawns, soaking our golf courses, and growing water-thirsty crops.

As inflation mounts and the national debt balloons, progressive politicians vote for ever more spending.

As the ice caps melt and record temperatures make the evening news, we figure that buying a Prius and recycling the boxes from our daily Amazon deliveries will suffice.

When TV news outlets broadcast video after video of people illegally crossing the nation’s southern border, many of us change the channel.

And when a renowned conservative former federal appellate judge testifies that we are already in a war for our democracy and that January 6, 2021, was a genuine constitutional crisis, MAGA loyalists snicker that he speaks slowly and celebrate that most people weren’t watching.

[Read: America is growing apart, possibly for good]

What accounts for the blithe dismissal of potentially cataclysmic threats? The left thinks the right is at fault for ignoring climate change and the attacks on our political system. The right thinks the left is the problem for ignoring illegal immigration and the national debt. But wishful thinking happens across the political spectrum. More and more, we are a nation in denial.

I have witnessed time and again—in myself and in others—a powerful impulse to believe what we hope to be the case. We don’t need to cut back on watering, because the drought is just part of a cycle that will reverse. With economic growth, the debt will take care of itself. January 6 was a false-flag operation. A classic example of denial comes from Donald Trump: “I won in a landslide.” Perhaps this is a branch of the same delusion that leads people to feed money into slot machines: Because I really want to win, I believe that I will win.

Bolstering our natural inclination toward wishful thinking are the carefully constructed, prejudice-confirming arguments from the usual gang of sophists, grifters, and truth-deniers. Watching angry commentators on cable news, I’m reminded of H. L. Mencken’s observation: “For every complex problem, there is a solution that is clear, simple, and wrong.”

When entire countries fail to confront serious challenges, it doesn't end well. During the past half century, we Americans have lived in a very forgiving time, and seeing the world through rose-colored glasses had limited consequences. The climate was stable, our economy dwarfed the competition, democracy was on the rise, and our military strength made the U.S. the sole global hyperpower. Today, every one of those things has changed. If we continue to ignore the real threats we face, America will inevitably suffer serious consequences.

What clears the scales from the eyes of a nation? Pearl Harbor did. 9/11 did. A crisis can shake the public consciousness. But a crisis may come too late for a course correction that can prevent tragedy. The only cure for wishful thinking is leadership. Winston Churchill emboldened a complacent Britain and rallied the world. Abraham Lincoln held the Union together. Ronald Reagan shook us from our malaise. Lech Wałęsa inaugurated a movement that brought down the Iron Curtain. Martin Luther King Jr. inspired us to “believe that unarmed truth and unconditional love will have the final word in reality.” And Volodymyr Zelensky’s stunning display of courage—“I need ammunition, not a ride”—showed us what real character looks like.

[Read: Liberation without victory]

President Joe Biden is a genuinely good man, but he has yet been unable to break through our national malady of denial, deceit, and distrust. A return of Donald Trump would feed the sickness, probably rendering it incurable. Congress is particularly disappointing: Our elected officials put a finger in the wind more frequently than they show backbone against it. Too often, Washington demonstrates the maxim that for evil to thrive only requires good men to do nothing.

I hope for a president who can rise above the din to unite us behind the truth. Several contenders with experience and smarts stand in the wings; we intently watch to see if they also possess the requisite character and ability to bring the nation together in confronting our common reality. While we wait, leadership must come from fathers and mothers, teachers and nurses, priests and rabbis, businessmen and businesswomen, journalists and pundits. That will require us all to rise above ourselves—above our grievances and resentments—and grasp the mantle of leadership our country so badly needs.

17 Jun 14:03

#1378: “I want to be her guard dog, but I’m more of a thunder-vest wearing puppy.”

by JenniferP

Personal News: I haven’t been feeling so hot the past few weeks, but good news, my pesky uterus and its fibroid passenger “Guillaume” are going to come out within the next several months. YEETERUS AT LAST.

Content Note: Brief mention of kink in the question. If you’re a child and/or the concept of D/s relationships irks you, skip this one.

Dear Captain,

I (they/them) am in a D/s relationship with a trans woman (she/they) involving mutual service dynamics, and one aspect is me being her “guard dog.” I very much enjoy being the protector, and love to be called her guard dog and such things, but sometimes when I really do need to protect her, I fail to do so. Being brave in terms of investigating noises or taking on situations that scare her is one thing, but I am really useless when it comes to helping with conflict. For example, if someone is transphobic to her in public, I often completely freeze up or say something really milquetoast in response. I am just completely filled with shame that in so many situations where I could actually help her, I’m a useless lump instead.

I am working on being braver and taking baby steps to being more assertive and standing my ground when it’s safe to do so, but it feels like I’m not really making much progress. And, any time I fail, it completely tanks my self image and for a long time afterwards, hearing her call me her guard dog just feels horrible. She doesn’t hold it against me, and she isn’t trying to call me out, but in the aftermath I just can’t help but feel like I’m a pathetic armchair warrior, playacting like they’re brave but hiding anytime things get real.

What can I do to get better at being brave and blunt in the moment? How do I learn in my bones that it’s okay to rock the boat when someone has tried to throw someone overboard? And in the meantime, how do I handle the shame and feeling like I don’t deserve her praise or the title of guardian?

–Big Bark, No Bite

Dear Big Bark,

Good news: Assertiveness in the moment is a skill and a habit that can be practiced and learned over time.

Medium news: If you didn’t grow up with the knack, it takes time and practice to unlearn old habits and social dynamics and acquire new ones. You’re not alone in freezing up during high conflict situations, and it feels hard to push back because bigots (and the misogynist, homophobic and transphobic racist culture that we’re all swimming in) makes it hard to push back.

Bigots assume that most people in the dominant group secretly agree with them, and they rely on pressuring anyone who doesn’t agree with them to remain “polite,” “calm,” “neutral,” “civil,” to “prove you’re the bigger person,” to “rise above it,” to “not get emotional,” or “ruin the occasion.” Everything in quotes in the prior sentence is a code for “STAY SILENT AND COMPLIANT AND DON’T REACT.” Bigots want to be able to say and do whatever hateful stuff they want and treat anything less than total compliance, welcome, and praise as proof that they are being persecuted by rude and uncivil forces. *Any* negative reaction from a non-bigot will be treated as an overreaction, as they try to turn attention away from the vile shit they said and blame you for ruining everyone’s fun when you don’t enjoy it. Does that make sense? You’re always going to feel “rude” when you respond to bigotry because bigots thrive by defining any opposition to their violent views and behavior as your faux pas, and the rest of the culture has been conditioned to police “possible rudeness” harder than outright eugenics as long as the horrible person never raises their voice.

Responding to a rude, transphobic remark can be as simple as saying a word or two: “Wow.” “Not cool.” “Yikes.” “Really.” “Yuck.” “Gross.” “Shame on you.” “That’s unacceptable.” “Awkward!” “How embarrassing.” “What an odd thing to say out loud.” You don’t have to be snappy, slay them with your wit, explain yourself, deliver a footnoted treatise on why it’s wrong, or debate with them (almost always a trap). It doesn’t have to be perfect, eloquent, or suave as long as you say or do *something* that indicates that you’re not okay with whatever is happening. Practice speaking up, practice dealing with the flood of pressure and weird feelings that rises afterward, and practice being very kind and gentle with yourself. It’s a process, but if you keep at it you’ll find your own style over time. If that style is more on the “milquetoast” end of things, but you are consistently able to express dismay and disapproval when you encounter bigotry? Then you’re probably doing great!

It’s not always safe to respond, especially for more marginalized people, and you (both you the Letter Writer and you the Reader) are going to be the best judge of when walking away quietly or other de-escalation tactics are necessary to avoid violence Just know that whenever you are able to say something back to a bigot, you are doing four very important things:

  • You’re returning the awkwardness to sender. The bigot is the one who ruined everyone’s good time with their asshole remarks, you’re not making it weird by responding. [Remind yourself/bystanders of this by re-stating the facts of what the bigot said and did. “Oh, yes, I realize my ‘tone ‘is quite strident, but I’m not the one who casually suggested a genocide at Book Club.”  “Why are you more okay with [the exact horrible thing they said] than with me reacting to it? Weird!” ]
  • You’re removing the bigot’s plausible deniability that their views are acceptable and that “everyone” agrees with them.
  • You’re signaling to any nearby marginalized folks and fellow non-bigots that they’re not alone here.
  • Even if there is no one else there to notice and nobody is on your side, by speaking up you are standing firm in your own integrity. This too takes practice!

These four things are true and important whether or not the bigot ever “learns a lesson.” It’s unlikely that anyone – especially a stranger in a public place! – changes their horrible views just because you made the right snappy comeback at the right time.

Now, Letter Writer, I want to delve into the specifics of the relationship a tiny bit here.

If you’re being asked to do something as part of a kinky exchange, and attempting that thing is consistently making you feel awful, then it’s probably time to renegotiate things with your partner. “Can we talk about ways we can both show up for each other and push back against transphobic interactions in public? The ‘guard dog’ role isn’t working for me when it involves other people, and I keep freezing up. Can we take that out of the package for the time being and focus on [stuff we both enjoy]?” 

You don’t enjoy this particular aspect of your relationship. That is not a failure on your part, and that is a good enough reason to change it. If it’s not working for you, then it’s not working, period.

That doesn’t mean you should stop speaking up altogether when you and your partner encounter transphobes in the wild. Standing up for your partner the way you would do for a friend, a stranger, or heck – yourself! -is still going to be a good idea for all the reasons stated above, and it’s still a good idea to practice and learn. But I think it will work better if the two of you are a team about it, and if your partner’s safety and agency around this isn’t outsourced to you under pressure of performing a certain way. Sometimes you speak up and they back you up, sometimes they speak up and you back them up, experiment! But overall, I suggest that you untangle the assertiveness skill-building from the kink for now, remove pressure, and see how you do.

01 Jun 17:57

Paxlovid Mouth Is Real—And Gross

by Rachel Gutman
A.N

I got covid last week. And this was my experience with Paxlovid. It was disgusting. I kept waking up in the middle of the night to eat something to try to get the taste out.

More than two years into this pandemic, we finally have an antiviral treatment that works pretty darn well. Paxlovid cuts a vulnerable adult’s chances of hospitalization or death from COVID by nearly 90 percent if taken in the first few days of an infection. For adults without risk-heightening factors, it reduces that likelihood by 70 percent. Also, it might make your mouth taste like absolute garbage the whole time you’re taking the pills.

In Pfizer’s clinical trials, about 5.6 percent of patients reported an “altered sense of taste,” called dysgeusia in the medical literature. A Pfizer spokesperson assured me that “most events were mild” and “very few patients discontinued study as a result”; the outer packaging of the drug doesn’t mention it at all, and the patient fact sheet breezes past it. But Paxlovid-takers told me it’s absolutely dysgeusting.

The bad taste may come on shortly after people take their first set of pills. (If prescribed Paxlovid, you’re supposed to take three pills, twice daily, for five days.) For a 36-year-old dog walker in Washington, D.C., named sangam 'alopeke (who styles their name without capital letters), the effect emerged within about an hour of the first dose. Lindsay Wright, a 40-year-old creative director in Winnipeg, Canada, said she noticed it after 90 minutes. Sheila Borkar, a 30-year-old transportation engineer who also lives in Washington, took a pill before bed and woke up to the taste.

“I imagine this is what grapefruit juice mixed with soap would taste like,” Anna Valdez, a nursing professor in Sonoma Valley, California, told me. (We communicated over Twitter direct messages because Valdez had lost her voice from COVID.) “It is horrible and does not go away.” Borkar was reminded of acid reflux. “This didn’t taste like food,” she said. “It didn’t quite taste poisonous, but it definitely tasted like something that should not be consumed.” Her friend Jeffrey Holliday, a 33-year-old business analyst, told me, “It tasted like I chewed a bunch of vitamins.”

“I heard that for some people, it’s a metallic taste, and I’m a little jealous,” Wright said. “I’m describing it as, like, bitter, burnt grapefruit, but mixed with—you know that taste when you try to swallow Tylenol and it doesn’t go down the first time? It’s a little bit of that failed-Tylenol-swallow mixed in.”

While dysgeusia is listed as a side effect of many drugs, including antibiotics, chemotherapeutics, and antihistamines, the specific experience varies. In many cases, patients report a bitter or metallic taste, Steven Munger, the director of the University of Florida’s Center for Smell and Taste, told me. That might be because human mouths are more primed to detect bitterness, in all its subtleties, than other flavors. According to Munger, humans have one kind of taste receptor for sweetness, one for umami, one for salt, two for sourness, and a whopping 25 for bitterness. That makes evolutionary sense, he said: Many toxic substances are bitter, so it’s more important that we taste them. “If the sweet receptor misses something, okay, well, maybe there’s more food coming along. That’s not going to be a life-or-death situation. But ingesting something that’s toxic could kill you.”

