Simon Rich is a one-man comedy phenomenon, described by The Guardian as "the funniest man in America" and with credits including The Simpsons, Pixar movies and Saturday Night Live. He created the hit sitcom Miracle Workers starring Steve Buscemi and Daniel Radcliffe, and his debut movie An American Pickle was released in 2020, starring Seth Rogen. Now Simon returns to Radio 4 with a third series of his charmingly absurd stories, performed by a top-drawer British cast. Featuring parenting pirates, a baby detective, an unlikely retelling of Beauty And The Beast, and a super monster being promoted into management, this is unlike anything else you’ll hear this year. Starring Mat Baynton, Ed Eales-White, Kieran Hodgson, Cariad Lloyd, Claire Price and Adjani Salmon Produced by Jon Harvey and Clarissa Maycock Editor: David Thomas Executive Producer: Polly Thomas A Naked production for BBC Radio 4

Felix and Will discuss the 2021 NBC sci-fi drama La Brea, in which everyone’s looking for the hole.

Briana and Katie join Josh and Dave to wrap up The Hillary Thing by watching Hillary and Huma discuss the meaning of life.

Plus: That amazing victory speech!

Plus plus: Lee Camp stops by to talk about the demise of RT, and how opposing war makes you a Commie.

Some Batman movies have been called fascist, but THE BATMAN (2022) breaks new ground for the franchise by being lib. We wouldn't be a left-wing culture podcast if we didn't occasionally pick a new Batman movie from the lowest branch on the tree, so come join us as we chart the latest developments in the Caped Crusader's political evolution.

Michael and Us is a podcast about political cinema and our crumbling world hosted by Will Sloan and Luke Savage.

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See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

After eight years of civil war in the Donbas triggered by the US-backed, far-right-led Maidan coup and fueled by US weapons, Ukraine is now under a catastrophic Russian assault. Scholar Nicolai Petro on the tragedy of Ukraine. Guest: Nicolai Petro. Professor of political science at the University of Rhode Island, editor of "Ukraine in Crisis," and the author of the forthcoming "The Tragedy of Ukraine." He is also a member of the board of the American Committee for U.S.-Russia Accord.

Read 6 remaining paragraphs | Comments

We’re back from the first leg of our tour of the South and here to look at the responses to war in Ukraine brewing in the foreign policy op-ed world. We’ve got reading series by Shadi Hamid in the Atlantic and our old friend Max Boot in WaPo, both asking “well, yes, American foreign intervention has been very bad in the past, but maybe this time it would be very good?”

Tickets to Houston, Dallas and New Orleans shows still available at: https://www.chapotraphouse.com/live

We check in on two of our favorite fun lovin’ goofballs, Chicago Mayor Lori Lightfoot and New York City Mayor Eric Adams. Lori got herself in a bit of trouble by claiming to have the biggest dick in Chicago, and we turn to our old friend columnist John Kass for incisive takes on how she can win back over the small-dicked Italian demo. Then, Eric Adams managed to successfully convene the Drill summit, how this bodes well for his - and the Democrats - political future.

Tickets to Houston, Dallas and New Orleans shows still available at: https://www.chapotraphouse.com/live

Democracy Now! 2022-03-08 Tuesday

• Headlines for March 08, 2022
• On International Women's Day, Ukrainian LGBTQI Activist Describes Russian Siege as Millions Flee
• The Silencing of Dissent: Russia's Memorial Human Rights Center Faces Closure Amid Putin's Crackdown
• Ilhan Omar on Ending War, Global Refugees, Russia Sanctions & Why More Saudi Oil Is Not the Answer

