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27 Jul 15:58

Evolution Basics: Species Trees, Gene Trees and Incomplete Lineage Sorting

by Dennis Venema

In the last few posts in this series, we’ve examined the overall pattern we see when comparing related genomes to one another, and how multiple data sets neatly fit into the same family tree, or phylogeny. In this post, we’ll move on to a deeper understanding of phylogenies, and how it is actually expected that some features of genomes will be at odds with their family trees.

But first, a brief aside: this is a challenging topic, and one that might be confusing at first. Still, if you’ve come this far in this series, you already have the tools you need to understand what’s going on here, and with a little additional effort, you’ll have an even deeper understanding of related genomes than you did before. If, on the other hand, this particular topic remains a bit of a muddle, don’t worry – the rest of the series will not depend on understanding this finer point. Also, be sure to ask questions in the comments if things are unclear.

Species trees

Let’s return to what is by now a familiar example of a phylogeny: that of humans, chimpanzees, and gorillas:

Phylogenies are also known as “species trees”, since “tree” is another name for phylogeny. A species tree shows us the overall pattern – which species share a common ancestral population more recently, and which share a common ancestral population more distantly in the past. In other words, as we noted in the last post in this series, a phylogeny is a measure of shared history and separate history for any two species. The longer two species have a common history, the more similar they are expected to be, on average. Humans and chimps, for example, continue to share a common history for several million years after the lineage leading to gorillas separates from the (human / chimpanzee) common ancestral population. This shared history is what on average, makes the chimpanzee and human genomes more similar to each other than either is to the gorilla genome.  Individual genes (and their alleles) may have a different history within species as they separate from one another. For this type of analysis, we need to examine phylogenies for individual genes – so called “gene trees.”

Gene trees

If you think back to previous posts (here and here) on how variation (alleles) arise through mutation, it should be fairly intuitive that the same principles that can be used to group species into a phylogeny can also be used to group alleles of a single gene into a phylogeny. For example, consider the DNA sequence of three alleles of the same gene, which we can represent as the “yellow”, “red” and “blue” alleles (the colored boxes). Sequence differences that make these alleles distinct are highlighted in red text:

Using the same principles that we used for species as a whole, we can explain the origin of these three alleles by two mutation events (starting with a given that the yellow allele is the ancestral state):

So, within a population, we can reconstruct the allele history of an individual gene using the same methods we have previously applied to species as a whole.

Speciation with genetic variation along for the ride (or not)

So, mutation is constantly producing new alleles (variation) within populations, and processes such as natural selection and genetic drift work to either increase or decrease the frequency of alleles in populations over time. Also, we have spent considerable time discussing (here, here, here and here) how speciation events occur, starting with populations that separate from one another, and accrue differences over time that may lead to the formation of distinct species. All that remains is to bring these ideas together: to consider what might happen to variation (alleles) within a population as it goes through a speciation event. To do that, let’s track our hypothetical alleles through the speciation events that led to humans, chimpanzees and gorillas.

This species tree has the following populations: the population that is ancestral to all three species, designated “(H,G,C)” for “(Human, Gorilla, Chimpanzee)”; the population ancestral to both humans and chimps (H,C) and the lineages (populations) that lead to the present day species after their last speciation event with the species on the phylogeny (H), (G) and (C):

It’s important to keep in mind that a single line on the phylogeny is in fact a population, and populations can have genetic variation. Let's place our three alleles into the (H,G,C) population:

Now we are set to explore possibilities for how these alleles will be inherited (or not) through the speciation events that will occur. One possibility is straightforward – all three alleles will be inherited by all three species. This possibility is called “complete lineage sorting” since it represents a perfect segregation of all alleles into all lineages. This requires that all three alleles be present in the subpopulations that divide into separate lineages, and that no alleles be lost over time in any lineage. While this is certainly possible, it is by no means certain. As we have seen, when populations separate it is unlikely that all alleles in the original population will be represented in both subpopulations after the divide. Also, it is possible that selection or genetic drift may cause alleles to be lost over time in one lineage but not another. Anything other than perfect segregation of all alleles into all lineages is called “incomplete lineage sorting” – and for a large genome, it is a given that at least some genes will exhibit this effect.