[Read: The paradox of sour food]

Munger told me that Paxlovid Mouth might result from chemesthesis, a chemical-sensing process that we often conflate with taste. (We sense both the chill of menthol and the heat of chiles through chemesthesis, not taste.) Or it could just be plain old taste, or a combination of the two.

If taste is the culprit, one bitter-taste receptor in particular might be to blame: TAS2R7. Danielle Reed, of the nonprofit Monell Chemical Senses Center, told me that the receptor has a “metallic, bitter vibe to it.” TAS2R7 isn’t activated very often in our daily lives, Reed said, because the compounds that bind to it are not in our foods, because—again—they taste awful. That might explain why those with Paxlovid Mouth have had trouble naming exactly what they’re going through, and why it feels so strange. “I’m a pretty adventurous eater normally. I’m usually the one that likes flavors other people don’t like. But this was over the line,” Borkar said.

TAS2R7 can be activated by metal salts, including magnesium sulfate, a.k.a. Epsom salt. You’re not supposed to eat it, but Reed told me if I tasted it and spat it out, I’d probably be fine. All I had at home was lavender-scented Dr. Teal’s Pure Epsom Salt Soaking Solution, but I tried it anyway. When I put a few crystals on the tip of my tongue, I had the sensation of having licked a lamppost. When I tried some farther back on my tongue, the flavor was extremely sour, with hints of dime. I suddenly understood what Wright meant when she said, “I think I might be ruined for grapefruit for the rest of my life.”

When I asked Pfizer about the funny taste, a spokesperson said, “Paxlovid is a combination of nirmatrelvir and ritonavir tablets … Both nirmatrelvir and ritonavir are bitter substances, which may contribute to the reports of taste-related side effects.” That clears things up! Of course, most tastes last for about as long as you’re eating something. The same was true for Epsom salt: It activated my TAS2R7 receptor, but then stopped activating it after I’d washed my mouth out with water. But Paxlovid Mouth works differently: “It is constant now,” Valdez told me. “I can taste food for the first bite or two, and then the bitterness takes over.” (Even pine nuts have been associated with a metallic taste that can last for weeks after eating them.)

Two possible mechanisms could explain that lingering, Reed said. Some molecules simply stick to our taste buds better than others, even when you try to wash them off by rinsing your mouth or brushing your teeth. (Many people experience this with high-intensity sweeteners, such as the ones in diet sodas.) Other molecules have a way of tickling our taste receptors even after they’re absorbed into the bloodstream; some medications, for example, can be excreted back into the mouth via saliva.

[Read: Families are going rogue with rapid tests]

The sticking-around-in-the-bloodstream theory makes particular sense given what Pfizer told me about the combination of drugs in Paxlovid: “Nirmatrelvir is a novel molecule designed to inhibit viral replication at a stage known as proteolysis, which occurs before viral RNA replication. Co-administration with a low dose of ritonavir helps slow the metabolism, or breakdown, of nirmatrelvir in order for it to remain active in the body for longer periods of time at higher concentrations to help combat the virus.” So if nirmatrelvir is causing the dysgeusia, ritonavir could be working to extend the effect.

The Paxlovid Mouthers have been coping with their lasting flavor in different ways. “I’m, like, constantly with a lozenge or Tic Tacs or mints or like something in my mouth to try and mask it a little bit. But nothing really takes it away,” Wright said. 'alopeke has mostly been eating applesauce, which “doesn’t have a ton of flavor already, but is at least not actively disgusting to mix with the Paxlovid taste.”

Still, everyone I spoke with who had experienced Paxlovid Mouth said they’d take the drug again if they were reinfected and had another bout of COVID. “It’s a hell of a lot better than a ventilator,” Wright said. She’s immunocompromised, and has taken her fair share of medicines throughout her life.  “It’s not my first encounter with a medication that leaves kind of a taste in your mouth,” she told me. “But I’ve never experienced anything this extreme. This is next-level.”

01 Jun 17:53

The Promising Treatment for Long COVID We’re Not Even Trying

by Katherine J. Wu

Updated at 2:55 p.m. on May 10, 2022

In the two years since she caught the coronavirus, 38-year-old Jessica McGovern has cycled through “well over 100 drugs, supplements, and therapies” to try to keep her long-COVID symptoms at bay. In almost all cases, she told me, the interventions were to no avail: Exhaustion, weakness, and aches still lashed her to the couch; she still felt suffocating chest pain that worsened when she inhaled; her upper body was still haunted by a sharp, staticky sensation that reminded her of running hot water over frozen hands. McGovern would fall asleep in agony, then dream of more agony.

Then, around the start of April, she began a five-day course of Paxlovid, Pfizer’s antiviral pill. By her second day on the drug, McGovern “could feel the messaging in my body shifting.” Four weeks later, her fatigue, aches, and labored breathing remain. But the screaming, nerves-on-fire pain that gripped her body for two dozen months “is basically gone,” she told me. She’s recovered some mobility. She’s spending more time with her three young kids. A flutist for nearly three decades, she’s playing her instrument again after a two-year hiatus, “which feels incredible,” like reclaiming a shade of her former self.

To date, no established treatments exist for long COVID. But in recent weeks, a smattering of long-haulers—McGovern among them—have been surprised to feel their sicknesses subside after taking Pfizer’s new drug. The case for treating long COVID with antivirals is far from open-and-shut. But should these anecdotal reports augur a flood of similar data, Paxlovid might offer a surprisingly straightforward fix to one of the pandemic’s biggest puzzles. Long COVID is so ranging, so diverse, so capable of wreaking havoc on a multitude of tissues that treatment, for many, will undoubtedly require the rehabilitation of many bodily systems at once. Maybe, though, for a subset of long-haulers, a few days of antiviral pills could be all it takes to rev the healing process into gear.

[Read: The pandemic after the pandemic]

That Paxlovid may quench anyone’s long-COVID symptoms is itself a bit mysterious: The drug works best when delivered fast and early, futzing with the virus’s ability to xerox itself inside human cells and making it easier for the immune system to jettison the bug. But long COVID can take weeks or months to manifest, and hasn’t been proven to have a persistent viral source. Experts still don’t know how common, or lasting, post-pill reprieves might be; they can’t say with confidence why the drug could have palliative effects, or—if said effects are substantiated—which long-haulers stand to benefit most.

Even in the rosiest scenario, Paxlovid won’t be a panacea. But if it has a chance of doing something, even for just a fraction of long-haulers, “we have to at least try,” says Jeanne Marrazzo, the director of the division of infectious diseases at the University of Alabama at Birmingham School of Medicine, “because we have nothing else.” Millions of people in the United States alone are estimated to have developed long COVID’s harrowing symptoms since the pandemic’s start; their numbers grow with each additional wave. “This is an intervention that should [have been] under clinical trial yesterday,” says David Putrino, a neuroscientist and rehabilitation specialist at Mount Sinai. And yet there are, to date, no well-designed studies investigating Paxlovid’s potential as a long-COVID drug, and none publicly poised to begin.


The search for long-COVID therapies has been stymied, in part, by the nature of long COVID. The condition, like cancer, appears to be not a single disease but a category of related-but-distinct syndromes, each of which could manifest with its own set of symptoms, require its own treatments, and stem from a slightly different cause. In some proportion of long-haulers, maybe the majority, the virus is believed to have come and gone, leaving behind physiological devastation—battered tissues, raging inflammation, self-attacking antibodies, discombobulated nerves, a freckling of blood clots. In these cases, experts told me, Paxlovid probably won’t do diddly-squat. But perhaps the drug could help another group of long-haulers, who are thought to harbor hard-to-reach reservoirs of virus that regularly rile the body up.

The snarl is that no one has yet provided slam-dunk evidence of these hidden viral caches. Many scientists, including Yale’s Akiko Iwasaki, one of the world’s top long-COVID researchers, argue that strong hints are there: SARS-CoV-2 certainly can stick around in certain people’s bodies for months, and can also mosey out of the airway to colonize other tissues, including ones that certain immune fighters can’t easily access. Researchers have seen traces of the virus’s genetic material and proteins in a mélange of organs, sometimes months after infections begin. But while those fragments could represent active virus, they could also be bits of stray microbial trash. To help clinch the case, researchers would have to recruit tons of long-haulers, guess where the virus might be lurking, and see if they could extract enough of the microbe from that tissue to infect new cells in the lab—studies that are invasive, “long and slow and painful” to get just right, and couldn’t even prove that the virus was causing the symptoms at hand, says Catherine Blish, an immunologist at Stanford.

Still, Vineet Menachery, a coronavirus expert at the University of Texas Medical Branch, believes long-term infection is probably “more common than we think,” he told me. People’s lived experiences support that too. Some long-haulers have reported feeling a massive, unexpected upswing in well-being after receiving COVID vaccines—a trend several experts attribute to the shots galvanizing immune cells into finally, finally kicking out remnant virus.

The handful of post-Paxlovid improvement stories now emerging echo what other long-haulers felt with the vaccines. A group of Stanford researchers, led by the physician Linda Geng, recently reported that a 47-year-old woman’s long-COVID symptoms—among them, fatigue, insomnia, body aches, cognitive issues, and a racing heartbeat—evaporated after she took Paxlovid for a possible reinfection. “She was able to go back to work, and started exercising again,” Geng told me. A couple of long-haulers being treated at a clinic at UCSF may be on a similar trajectory. Lavanya Visvabharathy, a 37-year-old immunologist at Northwestern University, experienced a bounceback as well. After months of headaches, fatigue, and disturbed sleep, she nabbed Paxlovid at the end of March, and “all my symptoms went away,” she told me. Visvabharathy, who takes immunosuppressive drugs to manage her rheumatoid arthritis, had been repeatedly testing antigen-positive. But after she finished Pfizer’s pills, she saw a negative for the first time since she was infected, in December.

Anecdotes and case studies alone won’t be enough. So far, the reports of post-Paxlovid improvements have been too inconsistent, too scant “to gauge what’s really happening,” Angela Meriquez Vázquez, who runs Body Politic, an advocacy group that offers support to people with long COVID, told me. Many long-haulers do not qualify to take Paxlovid, because they haven’t recently tested positive and are not considered at “high risk” of developing severe COVID. Long COVID’s symptoms can also naturally wax and wane, making it difficult to tie relief to a definitive cause. To show with any real clarity whether Paxlovid’s doing what many long-haulers hope, someone needs to test the theory with rigorous clinical trials, ideally with the help of the company that’s manufacturing the drug.


Pfizer doesn’t seem actively opposed. The company is “considering how we would potentially study it,” Kit Longley, a spokesperson for Pfizer, wrote in an email, but declined to clarify why the company has no study under way. That frustrates Putrino, of Mount Sinai, who thinks Pfizer will need to spearhead many of these efforts; it’s Pfizer’s drug, after all, and the company has the best data on it, and the means to move it forward. The NIH, whose RECOVER initiative has a budget of more than $1 billion to study long COVID, recently sought proposals for clinical trials of new long-COVID therapies, including, potentially, antivirals—a promising step, Stanford’s Geng told me. But the agency has been sharply criticized for dillydallying in the year-plus since the program launched, and for de-emphasizing treatment-focused trials. And there’s no guarantee that Paxlovid will be among the treatments tested. When asked to elaborate on Paxlovid’s experimental status, the NIH said only that the agency “is very interested in long term viral activity as a potential cause of PASC (long COVID), and antivirals such as Paxlovid are in the class of treatments being considered for the clinical trials.”

In all fairness, a Paxlovid–long-COVID trial would be tough. Researchers still haven’t reached a consensus on how to define or diagnose long COVID, or what it means for patients to markedly improve. Drugs against severe disease have an ultra-clear readout: “You count the number of people who end up in the hospital,” says Steven Deeks, a long-COVID researcher at UCSF. Long COVID’s sprawling scope, however, means no single ruler can measure the drug’s potential impact. Many of the experts I spoke with felt a bit daunted by the idea of trying to quantify the disease’s qualitative symptoms pre- and post-Paxlovid. That challenge, they said, could be a stumbling block for any research effort. But JD Davids, the co-founder of the Strategies for High Impact and its National Network for Long COVID Justice, who has long COVID, told me scientists don’t have to look far for inspiration. Researchers have already developed metrics for another chronic illness, ME/CFS (which Davids also has) to rate, for instance, the severity of fatigue, mobility limitations, and pain. “You just have to believe that people can tell you how they are feeling,” Davids said.