Download this show

For the full discussion, extra content & to help make this program possible, please join us on Patreon at: https://www.patreon.com/thekatiehalpershow Direct link to this full discussion: https://www.patreon.com/posts/chris-hedges-on-63210770 Pulitzer Prize–winning Journalist Chris Hedges talks about Russia, Ukraine, Nato expansion and his experience on the ground reporting from Eastern Europe during the fall of the Soviet Union. Then Phyllis Bennis, of the Institute of Policy Studies, talks about what needs to happen next. Chris Hedges is a Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist who was a foreign correspondent for fifteen years for The New York Times, where he served as the Middle East Bureau Chief and Balkan Bureau Chief for the paper. He previously worked overseas for The Dallas Morning News, The Christian Science Monitor, and NPR. He is the host of the Emmy Award-nominated RT America show On Contact. Link to Chris' article on Russia/ Ukraine “Chronicle of a War Foretold” at Sheer Post - https://scheerpost.com/2022/02/24/hedges-the-chronicle-of-a-war-foretold/ Included in the full discussion at: https://www.patreon.com/posts/chris-hedges-on-63210770, along with the rest of the discussion with Chris Hedges, Katie also speaks with Phyllis Bennis. Phyllis Bennis is a fellow of the Institute for Policy Studies, where she directs the New Internationalism project. Her books include Before & After: US Foreign Policy and the War on Terror. In 2001 she helped found the U.S. Campaign for Palestinian Rights, and now serves on the national board of Jewish Voice for Peace. Her latest piece on Ukraine appears in Foreign Policy in Focus. Link to Phyllis' latest piece: https://fpif.org/putins-invasion-of-ukraine-is-illegal-and-wrong-respond-with-diplomacy-not-war/

Looking for the latest episode? New episodes of In Our Time will now be available first on BBC Sounds for four weeks before other podcast apps.

If you haven’t already, you can download the BBC Sounds app to listen to the In Our Time podcast first.

BBC Sounds is also available in lots of other places. Find us on your voice device or smart speaker, on your connected TV, in your car, or at bbc.co.uk/sounds.

The latest episode is available on BBC Sounds right now.

BBC Sounds – you can find exclusive music mixes, live BBC radio and more podcasts like this one.

Irreal regulars know that I’m a huge fan of Christopher Wellons’ Elfeed. It’s an Emacs-based RSS reader that allows you to manage and read your RSS feeds from within Emacs. If you’re already an Emacs user, there’s no reason not to be using it.

Ramces Red has a post that explains how and why to use elfeed. Ramces covers the installation and configuration of Elfeed. Other than specifying which feeds you want to follow, you can get away with no configuration at all but Elfeed allows extensive customization. There’s also a thorough and flexible tagging mechanism that you can use to sort posts according to interest.

To me, the most useful thing Elfeed brings to RSS is the ability to store the feeds forever. They all go into a database that is searchable by date and content. Even years later, you can search and find an entry and as long as the original post is still online, you can revisit it.

The one thing that his post doesn’t mention is that you can maintain your list of feeds in Org-mode. To do that you need to load elfeed-org. After that, it’s easy to add or delete entries from your feed even if you aren’t an Elisp expert.

I can’t recommend Elfeed enough. Take a look at Ramces’ post to see why.

To Govern the Globe: World Orders and Catastrophic Change

Today we speak with University of Wisconsin history professor Alfred McCoy about his new book “To Govern the Globe: World Orders and Catastrophic Change.” The United States of America has been governing the globe now for 80 years, since World War II. This is about to end. By 2030, China will have the world’s largest economy and hold more riches than the U.S., which is deeply in debt.

The America we know will change drastically as a world power just as the previous world powers, the British, and before them the Dutch, and before them the Spanish and the Portuguese, all saw their empires end.

Climate change will upend the world. It has already started. The effects of climate change on the population of the world, especially China, will be catastrophic. The great coastal city of Shanghai, where 18 million people reside, will sink, uprooting millions of the 400 million Chinese people in the North China Plain.

What can we learn from the demise of the great world powers in the past? Where is the United States headed and how soon?  What might be done to ameliorate this dire future? Only a prodigious historian could undertake to answer these questions.

Guest – Alfred W McCoy holds the Fred Harvey Harrington chair of history at the University of Wisconsin. He has written 20 books, including “The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia,” for which he became well-known, and recently, “In the Shadows of the American Century.”

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Encroaching Fascism In The United States

An American form of fascism is unfolding in our country. What exactly is it and what can we do to fight it?

We see a massive political effort to legitimatize and normalize white minority rule. Things are happening rapidly. A year ago our capital was attacked pursuant to a plan to reverse the results of the election. Soon the Supreme Court will likely overrule the almost 50 year precedent set by Roe v Wade on the question of a woman’s right to control her own body. Voting rights have been and will continue to be extremely restricted particularly in communities of color. Irrational and magical thinking has been legitimatized. More than 900 thousand people have unnecessarily died of Covid. There has developed in our country a culture of cruelty manifested by Trump, but initiated in CIA torture and detention camps for Muslim men and boys in Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo.