Incomplete lineage sorting – a worked example

The first challenge to complete lineage sorting that these three alleles will face is the speciation event that separates the (H,C) and (G) lineages. For the purposes of this example, let's suppose that the red allele is excluded from the population that forms the (H,C) lineage, but that all three alleles persist in the (G) lineage. You will recall that this is an example of the founder effect – a nonrandom sampling that can exclude alleles from a new subpopulation by chance:

Now let’s examine one possible scenario following on from the (H,C) / (G) speciation event. In the (G) lineage, the yellow and blue alleles are lost over time. At the (H) / (C) speciation event, both the blue and yellow alleles segregate into both lineages, but in the (C) lineage, the yellow allele is later lost. Similarly, the blue allele is later lost in the (H) lineage:

For this particular gene, then, we have the following final pattern:

And at last we see the issue: the gene tree for these alleles is at odds with the species tree. Recall that in the gene tree, the red and blue alleles are more closely related to each other than they are to the yellow allele:

In the species tree, however, the two closest relatives (chimpanzees and humans) do not have the two most closely related alleles – they have more distantly related alleles.

Now that we have worked this example, hopefully the reason behind the discrepancy is clear – there is no guarantee that alleles will sort in a lineage to match up with the overall species pattern. If a gene has variation in a population undergoing speciation events, it is expected that some of the time it will assort with a pattern that does not match the species pattern – in some cases, it will have a gene tree that is “discordant” with the species tree. For a population with thousands of genes with multiple alleles present, it is a given that some alleles will assort into a discordant pattern. Far from being a problem for evolution, discordant trees are predicted by evolution. It would be a problem if we did not observe them – but in fact we do, and as we shall see next time, we observe them in precisely the pattern that matches what we would expect based on species trees.

In the next post in this series, we’ll discuss how discordant gene trees can be used to determine another feature of interest to scientists – population sizes for the lineages on a phylogeny.

22 Jul 14:37

New Online from The Oriental Institute: Heaven on Earth: Temples, Ritual, and Cosmic Symbolism in the Ancient World << Charles Ellwood Jones (AWOL: The Ancient World Online)

by noreply@blogger.com (Charles Jones)

OIS 9.  Heaven on Earth: Temples, Ritual, and Cosmic Symbolism in the Ancient World
Edited by Deena Ragavan

Oriental Institute Seminars 9

The volume is the result of the eighth Annual University of Chicago Oriental Institute Seminar, held on March 2-3, 2012. Seventeen speakers, from both the US and abroad, examined the interconnections between temples, ritual, and cosmology from a variety of regional specializations and theoretical perspectives. The seminar revisited a classic topic, one with a long history among scholars of the ancient world: the cosmic symbolism of sacred architecture. Archaeologists, art historians, and philologists working not only in the ancient Near East, but also Mesoamerica, Greece, South Asia, and China, re-evaluated the significance of this topic across the ancient world.
http://oi.uchicago.edu/i/ois9_5.jpg
Table of Contents
Introduction
1. Heaven on Earth: Temples, Ritual, and Cosmic Symbolism in the Ancient World. Deena Ragavan
Part I: Architecture and Cosmology
2. Naturalizing Buddhist Cosmology in the Temple Architecture of China: The Case of the Yicihui Pillar. Tracy Miller
3. Hints at Temple Topography and Cosmic Geography from Hittite Sources. Susanne Görke
4. Images of the Cosmos: Sacred and Ritual Space in Jaina Temple Architecture in India. Julia A. B. Hegewald
Part II: Built Space and Natural Forms
5. The Classic Maya Temple: Centrality, Cosmology, and Sacred Geography in Ancient Mesoamerica. Karl Taube
6. Seeds and Mountains: The Cosmogony of Temples in South Asia. Michael W. Meister
7. Intrinsic and Constructed Sacred Space in Hittite Anatolia. Gary Beckman
Part III: Myth and Movement
8. On the Rocks: Greek Mountains and Sacred Conversations. Betsey A. Robinson
9. Entering Other Worlds: Gates, Rituals, and Cosmic Journeys in Sumerian Sources. Deena Ragavan
Part IV: Sacred Space and Ritual Practice
10. “We Are Going to the House in Prayer”: Theology, Cultic Topography, and Cosmology in the Emesal Prayers of Ancient Mesopotamia. Uri Gabbay
11. Temporary Ritual Structures and Their Cosmological Symbolism in Ancient
Mesopotamia. Claus Ambos
12. Sacred Space and Ritual Practice at the End of Prehistory in the Southern Levant. Yorke M. Rowan
Part V: Architecture, Power, and the State
13. Egyptian Temple Graffiti and the Gods: Appropriation and Ritualization in Karnak and Luxor. Elizabeth Frood
14. The Transformation of Sacred Space, Topography, and Royal Ritual in Persia and the Ancient Iranian World. Matthew P Canepa
15. The Cattlepen and the Sheepfold: Cities, Temples, and Pastoral Power in Ancient Mesopotamia. Omur Harmansah
Part VI: Images of Ritual
16. Sources of Egyptian Temple Cosmology: Divine Image, King, and Ritual Performer. John Baines
17. Mirror and Memory: Images of Ritual Actions in Greek Temple Decoration. Clemente Marconi
PART VII: Responses
18. Temples of the Depths, Pillars of the Heights, Gates in Between. Davíd Carrasco
19. Cosmos and Discipline. Richard Neer
  • Oriental Institute Seminars 9
  • Chicago: The Oriental Institute, 2013
  • ISBN-13: 978-1-885923-96-7
  • Pp. viii+463; 174 illustrations
  • $29.95
Oriental Institute Seminars (OIS) | List of volumes in print