[Read: Long-haulers are fighting for their future]

Then there’s the question of whom to enroll, and how many of them. If only a small fraction of long-haulers are duking it out with persistent virus, “you might not see the benefit” in trials, unless they’re gargantuan in size, says Daniel Griffin, an infectious-disease physician at Columbia. Researchers could hedge their bets by selectively recruiting long-haulers who continually shed bits of virus genetic material in their feces, say, or who only recently developed long-COVID symptoms and might be more likely to have SARS-CoV-2 still inside them. But select the wrong subset, and a trial could tank. Iwasaki, of Yale, wants to explicitly study the drug’s effects in a wide range of people. “The goal is not to cure everyone but understand who benefits,” she told me—and when. In some people, long COVID could evolve from a viral problem into an autoimmune one, making early intervention essential.

Paxlovid has baggage too. In recent weeks, some people taking the five-day pill course for new infections have reported a rebound in symptoms and test positivity—a likely indication, UTMB’s Menachery told me, that the pills aren’t sweeping all the SARS-CoV-2 out. It’s still unclear how common the relapses are, and the problem may be cropping up with long COVID too. Alisa Valdes, a 53-year-old writer who has battled more than 220 long-COVID symptoms, “felt normal for the first time in 25 months” after taking Paxlovid in April. “I was skipping, I was jumping,” she told me. “I thought, This is a miracle.” But within a day of the drugs running out, her body was once again aching, feverish, and inflamed; angry red rashes that had disappeared came roaring right back.

Visvabharathy, the Northwestern immunologist, told me that a few weeks after taking Paxlovid, she felt some symptoms creeping back as well. A test she took at the end of April also came up positive. Perhaps Paxlovid’s five-day regimen for acute COVID will need to be lengthened in some newly infected patients; long-haulers may require something more extended still. Such a tweak could prompt a slew of safety questions. The original clinical trials turned up side effects—occasional bouts of diarrhea, a nasty sour tang in the mouth—that did not raise huge concerns, but after months of unabating illness, long-haulers’ bodies may not react in the same way to the drugs, especially when dosed on an extra-long course. Paxlovid also interferes with a hefty list of other medications, some of which can’t be paused for extended periods.

[Read: Paxlovid mouth is real—and gross]

Right now, long-haulers are gambling with all of those question marks as they seek the drug out—some of them through loopholes in the health-care system, with the help of providers sympathetic to their cause. With so few options on the table, people are “itching for any type of treatment,” Body Politic’s Vázquez told me, and some are willing to stomach a bit of risk. But in the absence of real data and rigorous research, and with so many unable to access the drug at all, others are hesitant and confused—and afraid of being once again let down.


From the start of the pandemic, skepticism has dogged long COVID and the people who live with it. McGovern, the flutist, spent much of 2020 being repeatedly told that her symptoms were just anxiety, or that she was feeling off because she was allergic to her pet parrots. (She is not.) Attitudes have improved in the years since—but some doctors, once unsure of long COVID’s existence, now struggle to wrap their head around the prospect of out-of-the-box treatments. At one point, I asked McGovern which of the many therapies she’s tried actually helped. “Aside from my family and close friends, you’re the first person to ask me that,” she told me. “I’ve never had a physician ask me ‘What has worked for you?’”

This skepticism can extend to research too. Benjamin tenOever, a virologist at NYU, told me that he recently had NIH funding pulled from a project that would have investigated whether antivirals could combat long-COVID symptoms in a hamster model. His contact at the agency said the study had “no merit,” tenOever told me. “They were like, This doesn’t make sense, because why would Paxlovid ever help long COVID? The virus is long gone.” (When I reached out to NIH, Clint Wright, the director of the Division of Clinical Research at the National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke, responded that “we can’t comment on research that is not funded.”) Others posited that the possible benefit of antivirals for long-haulers might not feel worth the effort required to prove it: Even if viral persistence plays a role, it may be quite uncommon. Yale’s Iwasaki dismisses this. “Say it’s only 10 percent of patients that respond positively,” she told me. That’s still potentially millions of people in the U.S. alone.

America’s neglectful posture on long COVID is choreographed into just about every aspect of what’s left of the country’s pandemic response. Vaccines can’t totally block long COVID, but are being billed, via boosters, as one of the only interventions people need; the CDC’s newest guidelines on masks almost entirely elide the condition’s existence, as it’s not classically considered to be clinically “severe.” Researchers aren’t even sure if early-acting treatments such as antivirals slash people’s chances of getting long COVID, though Iwasaki is hopeful that they do. With so few protections against long COVID available or in use, its burden only stands to grow. Therapies, at least, could finally construct an exit ramp.


Paxlovid could still be a bust. But the process of figuring that out could shift the landscape for long COVID. Carefully testing this drug in long-haulers could help researchers build templates for even more clinical trials, Davids, of the National Network for Long COVID Justice, told me. And perhaps other, more powerful therapies would follow: antivirals specifically tailored for long-haulers’ needs, or immune-modulating drugs to combat the cases of long COVID that are less about the virus and more about the body attacking itself. Long COVID’s problem has always been a self-reinforcing one. It is difficult to address, so it goes unaddressed; countries do not know how to deal with it, so they don’t, and simply never learn. Reversing that trend, Davids and other long-haulers told me, means not just describing the condition but tackling it; not just counting the people who live with it but working to reduce their ranks. The world has to start that process now, or risk falling further behind.

20 May 17:07

How the End of Roe Would Change Prenatal Care

by Sarah Zhang
A.N

When I was pregnant the blood testing we did said the twins had Trisomy 13, when I was 18 weeks pregnant. I had a week between that test result and the amniocentisis saying they dind't have it. Even then I would have had to get an abortion within a week to make it before the 20 week limitation in FL. THis is just all so horrendous.

Pregnancy, in this age of modern medicine, comes with a series of routinely recommended prenatal tests: At 11 weeks, a blood draw and an ultrasound to check for conditions such as Down syndrome. At 15 weeks, another blood test, for anomalies such as spina bifida. At 18 to 22, an ultrasound anatomy scan of the baby’s heart, brain, lungs, bones, stomach, fingers, and toes. This is when many parents learn if they’re expecting a boy or girl—but the more pressing medical reason is to look for anatomical defects, including severe ones such as missing kidneys or missing parts of the brain and skull.

With Roe v. Wade in place in America, women undergoing prenatal tests have typically had the legal right to end a pregnancy based on the information they learn. But abortion restrictions in certain states—by gestational age or by fetal anomaly—have already started limiting that choice. And if the Supreme Court overturns Roe, as seems likely, it will be further curtailed in some states. Routine parts of prenatal care could start to look quite different in states that ban abortion than in states that allow it.

Even now, laws in more than a dozen states that restrict abortion past 20 weeks are changing the use of the second-trimester anatomy scans. “People are moving those tests backward, doing them earlier than is optimal,” says Laura Hercher, a genetic counselor at Sarah Lawrence College who recently conducted a survey of genetic counselors in abortion-restrictive states. But the earlier the scan, the less doctors can see. Certain brain structures, such as the cavum septum pellucidum, might not develop until week 20, says Chloe Zera, an obstetrician in Massachusetts. Being unable to find this structure could indicate a brain anomaly, or just that the scan was done too early. Doctors might also pick up evidence of a heart defect but not know how severe or fixable it is. At 20 weeks, the heart is only the size of a dime.

[Read: The future of abortion in post-Roe America]

Six states also currently restrict abortions on the basis of genetic anomalies. These laws typically target Down syndrome, or trisomy 21, in which the presence of a third chromosome 21 can have a range of physical and mental effects, milder in some children than others. Some states’ laws specifically mention Down syndrome; others extend the restrictions to a much wider range of genetic anomalies, many far more life-limiting than Down syndrome. In trisomy 13, for example, the physical anomalies are so severe that most babies live only for days or weeks. More than 90 percent do not survive past their first year.

In states that currently restrict abortion based on genetic anomalies but still allow it for other reasons under Roe, patients can get an abortion if they do not mention the genetic anomaly. This puts doctors and genetic counselors in a bind. For instance, says Leilah Zahedi, a maternal-fetal-medicine physician in Tennessee, what if doctors see a severe heart defect on an ultrasound? The underlying cause of many such heart problems is Down syndrome. But Tennessee restricts abortions specifically on the basis of trisomy 21. Should doctors tell patients about the connection to Down syndrome? Should they do the genetic testing? It could help parents prepare for everything else that comes with Down syndrome. But it would make it harder for them to get an abortion, if they chose to have one. They would need to go to a different doctor who does not know about the diagnosis, and take care not to reveal it.

Many of the current abortion restrictions do contain exemptions for cases with the most dramatic medical consequences: a fatal fetal anomaly or risk to the mother’s life. If Roe is overturned, many of the “trigger laws” that will immediately ban abortion in some states contain such exemptions as well. But what is “fatal” to the baby and what risk is acceptable to the mother are not entirely clear criteria. “There are very few bright lines in medicine,” says Cara Heuser, a maternal-fetal-medicine physician in Utah. “Laws really do not allow for all the nuance we see in medicine. They ignore the uncertainty.”

When it comes to fetal anomalies, “it’s very rare we can say, ‘This is universally fatal,’” Zera told me. For example, in the case of a massive brain hemorrhage that destroys most of the brain tissue but leaves the brain stem intact, the baby can breathe at birth but will need other medical care. Does fatal mean fatal in the absence of certain medical interventions? Which ones? And does an anomaly have to be fatal immediately, or within some period after birth?

[Read: When a right becomes a privilege]

There is ambiguity in exceptions for the life of the mother, too. A genetic counselor in Texas told me about a recent patient whose fetus was triploid, meaning it had a complete extra set of 23 chromosomes. This is one of the universally lethal conditions. But triploidy also poses an extra risk to the mother, because these pregnancies are linked to preeclampsia, or dangerously high blood pressure. Texas currently restricts abortions past about six weeks except in “medical emergencies.” High blood pressure may not be an immediate medical emergency, but it can become one. “What’s scary about being a person who is pregnant in Texas,” says the genetic counselor, whom I agreed not to name because this person feared legal retribution in the state, is that many physicians will wait to provide treatment “until mom’s life is truly in danger.” The fetus will not survive, and delaying may only increase the risk to the mother, but “we have to wait until you get sick enough to deliver you.” These laws create a general climate where doctors who fear prosecution may hesitate to treat the mother. “Sometimes,” Heuser says, “that hesitation can be fatal.”

If Roe is overturned and abortion is banned in many states, testing could take on a different role in prenatal care. Zahedi told me, anecdotally, of one recent patient whose doctor told her there wasn’t a point to genetic screening anymore. But she doesn’t actually think abortion bans will change the use of testing, even if they will limit what patients can do afterward. Most of her patients in Tennessee already do not choose abortion, she said, but the tests can provide information that inform obstetric care and prepare parents for what’s to come.

Others brought up the possibility, in the long term, of insurance companies dropping coverage for prenatal tests. Cumulatively, “all of these types of screenings and tests are incredibly expensive,” Hercher, of Sarah Lawrence, told me. Insurance currently has a financial incentive to cover them because preventing the birth of a child with severe medical needs saves on costs down the line. But if abortion is illegal in many states, Hercher asks, will insurance companies, especially regional ones, want to continue covering these tests? Or will patients have to pay for them out of pocket? These tests are currently routine for pregnant women, but whether they stay that way in the future could depend on where you live and what you can afford.

17 May 17:20

How a SIDS Study Became a Media Train Wreck

by Benjamin Mazer

Sudden infant death syndrome, or SIDS, “will be a thing of the past,” according to Carmel Harrington, a sleep researcher at the Children’s Hospital at Westmead, in Australia. A press release describes her new study, out this month, as a “game-changing” effort and a “world-first breakthrough” that could prevent future deaths from the tragic illness. Celebrations quickly spread on social media: “THEY FOUND THE CAUSE OF SIDS. Excuse me while I cry for all the parents,” one viral tweet declared. “Closest thing to a miracle in a long time,” said another. The press soon picked up the story. On Friday, a segment on Good Morning America touted Harrington’s “very, very important study” of SIDS, while a story in the New York Post promised that her data would “bring closure to countless parents who have endured the nightmare of losing a child.”

Sadly, these claims are quite absurd. The original research paper, published on May 6, described a small-scale but interesting project: Harrington and her colleagues measured activity levels of a protein called butyrylcholinesterase in dried blood collected from about 600 babies shortly after birth, including 26 who died from SIDS and 30 who went on to die from a different condition during their first two years of life. On average, those who died from SIDS had somewhat less butyrylcholinesterase activity in their blood than healthy newborns did. According to the study’s authors, this suggests that, with further work, the protein “could potentially be used as a biomarker to identify and prevent future SIDS deaths.” If that qualifies as a scientific “miracle,” the bar is inches from the ground.