It didn’t start after 9/11 with the wars against Afghanistan and Iraq. It goes back further than that. America has been prosecuting wars abroad during our entire lifetimes. The provocations against Russia regarding NATO military encroachment on its borders are the latest chapter in almost continual and seemingly endless wars. A lesson of history since Greek and Roman times is that you can’t have imperialism abroad and democracy at home.

Guest – Professor Henry A. Giroux currently holds the McMaster University chair for a Scholarship in the Public Interest in the English and Cultural Studies Department. He has written many books, most recently The Public in Peril: Trump and the Menace of American Authoritarianism and American Nightmare: Facing the Challenge of Facism.

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Recorded at the BBC Radio Theatre, this week Andy Zaltzman is joined by Mark Steel, Sindhu Vee, Daniel Finkelstein and Lucy Porter to discuss war in Ukraine and the international reaction. Last in the series.

Hosted by Andy Zaltzman Chairs script by Andy Zaltzman Additional Material from Alice Fraser, Mike Shephard, Cameron Loxdale, Jade Gebbie and Peter Tellouche. Production Co-ordinator: Katie Baum Sound Editor: Marc Willcox

The Producer is James Robinson, and it is a BBC Studios Production.

From the Icebreakers Festival, Marito Lopez talks about the fear his 4’8” mother strikes in his heart. And Lars Callieou shares his perspective on the differences between Australians and Canadians. They mostly involve sharks.

A mashup of our recent live shows in Atlanta and Nashville. We start with a Hateful 8 rundown of some of Georgia’s most notorious political figures. Then, we’re joined by very special guests Tarence and Tom of the Trillbillies to present our original spec script “Kentucky Swap: A Justified Story”. Then, it’s back to Atlanta for Will to read a special message concerning his Southern heritage.

If you don’t already, listen to Trillbilly Worker’s Party here:

https://soundcloud.com/user-972848621-463073718

and subscribe to the Trillbillies podcast here: https://www.patreon.com/trillbillyworkersparty

& a very special thank you to the god Walton Goggins for contributing line readings to these shows.

 

Many governments and media figures are rightly condemning Russian President Vladimir Putin’s attack on Ukraine as an act of aggression and a violation of international law. But in his first speech about the invasion, on February 24, US President Joe Biden also called the invasion “unprovoked.”

It’s a word that has been echoed repeatedly across the media ecosystem. “Putin’s forces entered Ukraine’s second-largest city on the fourth day of the unprovoked invasion,” Axios (2/27/22) reported; “Russia’s unprovoked invasion of Ukraine entered its second week Friday,” said CNBC (3/4/22). Vox (3/1/22) wrote of “Putin’s decision to launch an unprovoked and unnecessary war with the second-largest country in Europe.”

The “unprovoked” descriptor obscures a long history of provocative behavior from the United States in regards to Ukraine. This history is important to understanding how we got here, and what degree of responsibility the US bears for the current attack on Ukraine.

Ignoring expert advice

The story starts at the end of the Cold War, when the US was the only global hegemon. As part of the deal that finalized the reunification of Germany, the US promised Russia that NATO would not expand “one inch eastward.”  Despite this, it wasn’t long before talk of expansion began to circulate among policy makers.

In 1997, dozens of foreign policy veterans (including former Defense Secretary Robert McNamara and former CIA Director Stansfield Turner) sent a joint letter to then-President Bill Clinton calling “the current US-led effort to expand NATO…a policy error of historic proportions.” They predicted:

In Russia, NATO expansion, which continues to be opposed across the entire political spectrum, will strengthen the nondemocratic opposition, undercut those who favor reform and cooperation with the West [and] bring the Russians to question the entire post-Cold War settlement.

New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman (5/2/98) in 1998 asked famed diplomat George Kennan—architect of the US Cold War strategy of containment—about NATO expansion. Kennan’s response:

I think it is the beginning of a new cold war. I think the Russians will gradually react quite adversely and it will affect their policies. I think it is a tragic mistake. There was no reason for this whatsoever. No one was threatening anybody else.