For an up to date list of all Oriental Institute publications available online see:
21 Jul 20:32

Have Archaeologists Found King David’s Palace?

by David Larsen

Photo by Sky View courtesy of Hebrew University

In recent news coming out of Israel, a team of archaeologists led by Professor Yossi Garfinkel of the Hebrew University has uncovered the ruins of “two royal public buildings” at a site called Khirbet Qeiyafa, about 20 miles outside of Jerusalem in the foothills of Judah.  Professor Garfinkel believes the two buildings to be King David’s palace and a royal storeroom.  These discoveries, according to Garfinkel, are proof of the existence of an Israelite kingdom during the reign of King David (which, you may not realize, some people doubt).

From the Israel Antiquities Authority press release:

The palace and storerooms are evidence of state sponsored construction and an administrative organization during King David’s reign. “This is unequivocal evidence of a kingdom’s existence, which knew to establish administrative centers at strategic points”, the archaeologists say. “To date no palaces have been found that can clearly be ascribed to the early tenth century BCE as we can do now. Khirbet Qeiyafa was probably destroyed in one of the battles that were fought against the Philistines circa 980 BCE. The palace that is now being revealed and the fortified city that was uncovered in recent years are another tier in understanding the beginning of the Kingdom of Judah”.

If this find has been identified correctly, this is, of course, a big deal. We have very little archaeological evidence of the Kingdom of Israel under David and Solomon as it is described in the Bible.

The announcement of this find has been met, as would be expected, by both excitement and also skepticism. The following are some of the news pieces and blog posts that have been written in response.

  • The Jerusalem Post had a positive story yesterday announcing the find and noting that area and its surroundings had now been declared a national park.
  • Israel National News (Arutz 7) likewise has a completely positive report.
  • The Times of Israel has a positive and more extensive piece that looks at some inscriptions that have been found at the site and other finds
  • HaAretz has a somewhat more skeptical story: “Some archaeologists claim that three rows of stones found in Khirbet Qeiyafa prove the existence of a kingdom shared by two biblical kings – David and Solomon; other scholars beg to differ” (you must be a subscriber to read the full story).
  • Jim West at Zwinglius Redivivus posts an evaluation of the finds by Israel Finkelstein, who points out “the methodological shortcomings in both field work and interpretation of the finds.”
  • On the Foundation Stone website, David Willner, who appears to be very familiar with Garfinkel and his work, sharply criticizes Garfinkel’s interpretation of the find, points out his tendency towards sensationalism, and accuses him of making this announcement for the purpose of gaining media attention and fundraising.
With Willner’s accusation of Garfinkel’s repeated use of hyperbole to grab headlines for his finds, it is hard to know what to think of this announcement. I don’t have the expertise in this field to judge for myself, for sure.  There is definitely something, however, to these findings that does deserve attention.  Scholars agree that the site dates to the 10th century B.C. and there are a number of buildings, inscriptions, and artifacts that have been found. Whether these finds are directly related to David or not, they provide invaluable insights into how people lived in Israel/Judah during that time period.
20 Jul 13:22

An Introduction to Science and Religion with Denis Lamoureux

by Peter Enns
Denis Lamoureux, author of Evolutionary Creation: A Christian Approach to Evolution and I Love Jesus & I Accept Evolution–and who also recently completed a series of posts here on the latter (the final post is here)–teaches an online course at St. Joseph’s College, University of Alberta, “Science and Religion: An Introduction.” A 20+ minute overview of [Read More...]
20 Jul 13:10

BOOK BLOG TOUR: T. Michael Law’s When God Spoke Greek

by Brian LePort

This weekend is the beginning of a book blog tour highlighting and discussing T. Michael Law’s new book When God Spoke Greek: The Septuagint and the Making of the Christian Bible.