Even after decades of research, SIDS remains “unexpected, dramatic, and devastating,” as three prominent doctors put it in a New England Journal of Medicine editorial published over the weekend. If researchers had really pinpointed a biological cause for these deaths—as some press reports have claimed—it would salve parents’ anxiety and might lead to future treatments. But one need only read the new paper in its entirety to see they haven’t reached this goal.

At best, the study represents an incremental advance. This is not meant to be an insult; science works in increments. But the numbers don’t suggest that a screening test for SIDS is really in the works, let alone one that will quickly end the scourge of infant deaths. The authors report that protein-activity levels were measured in a range of 1.7 to 23.3 units per milligram for healthy newborns, and from 2.9 to 10.8 for those who died of SIDS. Though the group averages were different overall (7.7 versus 5.6), individual values still overlapped a great deal. In other words, a low protein-activity level at birth could be found in a baby who might end up dying from SIDS, as well as one who would go on to live a healthy life.

I reached out to Harrington and her co-author Karen Waters, a professor of child and adolescent health at the Children’s Hospital at Westmead, to ask about this issue, among others. Measuring the protein “will not work as a universal screening test, for precisely the reasons that you have highlighted,” Waters told me via email. Harrington said that their “finding represents the possibility for the future identification of infants at risk for SIDS” and that the study identifies “a measurable biochemical marker (not cause)” of the condition.

The confusing and controversial status of SIDS as a formal diagnosis adds to the uncertainty. SIDS is considered a “diagnosis of exclusion,” which means that it applies only when other causes have been carefully ruled out, and also that it is likely to comprise a number of different conditions. Some forensic pathologists have abandoned the diagnosis entirely on account of this ambiguity, James Gill, the chief medical examiner of Connecticut, told me. The authors of this month’s study did not have access to autopsy details for any of their subjects, and relied in most cases on a coroner’s assessment that SIDS had been the cause of death.

Even if it were possible to develop a screening test for SIDS, we might not want to use it. As a hospital pathologist myself—which is to say, as a doctor who specializes in diagnostic testing—I know that every form of screening makes mistakes. Sometimes, the benefits from these tools are worth the harm of an occasional error. Cervical-cancer screening, for example, greatly reduces deaths even though pap smears regularly lead to unhelpful results. But a wonky SIDS test would have catastrophic ill effects. A false positive result would terrify new parents. A false negative could lead them to abandon safe-sleeping practices—or far worse, make them seem at fault if SIDS did strike. Even true results might not be much help, because early-detection tests are only as good as the treatments we use in response to them. An aggressive campaign by pediatricians to promote safer sleep practices has caused the number of SIDS deaths to plummet since the 1990s. That campaign’s advice is already given out to everyone, and would not change on the basis of a blood test.

[Read: Get ready for a wave of missed infections]

Given that no further interventions would be available for infants flagged as high-risk by a screening test for SIDS, I asked the authors whether it makes sense to measure babies in this way. Waters responded by citing the “fundamental principle” that you should not screen newborns for disease unless you can “affect the outcome for the child.” Harrington has suggested in an interview that the researchers “don’t know the shape of what the intervention will be at this stage.”

If the study’s findings were ambiguous, and its implications dubious, why did the research get so much attention in the media? Many outlets seemed impressed by its connection to The Lancet, founded in 1823, and one the world’s most prestigious medical journals. The SIDS paper did not actually appear in The Lancet, but rather in a lesser-known periodical called eBioMedicine, which happens to be published under The Lancet’s umbrella brand (along with more than 20 other journals). Media coverage glossed over that distinction, though, or ignored it altogether. (Good Morning America managed to combine the two journals’ names into a fictional publication called “eLancet.”) These errors are understandable; prominent Lancet branding on eBioMedicine’s website and web address make it easy to get confused, and journal editors sometimes take advantage of academic prestige to court media attention.

The study’s tenuous connection to The Lancet was just one small part of its appeal. More significant was Harrington’s own story: She’d lost her son to SIDS 29 years ago, and then watched as a friend lost a baby to the same ailment a few years later. Harrington spent the intervening decades trying to discover a way to prevent this tragedy for others. “I made a solemn resolution there and then to leave no stone unturned in my quest to solve the mystery of the Sudden Infant Death Syndrome,” she wrote in a request to crowdfund her research that was first posted in August 2018. Before the study was published this month, the campaign hadn’t received a contribution since 2019; now donations have been pouring in. As of yesterday, the campaign had raised about $50,000, mostly in small increments. “Since we have published our research, I have continued to be overwhelmed by the generosity of the community,” Harrington told me.

There’s no shame in soliciting funds for a good cause, and Harrington’s scrappy effort to keep her research going could be seen to merit praise. But Harrington herself has linked improbable claims about the science to overt requests for money: “To get us there, we need a lot of funding,” she told an interviewer, moments after saying that she “knows” that SIDS will be eradicated in “three to five years’ time.” (The hospital, which manages the endeavor’s charitable account, lent credence to this accelerated time frame in its press release.) An article from the Australian Broadcasting Corporation quoted Harrington making a plea for further backing: “We know what we have to do. It’s just actually getting the funding for it.” But the story, like numerous others, did not provide any appraisal of the research from independent experts, which would have helped inform potential donors. Harrington, in her email to me, reiterated her claim that screening tests and interventions “could be 3-5 years away” with appropriate funding.

Many outlets also neglected to mention the study’s known limitations, as described in the paper. In that context, the authors acknowledge that they examined relatively few subjects, and that the tested blood was more than two years old. Their results could, therefore, turn out quite differently if the technique were put into widespread practice. “There is a lot more work to be done before this can be heralded as a solution,” Waters told me in her email. “As we said in the paper, it offers new directions for research in the field.” Harrington told me that “this finding is only one bit of the puzzle and there is so much more to learn.”

Harrington’s personal accomplishments cannot be dismissed, even if new tests and treatments seem further away than she claims. Most of us never generate a speck of new scientific knowledge. To come back from tragedy, toil for decades, and then produce a promising approach for closer study … well, that may not be miraculous, but it matters all the same.

11 May 20:03

The New Jane Crow

by Michele Goodwin

With the Supreme Court poised to overturn Roe v. Wade, abortion access for tens of millions of women and girls across the nation may soon be a matter of the past. For many women of means, who can travel and pay for child care, the loss of Roe will be disruptive. For many poor women—particularly poor women of color—the loss will be deadly. This is the coming of the new Jane Crow.

Certain aspects of the era of the new Jane Crow are already predictable. First, high rates of maternal mortality will persist, and Black and brown women will disproportionately experience the blow and brunt of these deaths. Medicaid will not be expanded in anti-abortion states, nor will welfare benefits increase to meet families’ needs.

Second, states will turn to civil and criminal punishments of women and girls who seek abortions through medication or by traveling out of state. Even now, before Roe has fallen, lawmakers are working on such legislation. Third, just as the Jim Crow era sanctioned racism and racial profiling, the Jane Crow era will be marked by greater surveillance of pregnant women and the curation of laws, practices, and policies to justify stalking, watching, and policing women’s bodies. That is our near future.

Already today, we know how dangerous pregnancy and delivery can be. An American woman is 14 times more likely to die by carrying a pregnancy to term than by having an abortion—a fact the Supreme Court itself acknowledged in Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt just six years ago. In Louisiana, giving birth is roughly 57 times more dangerous for women than having an abortion. For Black women, the risk of death is especially dire—and especially in states eager to ban abortions. For example, according to the Mississippi Department of Health’s most recent investigation of maternal health and mortality, Black women accounted for “nearly 80% of pregnancy-related cardiac deaths” in that state; they also suffered from far greater rates of gestational diabetes, sepsis, and hemorrhaging. Black women in Mississippi are 118 times more likely to die from giving birth than from having an abortion. To be Black and pregnant in America is a deadly combination.

[Elizabeth Bruenig: Nothing beautiful survives the culture war]

Some of this devastation is the result of the anti-abortion movement itself, and in particular its white, male champions in statehouses across the South. These legislatures have targeted abortion providers for decades, stripping them of their ability to provide essential health-care services for poor women, including pap smears, cancer screenings, and contraception. Their efforts have contributed to the United States being the deadliest country in the developed world to be pregnant.

Surely Justice Samuel Alito and the four justices who, according to Politico, voted to sign on to his draft opinion are aware of this. But do they find such data relevant? Seemingly not, as the draft opinion barely acknowledges maternal deaths—and does so only in reference to 1973, not 2022.

Alito’s draft opinion is disturbing for many reasons, including its fundamental proposition that constitutional rights do not exist unless explicitly articulated or enumerated in the Constitution. (This principle casts into doubt the legitimacy of corporate religious personhood—an artful contrivance of law innovated in 2014 by Justice Alito himself in Burwell v. Hobby Lobby, a case that bestowed religious liberties on for-profit corporations that sought to limit contraceptive access for female employees on their insurance plans. Nowhere in the Constitution or the Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993 is it mentioned that for-profit corporations shall have religious identities and liberties. But here we are.)

Moreover, despite Alito’s apparent commitment to originalism and textualism, one of the most glaring omissions in his draft is the Constitution’s declaration that “all persons born or naturalized in the United States … are citizens of the United States.” The Constitution does not mention embryos, fetuses, or “unborn children.”

[Adam Serwer: Alito’s plan to repeal the 20th century]

Perhaps most troubling are the authorities Alito turns to. Alito writes about and relies on “Blackstone, Coke, Hale, and the like”—legal scholars who claimed that women had no independent existence apart from their husbands and fathers, were property, and could lawfully be subjected to physical punishment and even rape by their husband. According to the English jurist William Blackstone, this was for “her protection and benefit; so great a favourite is the female sex of the laws of England.”

In 1736, Matthew Hale’s treatise Historia Placitorum Coronae (“The History of the Pleas of the Crown”) maintained that a woman could not be raped by her husband. Hale proclaimed that marriage conveys unconditional consent: A wife has entered a binding contract and “hath given up herself in this kind unto her husband, which she cannot retract.”

For centuries, U.S. legislatures and judges, just like Alito, relied on Hale to justify the most egregious harms inflicted on women. Not until the late ’90s was marital rape finally punishable throughout the entirety of the United States—as this was ultimately a states’-rights issue. Ostensibly, Alito now proposes a states’-rights approach to rape and incest exceptions in abortion bans.

Leaving the protection of people who can become pregnant to the devices of hostile state legislatures has been and will be disastrous. In the past, such states’-rights approaches resulted in lower courts dismissing cases that involved spousal rape and incest. A century ago, in Roller v. Roller, the Washington Supreme Court ruled that a girl could not sue her father for rape. The court claimed that doing so would interrupt “domestic harmony.” But whose domestic harmony mattered? Certainly not that of the daughter who had been raped. In making such decisions, states relied on the very sources now cited by Alito to subject women and girls to second-class citizenship. It is those men from another century who are shaping the grim future ahead.

09 May 13:39

‘Mom Brain’ Isn’t a Joke

by Julie Bogen

You may have seen it on TV, in your workplace, or at school drop-off. Maybe you’ve had firsthand experience, been warned of its impending arrival, or met someone who’s had it themselves. It’s both a neurobiological phenomenon and an institutional failure. I’m talking about the malady—and the misconception—of “mom brain.”

When women invoke “mom brain,” they’re typically describing the experience of feeling scattered, distracted, forgetful, or disorganized as a result of being pregnant or having children. It’s frequently used as an apology (“So sorry I left my keys in the front door! I was juggling the groceries and our toddler! Mom brain!”). Obviously, parenthood comes along with sleep deprivation, especially in the newborn phase, and losing track of time or tasks is an expected side effect. There’s also evidence that pregnant women undergo shrinkages in the volume of gray matter in their brain that may be permanent, though many experts consider those shifts to be more of an adaptive “pruning” than a dulling.

Research has also shown that the brains of fathers and nonbiological parents change with caregiving experience, but one never hears about “dad brain”—there must be some kind of miraculous dad hormone that makes them immune to the affliction. And even though many neurobiological changes are beneficial, the connotations of “mom brain” are almost always negative. Pop culture is full of the stereotype of the harried, forgetful mom—like Kate McCallister from Home Alone, forgetting her youngest child in the chaos of trying to get out the door on vacation with four others. Mothers in real life use “mom brain” as an explanation or to apologize for when they drop balls or mismanage things on their to-do list. But much of the time, what’s really happening is that mom brains—like all other brains—short-circuit when they are overwhelmed.