Of course there is going to be a bad reaction from Russia, and then [the NATO expanders] will say that we always told you that is how the Russians are—but this is just wrong.

Despite these warnings, Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic were added to NATO in 1999, with Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia following in 2004.

US planners were warned again in 2008 by US Ambassador to Moscow William Burns (now director of the CIA under Joe Biden). WikiLeaks leaked a cable from Burns titled “Nyet Means Nyet: Russia’s NATO Enlargement Redlines” that included another prophetic warning worth quoting in full (emphasis added):

Ukraine and Georgia’s NATO aspirations not only touch a raw nerve in Russia, they engender serious concerns about the consequences for stability in the region.  Not only does Russia perceive encirclement, and efforts to undermine Russia’s influence in the region, but it also fears unpredictable and uncontrolled consequences which would seriously affect Russian security interests.

Experts tell us that Russia is particularly worried that the strong divisions in Ukraine over NATO membership, with much of the ethnic Russian community against membership, could lead to a major split, involving violence or at worst, civil war.  In that eventuality, Russia would have to decide whether to intervene; a decision Russia does not want to have to face.

A de facto NATO ally

But the US has pushed Russia to make such a decision. Though European countries are divided about whether or not Ukraine should join, many in the NATO camp have been adamant about maintaining the alliance’s “open door policy.” Even as US planners were warning of a Russian invasion, NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg reiterated NATO’s 2008 plans to integrate Ukraine into the alliance (New York Times, 12/16/21). The Biden administration has taken a more roundabout approach, supporting in the abstract “Kyiv’s right to choose its own security arrangements and alliances.” But the implication is obvious.

Even without officially being in NATO, Ukraine has become a de facto NATO ally—and Russia has paid close attention to these developments. In a December 2021 speech to his top military officials, Putin expressed his concerns:

Over the past few years, military contingents of NATO countries have been almost constantly present on Ukrainian territory under the pretext of exercises. The Ukrainian troop control system has already been integrated into NATO. This means that NATO headquarters can issue direct commands to the Ukrainian armed forces, even to their separate units and squads….

Kiev has long proclaimed a strategic course on joining NATO. Indeed, each country is entitled to pick its own security system and enter into military alliances. There would be no problem with that, if it were not for one “but.” International documents expressly stipulate the principle of equal and indivisible security, which includes obligations not to strengthen one’s own security at the expense of the security of other states….

In other words, the choice of pathways towards ensuring security should not pose a threat to other states, whereas Ukraine joining NATO is a direct threat to Russia’s security.

In an explainer piece, the New York Times (2/24/22) centered NATO expansion as a root cause of the war. Unfortunately, the Times omitted the critical context of NATO’s pledge not to expand, and the subsequent abandonment of that promise. This is an important context to understand the Russian view of US policies, especially so given the ample warnings from US diplomats and foreign policy experts.

The Maidan Coup of 2014

A major turning point in the US/Ukraine/Russia relationship was the 2014 violent and unconstitutional ouster of President Viktor Yanukovych, elected in 2010 in a vote heavily split between eastern and western Ukraine. His ouster came after months of protests led in part by far-right extremists (FAIR.org, 3/7/14). Weeks before his ouster, an unknown party leaked a phone call between US officials discussing who should and shouldn’t be part of the new government, and finding ways to “seal the deal.” After the ouster, a politician the officials designated as “the guy” even became prime minister.

The US involvement was part of a campaign aimed at exploiting the divisions in Ukrainian society to push the country into the US sphere of influence, pulling it out of the Russian sphere (FAIR.org, 1/28/22). In the aftermath of the overthrow, Russia illegally annexed Crimea from Ukraine, in part to secure a major naval base from the new Ukrainian government.

The New York Times (2/24/22) and Washington Post (2/28/22) both omitted the role the US played in these events. In US media, this critical moment in history is completely cleansed of US influence, erasing a critical step on the road to the current war.

Keeping civil war alive

In another response to the overthrow, an uprising in Ukraine’s Donbas region grew into a rebel movement that declared independence from Ukraine and announced the formation of their own republics. The resulting civil war claimed thousands of lives, but was largely paused  in 2015 with a ceasefire agreement known as the Minsk II accords.

The deal, agreed to by Ukraine, Russia and other European countries, was designed to grant some form of autonomy to the breakaway regions in exchange for reintegrating them into the Ukrainian state. Unfortunately, the Ukrainian government refused to implement the autonomy provision of the accords. Anatol Lieven, a researcher with the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, wrote in The Nation (11/15/21): 

The main reason for this refusal, apart from a general commitment to retain centralized power in Kiev, has been the belief that permanent autonomy for the Donbas would prevent Ukraine from joining NATO and the European Union, as the region could use its constitutional position within Ukraine to block membership.

Ukraine opted instead to prolong the Donbas conflict, and there was never significant pressure from the West to alter course. Though there were brief reports of the accords’ revival as recently as late January, Ukrainian security chief Oleksiy Danilov warned the West not to pressure Ukraine to implement the peace deal. “The fulfillment of the Minsk agreement means the country’s destruction,” he said (AP, 1/31/22). Danilov claimed that even when the agreement was signed eight years ago,  “it was already clear for all rational people that it’s impossible to implement.”

Lieven notes that the depth of Russian commitment has yet to be fully tested, but Putin has supported the Minsk accords, refraining from officially recognizing the Donbas republics until last week.

The New York Times (2/8/22) explainer on the Minsk accords blamed their failure on a disagreement between Ukraine and Russia over their implementation. This is inadequate to explain the failure of the agreements, however, given that Russia cannot affect Ukrainian parliamentary procedure. The Times quietly acknowledged that the law meant to define special status in the Donbas had been “shelved” by the Ukranians,  indicating that the country had stopped trying to solve the issue in favor of a stalemate.

There was no mention of the comments from a top Ukrainian official openly denouncing the peace accords. Nor was it acknowledged that the US could have used its influence to push Ukraine to solve the issue, but refrained from doing so.

Ukrainian missile crisis

One under-discussed aspect of this crisis is the role of US missiles stationed in NATO countries. Many media outlets have claimed that Putin is Hitler-like (Washington Post, 2/24/22; Boston Globe, 2/24/22), hellbent on reconquering old Soviet states to “recreat[e] the Russian empire with himself as the Tsar,” as Clinton State Department official Strobe Talbot told Politico (2/25/22).

Pundits try to psychoanalyze Putin, asking “What is motivating him?” and answering by citing his televised speech on February 21 that recounted the history of Ukraine’s relationship with Russia.

This speech has been widely characterized as a call to reestablish the Soviet empire and a challenge to Ukraine’s right to exist as a sovereign nation. Corporate media ignore other public statements Putin has made in recent months. For example, at an expanded meeting of the Defense Ministry Board, Putin elaborated on what he considered to be the main military threat from US/NATO expansion to Ukraine:

It is extremely alarming that elements of the US global defense system are being deployed near Russia. The Mk 41 launchers, which are located in Romania and are to be deployed in Poland, are adapted for launching the Tomahawk strike missiles. If this infrastructure continues to move forward, and if US and NATO missile systems are deployed in Ukraine, their flight time to Moscow will be only 7–10 minutes, or even five minutes for hypersonic systems. This is a huge challenge for us, for our security.

The United States does not possess hypersonic weapons yet, but we know when they will have it…. They will supply hypersonic weapons to Ukraine and then use them as cover…to arm extremists from a neighbouring state and incite them against certain regions of the Russian Federation, such as Crimea, when they think circumstances are favorable.

Do they really think we do not see these threats? Or do they think that we will just stand idly watching threats to Russia emerge? This is the problem: We simply have no room to retreat.

Having these missiles so close to Russia—weapons that Russia (and China) see as part of a plan to give the United States the capacity to launch a nuclear first-strike without retaliation—seriously challenges the cold war deterrent of Mutually Assured Destruction, and more closely resembles a gun pointed at the Russian head for the remainder of the nuclear age. Would this be acceptable to any country?

Media refuse to present this crucial question to their audiences, instead couching Putin’s motives in purely aggressive terms.