[Read: The many faces of the “wine mom”]

In fact, “a lot of the ‘mom brain’ is just toxic stress … because of how much shit we are carrying, how much cognitive labor we’re doing,” Eve Rodsky, the author of the division-of-labor guide Fair Play, told me. Even before the pandemic, women were already doing two hours more daily housework than men. According to one survey, the majority of moms in mixed-sex relationships reported doing “more than their spouse or partner when it came to managing their children’s schedules and activities.” The pandemic only made things worse. Data show that in the early months of the pandemic, mothers who had previously been doing the majority of the household labor somehow took on even more, and in another study nearly half of parents reported an increase in stress. One study published in the Journal of Family Psychology found that time spent doing chores was linked to higher levels of the stress hormone cortisol. Furthermore, the higher the share of the housework someone was doing, the slower that cortisol went away. “To whatever extent we expect the household to be women’s domain, then that sort of extra stress burden is going to be disproportionate,” Darby Saxbe, the lead author on the paper and a University of Southern California psychology professor, told me.

This was roughly my own experience: The start of the pandemic coincided with the birth of our daughter, which was an extraordinarily stressful time. Since then, my husband has gone through two years of an internal-medicine residency at Walter Reed while I work from home full-time and have ended up managing the bulk of our domestic and parenting responsibilities. One time, when I flaked on a (luckily low-stakes) item on my to-do list, I took stock of everything else I had been worrying about that week: working my full-time job, solo parenting for days at a time while my husband worked, making calls to clinics to try and get help having a second baby, chasing down a package delivery that had been sent to the wrong house twice, going to the grocery store, getting our dryer vent fixed, troubleshooting our Roomba. The list goes on. That kind of multitasking is exhausting, and it’s no wonder that when things get really busy, I start dropping balls. When I’m that stressed, I also sometimes suffer from restlessness, panic attacks, and GI distress. I have to stop myself from saying I have “mom brain” when I can’t keep up with everything. I should be demanding the help I so clearly need, but between my husband’s nonnegotiable schedule at the hospital, my own fear of becoming the stereotype of a nagging shrew, and my anxiety around overextending our family financially by trying to outsource, that’s much easier said than done.

[Read: Becoming a parent during the pandemic was the hardest thing I’ve ever done]

Jessica Calarco, a sociology professor at Indiana University, told me she believes that what we think of as mom brain “is a product of the unequal burden that we have placed on women to do both the physical caregiving for children and also the logistical and mental work of caring for a whole household.” This is a particularly taxing psychological burden, by nature amorphous, impossible to schedule, and happening in the back of your mind 24/7. It’s things like noticing which groceries are running low and knowing what food the kids will eat, or being the one who plans family vacations—and makes sure everyone wakes up on time to make the flight. “The cognitive labor of running a household is as intense as running a Fortune 500 company,” Rodsky said. And her research supports this: Qualitative data from interviews conducted by Rodsky’s team from 2016 to 2018 revealed that, among 200 mothers who were managing more than two-thirds of the “conception and planning” of their household tasks while also working for pay, every single one had a physical manifestation of stress, such as a flare-up of an autoimmune disorder or insomnia.

Overwhelm can affect people’s psychological and physical condition. Chronic stress can trigger major psychiatric disorders, exacerbate cardiovascular strain, and have consequences related to poor birth outcomes. “There is absolutely reason to be concerned about the health of women exposed to chronic stress,” Christin Drake, a psychiatrist at NYU Langone, told me. Although “there are some important differences between women living in extremely stressful conditions like poverty and lack of safety and those experiencing stresses related to big jobs and limited child care, there is likely some overlap in the processes impacting these groups.” And for those who are overwhelmed by household responsibilities, while also experiencing other intense stressors like poverty, the effects could be even worse. When our culture dismisses “mom brain” as a punch line, it is abdicating responsibility for the overwork women are experiencing and its effects on their health.

While a little joke now and then is hardly responsible for such a complex problem, the phrase mom brain subtly sets mothers up to think there’s something wrong with us or one another, Lauren Smith Brody, the author of The Fifth Trimester and a co-founder of mothers’ rights collective Chamber of Mothers, told me. “In reality, there’s nothing wrong. We just are working in systems that don’t support us.”

Mothers don’t have to live like this. Paid leave, for example, is widely shown to not only benefit the birthing parent while they recover from a physical trauma and adapt to their new responsibilities; it also sets up non-birthing partners to be more involved in child-rearing in the future. If two parents in a household take paid leave, that time allows the family to set a healthy precedent for division of labor. A number of experts I spoke with mentioned that expanded access to postpartum health care could relieve some stress. (“Anything that makes a woman feel like she’s still the boss of her body elevates feelings of competency,” explained Kimberly Bell, the clinical director of a nonprofit in Shaker Heights, Ohio, that offers support and education for early childhood development and families). Communities can establish mom groups where mothers can find support and understanding. Partners can help by stepping up and improving their commitment to splitting chores. By treating mothering like an individualistic endeavor instead of a public responsibility, “we’re setting up mothers to fail,” Saxbe told me.

“Mom brain” isn’t some irreparable, irreversible symptom of motherhood. It’s a symptom of a society that doesn’t support mothers even as they contribute trillions of dollars worth of unpaid labor. “We are putting women at harm in terms of putting all these expectations on them,” says Sinmi Bamgbose, a reproductive psychiatrist in Los Angeles. “Mom brain” shouldn’t be something accepted as the status quo. Moms “please everybody, take care of everyone’s needs,” Bamgbose says. “I think they are breaking.”

06 May 14:07

Oklahoma’s Ban on Nonbinary Birth Certificates Isn’t Just Cruel. It’s Ahistorical.

by Susan J. Pearson
A.N

My brother and I were born in New Orleans. I have my race (black) on my birth certificate. My dad wasn't able to attend my brother's birth and my mom would only say his race was "human." This is how my brother didn't get a birth certificate until he was 13.

Late last month, Oklahoma became the first state in the country to explicitly prohibit a nonbinary gender marker on birth certificates. The legislation not only shows a profound disregard for the humanity of nonbinary people; it also rests on a mistaken belief that birth certificates are fixed records of neutral facts, and not subject to changing social values.

Sheila Dills, the Republican lawmaker who introduced the Oklahoma legislation, explained the rationale behind the law, saying, “We want clarity and truth on official state documents. Information should be based on established medical fact and not an ever-changing social dialogue.” In fact, the information that states record on birth certificates has fluctuated numerous times in the past century. And very often those changes came in response to a “social dialogue” in which Americans pushed back against state-imposed designations that encouraged stigmatization and discrimination.

The most prominent examples are state decisions to stop recording information about illegitimacy, adoption, and race on birth certificates. At one time, these classifications were required to be noted, meaning Americans often had to reveal these facts about themselves when applying for a job, a driver’s license, a marriage license, a passport—or in any other situation that would involve producing a birth certificate. But from 1930 to 1970, advocates for children and civil-rights proponents began to argue that such designations did more harm than good.

[Garrett Epps: How birth certificates are being weaponized against trans people]

In 1920, birth certificates in all states marked whether a baby was “legitimate” or not. Being born in or out of wedlock at the time was considered a salient fact about a person, one that determined, for instance, whether a child or an adult had a right to financial support or inheritance. Being labeled “illegitimate”—or worse, a “bastard”—also carried a social stigma. Because of this, in the 1920s, child-welfare advocates started making the case that states should no longer require the designation.

Writing in 1936, Lavinia Keys, of the South Carolina Department of Public Welfare, explained that she could find “no reason” that the state should record whether a birth was out of wedlock. “Certainly from a social point of view,” she continued, “it can do a great deal of harm.” During the ’30s and ’40s, as social mores continued to change, more and more states adopted Keys’s point of view. By 1960, the category had disappeared from birth records in every state.

Adoption followed a similar pattern. In 1920, an adopted child’s birth certificate would have shown that the adoptive parents were not the biological parents. By the middle of the 20th century, however, most states were issuing new birth certificates that recorded a child’s adoptive parents as the only parents, completely erasing the fact of adoption. As with illegitimacy, this change overlooked what Dills might term “clarity and truth” in the name of protecting the vulnerable from undue social stigma. Adoptees often were presumed to be the fruit of nonmarital sex; revealing that a child was adopted was as good as a public proclamation of illegitimacy.

Recording the race of a baby on a birth certificate was the last of these pillars to fall, but fall it did. During the Jim Crow era, racial classification on birth certificates was used to enforce segregation in contexts such as schooling, marriage, employment, and military service. It was also used, in states like Virginia, to force a binary Black/white racial system on multiracial communities and on groups that were neither Black nor white, such as Native Americans. Virginia’s Native people were forced to identify themselves on state documents as Black.

Beginning in the 1950s, Black doctors and civil-rights organizations began to question the classification, arguing that, as the NAACP put it at the time, “a statement of race had negligible scientific value and only served to lend a social stigma to an individual.” By 1968, the U.S. Census Bureau began issuing a “model” birth certificate for use in the states that no longer included any racial markers. Not only did every state eventually adopt this model; some, such as Massachusetts and California, passed legislation allowing people whose births had been registered before 1968 to apply for a new certificate that eliminated racial markers.

[Read: A birth certificate is a person’s first possession]

In all these cases, there was hardly consensus about whether and how to change birth certificates. With adoption, for example, some registrars of vital statistics objected that they were being made to issue documents that were no longer, in a strict sense, “true.” When the New York City Health Department became the first in the nation to issue race-neutral birth certificates, in 1961, the health commissioner of New Orleans responded by declaring that no one born in New York City would be able to marry in Louisiana, because the state’s law banning interracial marriage required the parties to submit a birth certificate to prove their race.

It’s not surprising that birth certificates have become a topic of debate again in 2022; many government documents are imperfect records of a population that is constantly changing. But there is a long American tradition of adapting birth documents to better suit the people they identify. Today, 15 states and the District of Columbia have added a nonbinary designation on birth certificates, and the U.S. State Department recently announced it will begin issuing gender-neutral passports.

Oklahoma’s recent law, however, carries on a darker tradition—of states like Virginia forcing people into categories as a form of discrimination, and in ways that diminish their true identities. In the past, American society has been willing to adjust birth documents to try to protect, rather than harm, those they identify. Will we do so again now?

05 May 17:24

May 4, 2022

by Heather Cox Richardson
A.N

"This moment seems to echo the days after the 1857 Dred Scott v Sandford decision took away voters’ ability to stop the spread of human enslavement. Like the draft decision we have seen this week, that decision was clearly political and drew on appallingly bad history to reach a conclusion that gave extraordinary power to the country’s wealthiest men. Horace Greeley, the prominent editor of the New York Daily Tribune, wrote that the Dred Scott decision was “entitled to just so much moral weight as would be the judgment of a majority of those congregated in any Washington bar-room.”

The uproar over the leaked draft of the Supreme Court decision overturning Roe v. Wade continues. You can tell just how furious the reaction has been by the fact that establishment Republicans are desperately trying to turn the public conversation to the question of who leaked the document. They are baselessly blaming the opposition to the decision—a Newsmax host blamed Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson, who hasn’t even taken her seat yet—for the leak, although observers point out that the leak seems more likely to have come from a hard-core right-wing antiabortion activist, since it will make it very hard for any of those justices currently in the majority to soften their stance.

The draft decision takes a sweepingly broad position against Roe v. Wade, declaring that the Fourteenth Amendment cannot protect the right to abortion because such a right is not “deeply rooted in this Nation’s history and tradition.” This opens the door to similar attacks on constitutional rights previously established by the Supreme Court: the right to use birth control, marry regardless of race and gender lines, and engage in sexual intimacy between consenting adults.

Republican lawmakers are downplaying the reach of the apparent decision, avoiding the question of whether gay rights are next on the chopping block. Bryan Metzger of Business Insider asked “nearly a dozen” Republican senators whether they think the draft decision overturning Roe v. Wade threatens the 2015 Obergefell v. Hodges decision recognizing the right to same-sex marriage, and whether they supported overturning the Obergefell decision. Metzger wrote: “None gave a clear yes or no answer, and several outright declined to comment.” A year ago, seventy percent of Americans supported gay marriage.

The popularity of civil rights might not matter much: law professors Melissa Murray and Leah Litman noted in the Washington Post that “[p]erhaps the most stunning feature of the opinion is that its indignant tone and aggressive reasoning make clear how empowered this conservative majority believes itself to be.”

Indeed, right-wing commentators are emboldened by the apparent success of their drive to take away the constitutional right to abortion. The Committee on Administration of Criminal Justice in the Louisiana legislature today reported favorably on a fetal personhood bill that protects “human life, created in the image of God…equally…from fertilization to natural death,” meaning that abortion is homicide and prosecutors can charge patients with murder.