Refusal to de-escalate

By December 2021, US intelligence agencies were sounding the alarm that Russia was amassing troops at the Ukrainian border and planning to attack. Yet Putin was very clear about a path to deescalation: He called on the West to halt NATO expansion, negotiate Ukrainian neutrality in the East/West rivalry, remove US nuclear weapons from non proliferating countries, and remove missiles, troops and bases near Russia. These are demands the US would surely have made were it in Russia’s position.

Unfortunately, the US refused to negotiate on Russia’s core concerns. The US offered some serious steps towards a larger arms control arrangement (Antiwar.com, 2/2/22)—something the Russians acknowledged and appreciated—but ignored issues of NATO’s military activity in Ukraine, and the deployment of nuclear weapons in Eastern Europe (Antiwar.com, 2/17/22).

On NATO expansion, the State Department continued to insist that they would not compromise NATO’s open door policy—in other words, it asserted the right to expand NATO and to ignore Russia’s red line.

While the US has signaled that it would approve of an informal agreement to keep Ukraine from joining the alliance for a period of time, this clearly was not going to be enough for Russia, which still remembers the last broken agreement.

Instead of addressing Russian concerns about Ukraine’s NATO relationship, the US instead chose to pour hundreds of millions of dollars of weapons into Ukraine, exacerbating Putin’s expressed concerns. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy didn’t help matters by suggesting that Ukraine might begin a nuclear weapons program at the height of the tensions.

After Putin announced his recognition of the breakaway republics, Secretary of State Antony Blinken canceled talks with Putin, and began the process of implementing sanctions on Russia—all before Russian soldiers had set foot into Ukraine.

Had the US been genuinely interested in avoiding war, it would have taken every opportunity to de-escalate the situation. Instead, it did the opposite nearly every step of the way.

In its explainer piece, the Washington Post (2/28/22) downplayed the significance of the US’s rejection of Russia’s core concerns, writing: “Russia has said that it wants guarantees Ukraine will be barred from joining NATO—a non-starter for the Western alliance, which maintains an open-door policy.” NATO’s open door policy is simply accepted as an immutable policy that Putin just needs to deal with. This very assumption, so key to the Ukraine crisis, goes unchallenged in the US media ecosystem.

‘The strategic case for risking war’

It’s impossible to say for sure why the Biden administration took an approach that increased the likelihood of war, but one Wall Street Journal piece from last month may offer some insight.

The Journal (12/22/21) published an op-ed from John Deni, a researcher at the Atlantic Council, a think tank funded by the US and allied governments that serves as NATO’s de facto brain trust. The piece was provocatively headlined “The Strategic Case for Risking War in Ukraine.” Deni’s argument was that the West should refuse to negotiate with Russia, because either potential outcome would be beneficial to US interests.

If Putin backed down without a deal, it would be a major embarrassment. He would lose face and stature, domestically and on the world stage.

But Putin going to war would also be good for the US, the Journal op-ed argued. Firstly,  it would give NATO more legitimacy by “forg[ing] an even stronger anti-Russian consensus across Europe.” Secondly, a major attack would trigger “another round of more debilitating economic sanctions,” weakening the Russian economy and its ability to compete with the US for global influence. Thirdly, an invasion is “likely to spawn a guerrilla war” that would “sap the strength and morale of Russia’s military while undercutting Mr. Putin’s domestic popularity and reducing Russia’s soft power globally.”

In short, we have part of the NATO brain trust advocating risking Ukrainian civilians as pawns in the US’s quest to strengthen its position around the world.

‘Something even worse than war’

A New York Times op-ed (2/3/22) by Ivan Krastev of Vienna’s Institute of Human Sciences likewise suggested that a Russian invasion of Ukraine wouldn’t be the worst outcome:

A Russian incursion into Ukraine could, in a perverse way, save the current European order. NATO would have no choice but to respond assertively, bringing in stiff sanctions and acting in decisive unity. By hardening the conflict, Mr. Putin could cohere his opponents.

The op-ed was headlined “Europe Thinks Putin Is Planning Something Even Worse Than War”—that something being “a new European security architecture that recognizes Russia’s sphere of influence in the post-Soviet space.”

It is impossible to know for sure whether the Biden administration shared this sense that there would be an upside to a Russian invasion, but the incentives are clear, and much of what these op-eds predicted is coming to pass.