Right-wing commentators today called for the court to end recognition of the right to gay marriage, and Texas governor Greg Abbott said that Texas might challenge the 1982 Plyler v. Doe decision, in which the Supreme Court ruled that the state could not withhold state funds to educate undocumented immigrant children from local school districts. “I think we will resurrect that case and challenge this issue again,” Abbott told a talk show host, “because the expenses are extraordinary and the times are different than when Plyler versus Doe was issued many decades ago.”

The draft decision has been a clarifying moment for the country. Washington Post columnist Jennifer Rubin told journalists to stop referring to the convulsions in the country today as “culture wars,” as if they were “a battle between two sides over hemlines or movie ratings.” Instead, she wrote, “This is religious tyranny…in which the right seeks to break through all restraints on government power in an effort to establish a society that aligns with a minority view of America as a White, Christian country.”

When reporters asked him about the draft, President Joe Biden said: “This MAGA crowd is really the most extreme political organization that’s existed in American history.”

Today documents from the Department of Justice revealed that on the evening of January 6th, after the rioters had left the Capitol, Stewart Rhodes, the leader of the right-wing Oath Keepers militia group, begged an individual who was in contact with then-president Trump to authorize his and similar groups to stop the transfer of power with force. The group had quick reaction force (QRF) teams, firearms, and combat gear stashed outside the city to use if called upon.

The individual refused to put Rhodes into direct contact with Trump, but the person appears to have been within the president’s inner circle, bringing the investigation closer to Trump. That night, court documents recorded, “Rhodes continued to discuss the need to prepare for a larger fight against the government akin to the American Revolutionary War.” (There seem to be an awful lot of references to 1776 around January 6, don’t there?)

Yet another leaked tape from House minority leader Kevin McCarthy (R-CA), in which he said that “what the president did is atrocious and totally wrong,” showed that immediately after the insurrection, even Republicans realized that Trump had gone too far, and their hope was simply to move him offstage and get people to focus on moving forward. The party quickly snapped back to his side, though, when it became clear that his base wouldn’t abandon him.

”One of the most stunning and sad things in my view that has happened since January 6 has been the realization that the vast majority of...my party, when the chips were down and the time of testing came, they didn't do the right thing,” Representative Liz Cheney (R-WY), one of the two Republicans to sit on the House Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the U.S. Capitol, said today.

The events of January 6 did not prompt many leading supporters to break from the Republican Party, but this attempt to erase our rights and establish a state religion might spark a political realignment.

This moment seems to echo the days after the 1857 Dred Scott v Sandford decision took away voters’ ability to stop the spread of human enslavement. Like the draft decision we have seen this week, that decision was clearly political and drew on appallingly bad history to reach a conclusion that gave extraordinary power to the country’s wealthiest men. Horace Greeley, the prominent editor of the New York Daily Tribune, wrote that the Dred Scott decision was “entitled to just so much moral weight as would be the judgment of a majority of those congregated in any Washington bar-room.”

Three months later, the Illinois Republican Party nominated Abraham Lincoln for senator. With his acceptance speech, he began the process of reclaiming equality as the central principle of the United States by giving his famous House Divided speech in which he warned that there was a plan afoot to spread enslavement across the entire country.

In the present, not only are the streets full of protesters, but also the three Republican governors in New England—Charlie Baker (MA), Chris Sununu (NH), and Phil Scott (VT)-—have all said they will protect abortion rights in their states. Levi Strauss & Company, the clothing manufacturer, today called on business leaders to protect the health and well-being of their employees, defending the reproductive rights that have enabled women to participate more fully in the economy in the past 50 years.

The world has changed since the Supreme Court decided Roe v. Wade in 1973. Levi Strauss noted that today, 58% of its workforce is female. And as Rebecca Solnit pointed out in The Guardian, the various groups now under attack form a broad coalition. “It doesn’t really matter if they’re coming for you, because they’re coming for us,” she wrote. And “[u]s these days means pretty much everyone who’s not a straight white Christian man with rightwing politics.”

Justice Samuel Alito, the author of the draft opinion, has canceled a public appearance tomorrow. And tonight, according to Washington, D.C., journalist Lindsay Watts, security officials have begun to install non-scalable fencing around the Supreme Court.

Notes:

https://www.legis.la.gov/Legis/ViewDocument.aspx?d=1259299

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/05/04/justice-alito-leaked-supreme-court-abortion-ruling-way-beyond-roe/

https://www.statesman.com/story/news/2022/05/04/gov-greg-abbott-supreme-court-case-requiring-education-undocumented-children/9652463002/

https://www.nytimes.com/live/2022/05/04/us/roe-v-wade-supreme-court-abortion#in-new-england-republican-governors-vow-to-support-abortion-rights

https://www.businessinsider.com/republican-senators-scotus-same-sex-marriage-abortion-obergefell-2022-5

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/05/04/culture-wars-diminishes-danger/

https://www.axios.com/2022/05/04/biden-maga-crowd-extreme

https://www.justice.gov/usao-dc/press-release/file/1499056/download

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2022/may/04/trump-oath-keepers-capitol-attack

https://www.cnn.com/2022/05/04/politics/mccarthy-audio-25th-amendment-biden/index.html

https://www.levistrauss.com/2022/05/04/protecting-reproductive-rights-a-business-imperative/

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2022/may/03/heres-how-americans-can-fight-back-to-protect-abortion-rights

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05 May 16:54

Houndsy Kibble Dispenser

by swissmiss
A.N

I'm just fascinated by... i dunoo, this doesn't feel needed, and yet..

This Dog Kibble Dispenser has me mesmerized. (I am currently using this for my dog food.)

04 May 18:19

May 3, 2022

by Heather Cox Richardson

In 1985, President Ronald Reagan’s team made a conscious effort to bring evangelicals and social conservatives into the voting base of the Republican Party. The Republicans’ tax cuts and deregulation had not created the prosperity party leaders had promised, and they were keenly aware that their policies might well not survive the upcoming 1986 midterm elections. To find new voters, they turned to religious groups that had previously shunned politics.

“Traditional Republican business groups can provide the resources,” political operative Grover Norquist explained, “but these groups can provide the votes.” To keep that base riled up, the Republican Party swung behind efforts to take away women’s constitutional right to abortion, which the Supreme Court had recognized by a vote of 7–2 in its 1973 Roe v. Wade decision and then reaffirmed in 1992 in Planned Parenthood v. Casey.

Although even as recently as last week, only about 28% of Americans wanted Roe v. Wade overturned, Republicans continued to promise their base that they would see that decision destroyed. Indeed, the recognition that evangelical voters would turn out to win a Supreme Court seat might have been one of the reasons then–Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell refused to hold hearings for then-president Barack Obama’s nominee for the Supreme Court, Merrick Garland. Leaving that seat empty was a tangible prize to turn those voters out behind Donald Trump, whose personal history of divorces and sexual assault was not necessarily attractive to evangelicals, in 2016.

But, politically, the Republicans could not actually do what they promised: not only is Roe v. Wade popular, but also it recognizes a constitutional right that Americans have assumed for almost 50 years. The Supreme Court has never taken away a constitutional right, and politicians rightly feared what would happen if they attacked that fundamental right.

Last night, a leaked draft of a Supreme Court decision, written by Justice Samuel Alito, revealed that the court likely intends to overturn Roe v. Wade, taking away a woman’s constitutional right to reproductive choice. In the decision, Alito declared that what Americans want doesn’t matter: “We cannot allow our decisions to be affected by any extraneous influences such as concern about the public’s reaction to our work,” he wrote.

The dog has caught the car.

Democrats are outraged; so are the many Republican voters who dismissed Democratic alarms about the antiabortion justices Trump was putting on the court because they believed Republican assurances that the Supreme Court justices nominated by Republican presidents and confirmed with Republican votes would honor precedent and leave Roe v. Wade alone. Today, clips of nomination hearings circulated in which Justices Amy Coney Barrett, Brett Kavanaugh, Neil Gorsuch, Clarence Thomas, and even Samuel Alito–—the presumed majority in favor of overturning Roe v. Wade—assured the members of the Senate Judiciary Committee that they considered Roe v. Wade and the 1992 Planned Parenthood v. Casey decision upholding Roe settled law and had no agenda to challenge them.

Those statements were made under oath by those seeking confirmation to our highest judicial body, and they now appear to have been misleading, at best. In addition, the decision itself is full of right-wing talking points and such poor history that historians have spent the day explaining the actual history of abortion in the United States. This sloppiness suggests that the decision—should it be handed down in its current state—is politically motivated. And in a Pew poll conducted in February, 84% of Americans said they believed that justices should not bring their political views into their decision making.

Senator Susan Collins (R-ME) and Senator Lisa Murkowski (R-AK) provided key votes for Trump’s nominees and are now on the defensive. Collins publicly defended her votes for both Gorsuch and Kavanaugh around the time of their confirmation, saying she did not believe they would overturn Roe. She noted that Gorsuch was a co-author of “a whole book” on the importance of precedent, and that she had “full confidence” that Kavanaugh would not try to overturn Roe. Murkowski voted to confirm Gorsuch and Barrett.

Collins today said: “If this leaked draft opinion is the final decision and this reporting is accurate, it would be completely inconsistent with what Justice Gorsuch and Justice Kavanaugh said in their hearings and in our meetings in my office.” Like Collins, Murkowski noted that the final decision could change, but ‘if it goes in the direction that this leaked copy has indicated, I will just tell you that it rocks my confidence in the court right now.” The draft is not going in “the direction that I believed that the court would take based on statements that have been made about Roe being settled and being precedent.”

Washington Post columnist Jennifer Rubin suggested that the Senate Judiciary Committee should hold hearings on whether the justices lied in their confirmation hearings, and call Senators Collins and Murkowski as witnesses.

This apparent shift from what they had promised is a searing blow at the legitimacy of the Supreme Court, which was already staggering under the reality that three of the current justices were nominated by Donald Trump, who lost the popular vote and then tried to destroy our democracy; two were nominated by George W. Bush, who also lost the popular vote in his first term; and one other is married to someone who supported the January 6 insurrection and yet refused to recuse himself from at least one case in which she might be implicated.

Today, Republicans tried to turn this story into one about the leak of the draft document, which is indeed a rare occurrence (although not unprecedented), rather than the decision itself. Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) blamed the leaker for attacking the legitimacy of the court, although McConnell’s refusal in 2016 to hold hearings for Obama’s Supreme Court nominee on the grounds that eight months was too close to an election to confirm a justice before shoving Barrett through in October 2020 when balloting was already underway arguably did more to undermine the court’s legitimacy. Echoing him, one commentator said the draft leak was worse than the January 6 insurrection.

But while McConnell and the right wing are implying that a liberal justice’s office leaked the draft, there is no evidence either way. Observers note, in fact, that the leak would help the right wing more than the dissenters, since it would likely lock in votes. Those trying to blame the liberal justices did not comment on an apparent leak from Chief Justice Roberts’s office that suggested he wanted a more moderate decision. Jennifer Rubin suggested calling the bluff of those blaming the liberal justices: she proposed agreeing that whichever office leaked the draft ought to recuse from the final decision.

Republican politicians have largely stayed silent on the draft decision itself today, but the reaction of Nevada Republican Adam Laxalt, who is running for Senate, suggested the pretzel Republican politicians are going to tie themselves into in order to play to the base without alienating the majority. Laxalt issued a statement on Twitter that said the leaked draft represented a “historic victory for the sanctity of life,” but also said that since abortion is legal in Nevada, “no matter the Court’s ultimate decision on Roe, it is currently settled law in our state.”

Democrats, though, are not only defending the constitutional right recognized by Roe v. Wade, but also calling attention to the draft’s statement that the Fourteenth Amendment under which the Supreme Court has protected civil rights since the 1950s can cover only rights that are “deeply rooted in this Nation’s history and tradition.”

It seems likely that the right-wing justices, who are demonstrating their radicalism by overturning a 50-year precedent, are prepared to undermine a wide range of constitutional rights on the grounds—however inaccurate—that those rights are not deeply rooted in the justices’ own version of this nation’s history and tradition.

Protesters turned out in front of the Supreme Court and across the country today vowing that women will not go backward. As actress Ashley Nicole Black tweeted: “There's a particular slap to the face of being told we can vote for abortion rights, by the court that gutted voting rights.”

Notes:

https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/05/03/most-americans-say-supreme-court-should-uphold-roe-post-abc-poll-finds/

https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2022/02/02/publics-views-of-supreme-court-turned-more-negative-before-news-of-breyers-retirement/

https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2022/05/the-scotus-leak-is-good-actually.html

https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/05/03/murkowski-collins-roe-abortion-opinion/

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2021/12/03/supreme-court-conservatives-lied/

https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/2022/05/03/originalists-misreading-constitution-silence-abortion/

https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-05-03/mcconnell-calls-leaked-abortion-draft-decision-stunning-breach

https://www.politico.com/news/2022/05/02/supreme-court-abortion-draft-opinion-00029473

https://www.npr.org/sections/pictureshow/2022/05/04/1096525936/see-protests-grow-across-the-country-as-the-supreme-court-deals-with-roe-v-wade

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26 Apr 15:52

A Smarter Way to Divide Chores?

by Joe Pinsker

In theory, coming up with a fair division of housework should be simple: Take all the tasks and divide them in two.

In practice, it’s more complicated. Some people find certain tasks more bearable than their partners do. Some chores are ones that no one wants to do. And, on average, women end up bearing a disproportionate share of their household’s chore burden. A new study adds another variable in the equation of couples’ (dis)satisfaction with how they split up chores: It found that men and women in long-term, different-sex partnerships tend to be happier with their relationship when they share responsibility for each chore on their to-do list, as opposed to when each partner has their own set of tasks. In other words, a couple in which one partner cooks and cleans and the other does the dishes and laundry will, on average, be less satisfied than a couple in which both partners jointly tackle all four chores.

“There is something to having all these tasks on your plate, as your sole responsibility, that … seems to undermine a person’s sense of happiness in their relationship,” said Daniel Carlson, the author of the study, as well as a sociologist at the University of Utah and a board member of the Council on Contemporary Families, a nonpartisan research group.

[Read: The myth that gets men out of doing chores]

Although the study analyzes detailed survey data gathered from couples in the early 1990s and mid-2000s, the basic contours—and inequities—of how housework is divided haven’t changed much since then. In one data set Carlson looked at, couples who managed each chore jointly were twice as likely to say that their division of labor was fair than couples who assigned chores to one partner or another—even though both groups split the overall workload more or less equally. The data didn’t cover same-sex couples, but Carlson suspects the study’s results apply to them as well.

To be clear, these findings don’t necessarily mean that a certain chore distribution caused couples to become happier—couples that are happier and more cooperative may be more likely to share responsibilities for every chore in the first place. That said, if the chore distribution is what matters, maybe the explanation is that sharing responsibilities builds a spirit of teamwork, or encourages couples to communicate better. A “grass is greener” effect could also be at play; if you never have to fold the laundry, that task may start to seem more tolerable than the pile of dirty dishes you’re about to work through.

Yet another possibility: “There might be something about really understanding all the work in the home … that makes people appreciate [their partner] and what they’re doing more deeply,” Melissa Milkie, a sociologist at the University of Toronto who wasn’t involved in the study, told me. “If you’re the partner that never cleans the bathroom, you might not realize how much energy it takes.”

This points to a way that couples might make their division of labor feel fairer without greatly altering the amount of time each person commits to housework. “You’re not being asked to do more,” Carlson told me. “It’s just changing where you’re devoting your energies.”

Sharing tasks in this way gives couples aiming for an equal chore split something to experiment with. Milkie suggested that couples might try a week of sharing chores that they don’t usually share, or occasionally swapping chores, so that each partner gets a reminder of the annoyances that the other encounters regularly.

Additional research supports the idea that there could be value in having each partner do at least some of every task. Last year, I interviewed gender scholars about how they pursued equal partnerships in their own life. One sociologist told me he was aware that some men spend less time looking after their kids because women are considered to be “better” at parenting, and so he purposely started supervising his son’s bath time, even though the child acted out less when his wife was the one doing it. Eventually, though, the researcher became just as “good” at bath time as his wife.

The patterns that couples fall into when divvying up household tasks are often gendered and unfair, but this might be one way to try busting out of them. Perhaps sharing more chores could lead to more of a shared understanding of all the work that goes into managing a home.

21 Apr 11:31

I am making an Exploding Kittens TV series at Netflix

by Matthew Inman
I am making an Exploding Kittens TV series at Netflix

It's being produced by Mike Judge and Greg Daniels.

View on my website

18 Apr 14:41

April 16, 2022

by Heather Cox Richardson

And just like that, it’s spring again, and the world in this part of the globe, once again, is waking up.

There’s a lot of work ahead of us in the next several months, but for now, let’s take a deep breath and take the night off. 

My very best wishes to those observing Passover, Ramadan, and Easter.

I'll see you tomorrow.

[“Eastbound,” by Buddy Poland.]

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12 Apr 13:44

Don’t Hesitate

by swissmiss

If you suddenly and unexpectedly feel joy,
don’t hesitate. Give in to it. There are plenty
of lives and whole towns destroyed or about
to be. We are not wise, and not very often
kind. And much can never be redeemed.
Still, life has some possibility left. Perhaps this
is its way of fighting back, that sometimes
something happens better than all the riches
or power in the world. It could be anything,
but very likely you notice it in the instant
when love begins. Anyway, that’s often the case.
Anyway, whatever it is, don’t be afraid
of its plenty. Joy is not made to be a crumb.
– Mary Oliver

08 Apr 14:52

lemon cream meringues

by deb

I don’t trust anyone who doesn’t like lemon curd. You, in turn, might choose not to trust anyone who makes bold, sweeping, and questionably necessary proclamations, but if I were to pick a completely superfluous soapbox to stand on, it’s currently this. Everyone loves lemon curd. The only thing better than lemon curd is lemon curd against a pillowy meringue and a plume of softly whipped cream. These three flavors together are the basis of so many desserts, including a chaotic one I call a Lemon Meringue Pie Smash in my second cookbook. It was while working on this recipe that I got my go-to lemon curd down to a simple formula that never fails, and also came to appreciate the culinary harmony of a dessert that doesn’t leave us with leftover stray egg whites or yolks.

Read more »

04 Apr 21:33

How To Pick Up A Duck

by swissmiss

31 Mar 20:35

Seriously, Why Not Get a Fourth Shot?

by Rachel Gutman

The FDA and CDC have cleared the way for Americans older than 50 to get a second booster shot—but they don’t quite suggest that everyone in that age group should do so. Like masking and many other pandemic-control measures, a fourth dose (or third, for the J&Jers in the back) is now a matter of personal judgment, even as another wave of COVID cases seems poised to break. That leaves millions of Americans and their doctors to perform their own risk-benefit analysis.

[Read: Another COVID wave is looming]

Or perhaps it’s just a risk analysis. The upsides of a fourth shot are indeed uncertain: The best we can say right now is that its protective effects are probably modest and temporary (with greater benefits for older people). But a modest, temporary boost is still better than nothing—so why not go ahead and get one, just in case? What, if any, risks would that actually entail?

The potential downsides of an extra boost have so far been described in rather vague, confusing terms. A New York Times article published Tuesday, “Should You Get Another Booster?,” warned that repeated boosting “offers diminishing results.” (Again: Sounds better than nothing!) The article also said that getting too many original-vaccine doses could make your body less responsive to an improved formula, and that it might be worse for your longer-term immunity than waiting. Céline Gounder, a former member of President Joe Biden’s COVID transition team, pointed out on Twitter yesterday that repeated boosting could pose certain “psychological risks,” including “vaccine fatigue and skepticism”—but these are more relevant to public-health officials than individual Americans seeking shots.

[Read: America’s flu-shot problem is also its next COVID-shot problem]

For those seeking clarity, here’s what we know for sure. A second round of boosters will come with two cons: They’ll cause side effects such as fever and body aches, probably at about the same level as side effects from a first booster, and they’ll be expensive for uninsured Americans, thanks to the government’s rejecting billions in COVID spending this month. Beyond that, the risks are only theoretical. “There’s no good data in humans yet for SARS-CoV-2 that boosting too frequently is going to cause damage to the system,” John Wherry, an immunologist at the University of Pennsylvania, told me.

A couple of potential drawbacks can be ruled out right away. According to one idea, too many boosters could lead to something called “immune exhaustion,” in which a person’s relevant T cells, after trying to fight off an intruder for years on end, begin to wear down. They “become literally exhausted; they are no longer functional,” Akiko Iwasaki, an immunologist at Yale, told me. This can affect people with chronic infections such as HIV, or even tumors. But vaccines involve limited, not chronic, exposure to the coronavirus’s spike protein, and there’s no evidence that boosters spaced four months apart would exhaust anyone’s immune system, Iwasaki said—although “if you’re giving it every week, that’s a different story.”

Another virtually moot risk is one floated in the Times: that repeated exposure to a vaccine designed around the original SARS-CoV-2 virus could train a person’s immune system (through a process called imprinting) so narrowly that it won’t recognize new variants. Such an effect is theoretically possible, but not supported by evidence and not worth worrying about at this point, Marion Pepper, an immunologist at the University of Washington, told me.

[Read: Our relationship with COVID vaccines is just getting started]

Getting an unnecessary shot could, in theory, put you at an immunological disadvantage in another way, by interfering with your immune response to a previous COVID shot or infection. One recent study, set to be published in Cell in April, found that people who received three shots saw their antibody levels rise by a factor of up to 100. But among people who had also gotten COVID—that is, those for whom the booster represented a fourth exposure, rather than a third—the increase was much smaller. That’s an example of the “diminishing returns” problem, which wouldn’t really matter if you cared only about your antibody levels. (A lot plus a little is still more than a lot.) But Wherry, who led the Cell study, told me that the smaller increase might have knock-on effects in other parts of the immune system, and end up limiting the B cells that will react to the virus the next time you encounter it.

Here’s how that works: When you get a booster shot or become sick with COVID after being vaccinated, some of your B cells will enter a structure in the lymphoid tissue called a germinal center, a sort of training camp that produces other, more diverse B cells that can respond to all sorts of invaders. If you leave those training camps alone for long enough, they’ll also produce long-lived plasma cells, which hang out in your bone marrow and manufacture antibodies all the time. But an extra booster shot could interrupt that process, Pepper told me, leaving you without the full, long-term benefit of those plasma cells.

[Read: Show your immune system some love]

All of this means that the longer you wait between shots, the more durable the protection you get. In animals, Wherry said, the benefits of waiting start to plateau after about six months, but in humans, the optimal delay isn’t known. Pepper doesn’t think this drawback would come into play for those who got their third shot at least four months ago, as the CDC recommends. “I don’t think getting a booster is going to disrupt anything,” she said. She also recommended that people wait at least four months after their most recent infection for the same reason. But if you get two boosters within, say, a month, Pepper suspects that you’d end up with less protection in the long run than if you’d gotten only one.

Wherry is more inclined to see a possible trade-off, albeit a small and uncertain one. Even if it’s been at least four months since your last booster or infection, choosing whether to get a shot could mean balancing some short-term protection against infection (largely conferred by antibodies) with some long-term protection against severe disease and death (the domain of B and T cells), he told me. Wherry said that older people should give more weight to the former, because as we age, our B- and T-cell responses tend to slow down. Still, everyone should make that decision with their doctor, taking their own health into account. “A 67-year-old marathon runner with no comorbidities, no health issues, is going to be a very different scenario than a 72-year-old lymphoma patient on immune-modifying drugs.”

[Read: We might not need annual COVID shots]

What about the risk of getting a booster now, and therefore missing out on the full effects of some new and better COVID vaccine in the next four months? For now, this doesn’t seem like a significant concern. New vaccines that have been tailored to the altered spike proteins of the Omicron variant so far don’t appear to work any better than the original formulas. And any new vaccine based on something other than the spike protein won’t be affected by an encounter with our existing shots, Wherry said. Yale’s Iwasaki, who works on mucosal vaccines, said that many designs might even be made stronger by a recent vaccination or infection. If we do get a truly unfamiliar variant and need a truly new vaccine to combat it, producing and distributing one would probably take more than four months anyway.

30 Mar 19:31

Digital Illustrations by Eiko Ojala

by swissmiss
30 Mar 14:10

Everything Everywhere All at Once Is a Mind-Bending Multiverse Fantasy

by David Sims

The term multiverse has gone from a buzzword in theoretical physics to a tenet of blockbuster storytelling. If filmmakers want one Spider-Man to shake another one’s hand on-screen, or if studios need to explain how multiple actors can play Batman across different movies, then they can always lean on the notion of parallel universes. In Everything Everywhere All at Once, the multiverse crashes into the mundane, as the film uses comic-book logic to pose a question nearly everyone has asked themselves at some point: What if my life had gone in another direction?