None of this is to say that Putin’s invasion is justified—FAIR resolutely condemns the invasion as illegal and ruinous—but calling it “unprovoked” distracts attention from the US’s own contribution to this disastrous outcome. The US ignored warnings from both Russian and US officials that a major conflagration could erupt if the US continued its path, and it shouldn’t be surprising that one eventually did.

Now, as the world once again inches toward the brink of nuclear omnicide, it is more important than ever for Western audiences to understand and challenge their own government’s role in dragging us all to this point.

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Featured image: Wikimedia map of NATO expansion since 1949 (creator:Patrickneil). 

 

The post Calling Russia’s Attack ‘Unprovoked’ Lets US Off the Hook appeared first on FAIR.

Click here for the extended episode, including the full interview with Daniel Bessner and Derek Davison.

For a while, pundits have been predicting the decline of American superpower. Although some decline is inevitable, don’t expect Russia’s invasion of Ukraine to precipitate it.

As the American Prestige podcast’s Daniel Bessner and Derek Davison explain, the US ability to invade another country and commit war crimes that would merit US sanctions if it was any other country, and without any backlash, underscores America’s overwhelming strength.

“What would these scholars, who say Russian students should be kicked out of schools and that there are no good Russians, have thought if in 2003, scholars in Russia said there are no good Americans because we invaded Iraq? They would have been aghast.”

“They can’t process the thought that those situations are analogous. We’re virtuous and everyone else is evil.”

With the war ramping up, US ghoulishness runs rampant. Hillary Clinton, Condoleezza Rice, and Nancy Pelosi all giggle at the brink of war while Bucky is left to take the fall.

It’s all this, and more, on this week’s episode of Useful Idiots. Check it out.

Subscribe now

Biden's State of the Union represents a surrender to the most reactionary forces in our society: the military-industrial complex, the so-called “business community” more broadly, the police, and the opponents of public health.

This week, it's all about sexism and ambition. Ashley Stevens & Meagan Day join us as Hillary explains how she managed to persevere in the face of the horrific misogyny of sexist pigs like Bernie Sanders. Also, some war stuff, more COVID ranting, and Josh's head explodes.

Arne Babenhauserheide has an interesting post on how he listens to podcasts in Emacs using Elfeed and EMMS. It’s a perfect workflow: the podcast episodes are collected from RSS and listed with Elfeed and those he wants to listen to are queued by simply typing A next to the entry in Elfeed. That queues up the entry in EMMS. Babenhauserheide has a step-by-step guide to the workflow in the post.

There’s a tiny bit of configuration to do but it’s just a few lines. Best of all, everything happens from within Emacs and you can do other work while you’re listening if you like.

I don’t generally listen to podcasts but if I did, I’d certainly try this method out. The nice thing about it is that it’s simple to set up and try out. If you decide you don’t like it, it’s easy to back out the changes. Of course, you’ll want Elfeed regardless because it’s the absolute best RSS reader. I don’t use EMMS because

1. I’m too lazy to set it up
2. I don’t usually listen to music while I’m working so I just depend on iTunes. (See #1.)

If you’re an Emacs user who listens to podcasts, be sure to take a look at Babenhauserheide’s post. The section on Elfeed/EMMS is short and will take less than a minute to read.

I have a very large, static site with 10+ years of stuff about my boat. Most of it is pretty boring. http://www.itmaybeahack.com/TeamRedCruising/

I started with iWeb. It was very -- well -- 2000-ish look and feel. Too many pastels and lines and borders.

In 2012, I switched to Sandvox. I lived on a boat back then. I don't have reliable internet. Using blogger.com, for example, required a sincere commitment to bandwidth. I moved ashore in 2014 and returned to the boat in 2020.

Sandvox's creator seems to be out-of-business.

What's next?

Give up on these fancy editors and switch to a static site generator. Write markdown. Run the tool. Upload when in a coffee shop with Wi-Fi. 

What site generator?

See https://www.fullstackpython.com/static-site-generator.html for some suggestions.

There are three parts to this effort.