That anxiety hangs in the air around Evelyn Wang (played by Michelle Yeoh), a Chinese American woman who operates a laundromat with her sweet, if guileless, husband, Waymond (Ke Huy Quan). Her relationship with her daughter, Joy (Stephanie Hsu), is frosty, particularly around the subject of the girlfriend Joy wants to bring to a family party; Evelyn’s disapproving father (James Hong) spends many scenes glowering in the background. As her troubled business is being audited by a domineering IRS inspector (Jamie Lee Curtis), Evelyn is dragged into a closet by her husband and informed that she’s the only person who can save the entire multiverse from total annihilation.

How? Well, by tapping into all the infinite Evelyns out there, of course, and doing battle with a mysterious, cross-dimensional warlord. The version of Waymond who recruits her is from another world, one already in the middle of an apocalypse, and he demonstrates his different identity by taking on a gaggle of security guards armed only with a fanny pack. In this genre-defying new film from Daniel Kwan and Daniel Scheinert (a directorial team known as Daniels), the multiverse is an ocean of possibilities, filled with Evelyns who have collectively done and seen everything imaginable. But that fantasy premise is a double-edged sword: These other Evelyns have surprising skills to lend, but also alluring memories of events that Evelyn herself will never get to experience.

In Everything Everywhere All at Once, Evelyn learns how to shift among realities like tuning the dial on a radio, accessing abilities such as kung-fu mastery, opera singing, and extreme dexterity with her toes, every time catching glimpses of other lives. What would’ve happened had she not chosen to marry Waymond or move to the United States, or if she lived in a world where everyone had hot dogs dangling off their hands instead of fingers? Daniels stuffs the frame with flashes of memory, paying homage to different genres and mimicking specific film aesthetics; the directors hop from stop-motion animation to wuxia to a breathtaking re-creation of Wong Kar-wai’s In the Mood for Love.

The experience is overwhelming, familiar territory for Daniels, whose debut feature film, Swiss Army Man, was a charming but outrageous tale of a man bonding with a talking, farting corpse while stranded on a desert island. The premise of Everything Everywhere All at Once demands a kitchen-sink approach, but at moments during its 139-minute running time, I was begging for a break from the dense world-building monologues and montages. The writer-directors’ expansive sci-fi thinking is absolutely joyous, although the boundless scope also means the movie could just go on explaining forever, and at certain points in the slightly soggy middle, I worried it might.

[Read: Pop culture is having a metaphysical moment]

What keeps Everything Everywhere All at Once from falling into a black hole of sprawling thought is its wonderful central performances, and the emotional through line that Yeoh and Quan follow amid all the chaos. The film’s fantasy conceit lines up with the melancholic question at the core of Evelyn and Waymond’s relationship—would they have been better off apart? As the movie cycles through different realities, it keeps presenting ways that their bond makes some ineffable sense. This film is not a grandiose tale of love transcending all, but it does find all kinds of sweet, specific ways to portray a lasting partnership.

Yeoh initially presents Evelyn as dismissive and worn down, but as the film goes on she starts revealing her vulnerabilities, her fear of disappointment, and her aversion to commitment of any kind. Though her character is distinctive and well-drawn, her preoccupation with roads not taken is a universal one, beautifully externalized by the multiversal war she gets pulled into. Quan, who has had few major roles in film since his stardom as a young actor, gives a rich and grounded performance as someone far less troubled by his past choices, a gentle partner who’s also not as naive as he initially lets on.

The other major narrative thread of Everything Everywhere All at Once is Evelyn’s bond with her daughter, Joy, who is facing a future of immeasurable possibility, and (like so many young people) feels stuck trying to make even one choice, burdened both by family expectation and existential anxieties. I won’t spoil the masterful direction Daniels takes this relationship in and will just say that here is where the film displays its underlying maturity, amid all the hot-dog fingers and talking rocks. The multiverse is an exciting notion, and a narratively thrilling one. But it’s also a useful way of illustrating the quotidian dissatisfactions of life—feelings that anyone can relate to but that we can choose not to drown in.

24 Mar 17:11

Ukraine’s Three-to-One Advantage

by Elliot Ackerman
A.N

made me think of agile vs. waterfall, which is a deeply ignorant over-simplification. But its what I thought.

A few nights ago in Lviv, after an early dinner (restaurants shut at 8 p.m. because of curfew), I stepped into the elevator of my hotel. I was chatting with a colleague when a man in early middle age, dressed and equipped like a backpacker, thrust his hand into the closing door. “You guys American?” he asked. I told him we were, and as he reached for the elevator button, I couldn’t help but notice his dirty hands and the half-moons of filth beneath each fingernail. I also noticed his fleece. It had an eagle, a globe, and an anchor embossed on its left breast. “You a Marine?” I asked. He said he was (or had been—once a Marine, always a Marine), and I told him that I’d served in the Marines too.

He introduced himself (he’s asked that I not use his name, so let’s just call him Jed), and we did a quick swap of bona fides, exchanging the names of the units in which we’d both served as infantrymen a decade ago. Jed asked if I knew where he could get a cup of coffee, or at least a cup of tea. He had, after a 10-hour journey, only just arrived from Kyiv. He was tired and cold, and everything was closed.  

A little cajoling persuaded the hotel restaurant to boil Jed a pot of water and hand him a few tea bags. When I wished him a good night, he asked if I wanted some tea too. The way he asked—like a kid pleading for a last story before bed—persuaded me to stay a little while longer. He wanted someone to talk with.

[Read: A month of war has transformed Ukraine]

As Jed sat across from me in the empty restaurant, with his shoulders hunched forward over the table and his palms cupped around the tea, he explained that since arriving in Ukraine at the end of February, he had been fighting as a volunteer along with a dozen other foreigners outside Kyiv. The past three weeks had marked him. When I asked how he was holding up, he said the combat had been more intense than anything he’d witnessed in Afghanistan. He seemed conflicted, as if he wanted to talk about this experience, but not in terms that could turn emotional. Perhaps to guard against this, he began to discuss the technical aspects of what he’d seen, explaining in granular detail how the outmanned, outgunned Ukrainian military had fought the Russians to a standstill.

First, Jed wanted to discuss anti-armor weapons, particularly the American-made Javelin and the British-made NLAW. The past month of fighting had demonstrated that the balance of lethality had shifted away from armor, and toward anti-armor weapons. Even the most advanced armor systems, such as the Russian T-90 series main battle tank, had proved vulnerable, their charred husks littering Ukrainian roadways.

When I mentioned to Jed that I’d fought in Fallujah in 2004, he said that the tactics the Marine Corps used to take that city would never work today in Ukraine. In Fallujah, our infantry worked in close coordination with our premier tank, the M1A2 Abrams. On several occasions, I watched our tanks take direct hits from rocket-propelled grenades (typically older-generation RPG-7s) without so much as a stutter in their forward progress. Today, a Ukrainian defending Kyiv or any other city, armed with a Javelin or an NLAW, would destroy a similarly capable tank.

If the costly main battle tank is the archetypal platform of an army (as is the case for Russia and NATO), then the archetypal platform of a navy (particularly America’s Navy) is the ultra-costly capital ship, such as an aircraft carrier. Just as modern anti-tank weapons have turned the tide for the outnumbered Ukrainian army, the latest generation of anti-ship missiles (both shore- and sea-based) could in the future—say, in a place like the South China Sea or the Strait of Hormuz—turn the tide for a seemingly outmatched navy. Since February 24, the Ukrainian military has convincingly displayed the superiority of an anti-platform-centric method of warfare. Or, as Jed put it, “In Afghanistan, I used to feel jealous of those tankers, buttoned up in all that armor. Not anymore.”

This brought Jed to the second subject he wanted to discuss: Russian tactics and doctrine. He said he had spent much of the past few weeks in the trenches northwest of Kyiv. “The Russians have no imagination,” he said. “They would shell our positions, attack in large formations, and when their assaults failed, do it all over again. Meanwhile, the Ukrainians would raid the Russian lines in small groups night after night, wearing them down.” Jed’s observation echoed a conversation I’d had the day before with Andriy Zagorodnyuk. After Russia’s invasion of the Donbas in 2014, Zagorodnyuk oversaw a number of reforms to the Ukrainian military that are now bearing fruit, chief among them changes in Ukraine’s military doctrine; then, from 2019 to 2020, he served as minister of defense.

Russian doctrine relies on centralized command and control, while mission-style command and control—as the name suggests—relies on the individual initiative of every soldier, from the private to the general, not only to understand the mission but then to use their initiative to adapt to the exigencies of a chaotic and ever-changing battlefield in order to accomplish that mission. Although the Russian military has modernized under Vladimir Putin, it has never embraced the decentralized mission-style command-and-control structure that is the hallmark of NATO militaries, and that the Ukrainians have since adopted.

“The Russians don’t empower their soldiers,” Zagorodnyuk explained. “They tell their soldiers to go from Point A to Point B, and only when they get to Point B will they be told where to go next, and junior soldiers are rarely told the reason they are performing any task. This centralized command and control can work, but only when events go according to plan. When the plan doesn’t hold together, their centralized method collapses. No one can adapt, and you get things like 40-mile-long traffic jams outside Kyiv.”

[Eliot A. Cohen: Why can't the West admit Ukraine is winning?]

The individual Russian soldier’s lack of knowledge corresponded with a story Jed told me, one that drove home the consequences of this lack of knowledge on the part of individual Russian soldiers. During a failed night assault on his trench, a group of Russian soldiers got lost in the nearby woods. “Eventually, they started calling out,” he said. “I couldn’t help it; I felt bad. They had no idea where to go.”

When I asked what happened to them, he returned a grim look.

Instead of recounting that part of the story, he described the advantage Ukrainians enjoy in night-vision technology. When I told him I’d heard the Ukrainians didn’t have many sets of night-vision goggles, he said that was true, and that they did need more. “But we’ve got Javelins. Everyone’s talking about the Javelins as an anti-tank weapon, but people forget that the Javelins also have a CLU.”

The CLU, or command launch unit, is a highly capable thermal optic that can operate independent of the missile system. In Iraq and Afghanistan, we would often carry at least one Javelin on missions, not because we expected to encounter any al-Qaeda tanks, but because the CLU was such an effective tool. We’d use it to watch road intersections and make sure no one was laying down IEDs. The Javelin has a range in excess of a mile, and the CLU is effective at that distance and beyond.

I asked Jed at what ranges they were engaging the Russians. “Typically, the Ukrainians would wait and ambush them pretty close.” When I asked how close, he answered, “Sometimes scary close.” He described one Ukrainian, a soldier he and a few other English speakers had nicknamed “Maniac” because of the risks he’d take engaging Russian armor. “Maniac was the nicest guy, totally mild-mannered. Then in a fight, the guy turned into a psycho, brave as hell. And then after a fight, he’d go right back to being this nice, mild-mannered guy.”

I wasn’t in a position to verify anything Jed told me, but he showed me a video he’d taken of himself in a trench, and based on that and details he provided about his time in the Marines, his story seemed credible. The longer we talked, the more the conversation veered away from the tangible, technical variables of Ukraine’s military capacity and toward the psychology of Ukraine’s military. Napoleon, who fought many battles in this part of the world, observed that “the moral is to the physical as three is to one.” I was thinking of this maxim as Jed and I finished our tea.

In Ukraine—at least in this first chapter of the war—Napoleon’s words have held true, proving in many ways decisive. In my earlier conversation with Zagorodnyuk, as he and I went through the many reforms and technologies that had given the Ukrainian military its edge, he was quick to point out the one variable he believed trumped all others. “Our motivation—it is the most important factor, more important than anything. We’re fighting for the lives of our families, for our people, and for our homes. The Russians don’t have any of that, and there’s nowhere they can go to get it.”  

24 Mar 14:28

Trying Too Hard

by swissmiss

“It’s dark because you are trying too hard. Lightly child, lightly… Just lightly let things happen and lightly cope with them…throw away your baggage and go forward. There are quicksands all about you…trying to suck you down into fear and self-pity and despair. That’s why you must walk so lightly…on tiptoes and no luggage…completely unencumbered.”
Aldous Huxley

14 Mar 12:30

Albrecht Dürer’s Pillow Studies (1493)

by swissmiss

What a joy to see a simple line drawing/sketch by someone as renowned as: Albrecht Dürer.

11 Mar 15:32

Vladimir Dog Coat

by swissmiss

This rainbow dog raincoat by Stutterheim is making my heart so happy.

07 Mar 20:36

I Shouldn't Complain

Bald-faced hornets are only a 2 on the Schmidt pain index, so I shouldn't complain. The tennis ball ejected from the dryer exhaust vent could have ricocheted off the nest of a much higher-scoring insect before knocking me off the ladder. Really, I'm lucky.