1. Extract the goodness from iWeb and Sandvox. I knew this would be real work. iWeb's site has too much javascript to be easy-to-parse. I have to navigate the underlying XML database. Sandvox is much easier to deal with: their published site is clean, static HTML with useful classes and ids in their tags.
2. Reformat the source material into Markdown. I've grudgingly grown to accept Markdown, even through RST is clearly superior. Some tools work with RST and I may pandoc the entire thing over to RST from Markdown. For now, though, the content seems to be captured.
3. Fixup internal links and cross references. This is a godawful problem. Media links -- in particular -- seem to be a nightmare. Since iWeb resolves things via Javascript, the HTML is opaque.  Fortunately, the database's internal cross-references aren't horrible. Maybe this was exacerbated a poor choice of generators. 
4. Convert to HTML for a local server. Validate.
5. Convert to HTML for the target server. Upload to a staging server and validate again. This requires a coffee shop. Not doing this with my phone's data plan.

Steps 1 and 2 aren't too bad. I've extracted serviceable markdown from the iWeb database and the published Sandvox site. The material parallels the Site/Blog/Page structure of the originals. The markdown seems to be mostly error-free. (Some images have the caption in the wrong place, ![caption](link) isn't as memorable as I'd like.) 

Step 3, the internal links and cross-references, has been a difficult problem, it turns out. I can, mostly, associate media with postings. I can also find all the cross-references among postings and fix those up. The question that arises is how to reference media from a blog post?

Mynt

I started with mynt. And had to bail. It's clever and very simple. Too simple for blog posts that have a lot of associated media assets.

The issue is what to write in the markdown to refer to the images that go with a specific blog post. I resorted to a master _Media directory. Which means each posting has ![caption][../../../../_Media/image.png) in it.  This is semi-manageable. But exasperating in bulk. 

What scrambled my brain is the way a mynt posting becomes a directory, with an index.html. Clearly, the media could be adjacent to the index.html. But. I can't figure out how to get mynt's generator to put the media into each post's published directory. It seems like each post should not be a markdown file. 

Also, I can trivially change the base URL when generating, but I can't change the domain. When I publish, I want to swap domains *only*, leaving the base URL alone. I tried. It's too much fooling around.

Pelican

Next up. Pelican. We'll see if I can get my media and blog posts neatly organized. This http://chdoig.github.io/create-pelican-blog.html seems encouraging. I think I should have started here first. Lektor is another possibility.

Since my legacy sites have RSS feeds, it may be sensible to turn Pelican loose on the RSS and (perhaps) skip steps 1, 2, and 3, entirely.

Krystal and Saagar cover the warfare in Ukraine, beginning of peace talks, economic sanctions, Russian oligarch panic, Putin's nuclear threats, protests around the world, neocon warmongering, Biden's SCOTUS pick, the media's selective empathy, Putin's mistakes, possible endgame scenarios for Russia, and more!

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Benjamin Carp tackles listener questions and popular search queries on the conflict that saw colonists in North America rise up and declare independence from the British. He speaks to Elinor Evans about the causes of the war, key battles, and how the revolution is mythologised today.

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On Today’s Episode of the Punch Out: 

Capitalist Crimes

Welfare Reform Fraud

Arizona’s Gas Chamber

Fifty years ago this month, US president Richard Nixon embarked on a trip to China – a visit that marked a key moment in the thawing of relations between the two nations. Rana Mitter talks to Matt Elton about the 1972 visit, and how it changed the course of the Cold War.

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Recorded in October 2021 with a small but dedicated audience at the Winnipeg Comedy Festival, Noor Kidwai says sure, Millennial's might not be perfect - but the blame may lie with the parents! And Craig Fay delivers some messages to his old bosses. An older, but classic set from Lara Rae starts off the show.

Objective This article will explore how to use AsciiMath to typeset Math equations in HTML documents produced from Org mode files. In other words, by the end of this artcile, you will be able to accomplish this … Motivation In previous articles(1,2), I talked about how to use Starmath as a math dialect in the … Continue reading How to use AsciiMath, instead of LaTeX, to typeset Math equations in HTML export

Just added to my radio archive (click on date for link):

February 24, 2022 Christopher Leonard, author of The Lords of Easy Money, on the damage done by over a decade of hyper-easy monetary policy from the Fed • Lea Ypi, a political philsopher and author of Free, on growing up in the last days of Communist Albania and the early days of its neoliberal successor