61dirz1lajl-_sy300_I have selected seven bloggers whose interest seem to be aligned with the content of the book. Oxford University Press sent them copies with the understanding that they’d provide unbiased reviews. Joel Watts of the popular Unsettled Christianity will be the first person to comment beginning this Sunday. James McGrath of the equally popular Exploring Our Matrix will end it on August 2nd. In-between I have bloggers who are known for their interest in the Hebrew Bible, the Septuagint, and all things related.

Why is this book being given this sort of attention?

I think the Septuagint is overlooked by most Christians and many scholars. The Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible was central to the formation of early Christianity. While most modern scholars, seminary students, and pastors give their attention to the Hebrew text when preparing articles, books, papers, and sermons, the basic fact of the matter is that it impossible to understand how Christianity became such a widely spread religion if you don’t acknowledge the role of the Septuagint. If you disagree with this claim I hope you’ll read Law’s book.

You’ll want to bookmark NearEmmaus.com as the hub. Our schedule for the blog tour is as follows:

JOEL WATTS (Sunday, July 21st, http://unsettledchristianity.com/)
1 Why this Book?
2 When the World Became Greek

ANDREW KING (Tuesday, July 23rd, http://blogofthetwelve.wordpress.com/)
3 Was There a Bible before the Bible?
4 The First Bible Translators

KRISTA DALTON (Thursday, July 25th, http://kristadalton.com/blog/)
5 Gog and his Not-so-Merry Grasshoppers
6 Bird Droppings, Stoned Elephants, and Exploding Dragons

ABRAM K-J (Saturday, July 27th, http://abramkj.com/)
7 E Pluribus Unum
8 The Septuagint behind the New Testament

JESSICA PARKS (Monday, July 29th, http://facingthejabberwock.wordpress.com/)
9 The Septuagint in the New Testament
10 The New Old Testament

AMANDA MacINNIS (Wednesday, July 31st, http://cheesewearingtheology.com/)
11 God’s Word for the Church
12 The Man of Steel and the Man who Worshipped the Sun

JAMES McGRATH (Friday, August 2nd, http://www.patheos.com/blogs/exploringourmatrix/)
13 The Man with the Burning Hand vs. the Man with the Honeyed Sword
14 A Postscript


Filed under: Blogosphere, Book Previews, Book Reviews, Books (General), LXX, LXX Greek, Other Blogs/ Resources Tagged: blog tour, book, Book Review, T. Michael Law, When God Spoke Greek
20 Jul 13:10

When did the “Gospel” become a Book?

by Mike K.

To start off the question about genre, we can ask why Jesus books are called “Gospels,” a title not given to any other type of literature preceding them.  Before ”Mark” there were collections of sayings, oral anecdotes about Jesus’ deeds (e.g., miracles, controversy stories, etc), possibly a passion narrative, and epistles to various congregations to instruct or correct them on their beliefs/practices/social organization, but Mark was revolutionary in combining isolated logia about Jesus (sayings or short narratives) with an account of the events leading up to his death and resurrection to create the first narrative “gospel.”  Mark set the model for future narrative lives of Jesus, though some works later entitled as “Gospels” in imitation of the superscriptions for the canonical Gospels fit the mold of Mark (e.g., the Gospel of Peter, the Ebionite “Gospel of the Hebrews” known to Epiphanius) more than others (e.g., the Gospel of Thomas, though the colophon may be a late addition to a collection of “hidden words” of the living Jesus).  But how did the term “gospel/good news” (euangelion) evolve from a proclamation to a book?  Here I update a few earlier posts on the question:

  1. The term euangelion may have been rooted in either the use of the verb euangelizomai in deutero-Isaiah for proclaiming the good news of salvation from exile (Isa 42:1) or it may have rooted in the imperial cult (see the Prienne calendar inscription, ca 9 BCE).  However, the singular neuter form is rare as the noun is only found once in the Septuagint in 2 Samuel 4:10 in the plural form (euangelia) (here it is used ironically for what the messenger thinks is good news for David in light of David’s response) and it is almost equally rare in the Greco-Roman sources (see Mason’s survey in the bibliography).  The “Christian” usage of this term seems fairly distinctive, though I think readers would still hear echoes of the scriptural and imperial background.
  2. The primitive “proclamation” of an early Jesus community:  “Now I should remind you, brothers and sisters, of the good news that I proclaimed to you… For I handed on to you as of first importance what I in turn had received: that Christ died for our sins in accordance with the scriptures, and that he was buried, and that he was raised on the third day in accordance with the scriptures and that he appeared to Cephas, then to the Twelve…” (1 Cor 15:1, 3-4); “the gospel concerning his Son, who was descended from David according to the flesh and was declared to be Son of God with power according to the spirit of holiness by resurrection from the dead” (Rom 1:3-4)
  3. The Pauline corpus uses euangelion 60 out of the 76 uses in the NT.  If Paul did not initiate the usage of euangelion in the discourse, it was clearly a favourite term that he popularized.  Although we see above examples where he borrowed from traditional formulations, when the occasion demands Paul makes the rhetorical move to argue against those who attacked his apostolic calling by speaking about his “gospel” as a revelation from heaven (Gal 1:11-12) and labelling the messages of rivals (in this case those who demand non-Jews to Judaize by adopting Jewish customs) as a false gospel (Gal 1:6-9).  Paul’s gospel centres on the atoning death and resurrection/enthronement of the Messiah and its cosmic implications.
  4. Mark uses the term 7 times (excluding 16:15) generally in the sense of preaching, whether Jesus on the “good news” about the kingdom (Mk 1:15) or the disciples testimony about Jesus (13:10) or others involved in his life like the annointing woman (14:9).  However, Mk 1:1 has “the beginning of the good news of Jesus Christ [Son of God]” which leads to all sorts of questions:  is this just the first sentence to summarize the beginning of Jesus’ ministry with the baptism (but verse 1 has no predicate or verb to easily link on to the start of verse 2 “as it was written in Isaiah”, unless verses 2-3 are bracketed off and verse 1 is meant to connect with verse 4 that the beginning of the good news is [verb-to-be supplied] John the baptizer appeared in the wilderness) OR a stand alone title that summarizes the whole book (but usually Mark’s kathos clauses “as it was written” have something preceding it).  In any case, some scholars like the late Martin Hengel take Mark 1:1 as a title and setting precedent for calling Jesus books “Gospels.”
  5. While Matthew only has euangelion 4 times, the late Graham Stanton argued that the redactional “the gospel of the kingdom”  (4:23; 9:35; 24:14; cf. 13:9 “word of the kingdom”) or ”this [touto] gospel” (24:14; 26:13) summarizes the totality of Jesus’ teaching and deeds.  For instance, in 26:13, wherever “this gospel” is proclaimed, Jesus encounter with the woman will be too.  Thus, Stanton thinks “gospel” was a capsule summary of the contents of Matthew and encouraged the titular usage.
  6. There is debate about whether the Apostolic Fathers cite oral tradition or written Gospels, but they do not tend to call their sources “gospels” (e.g., “the Lord said”).  Papias of Hierapolis (ca. 110-130) refers to named authors (Mark, Matthew) but does not call their writings ”Gospels.”  Ignatius of Antioch (ca 110?) seems to know Matthew and possibly Luke/John but still seems to use “gospel” in the non-titular sense (contra Hill who makes too much of the equivalence of ‘prophets’ and ‘gospel’ and ‘apostles’ as written texts in my view).  The Didache (ca. late 1st century?) cites traditions “in the gospel” (8:2; 15:3-4; cf. 11:3).  There is debate about whether the author uses the term in the kerygmatic sense of proclamation or of a written text, which depends in part on whether (s)he is citing oral tradition or Matthew.  2 Clement (ca. 140-160) knows written Gospels and uses the formula “for the Lord says in the Gospel” (8:5).
  7. Martin Hengel’s theory is that, in ancient libraries/book shops, titles of books were necessary in order to distinguish them and, if they were written anonymously, a pseudonymous author would be provided.  In a similar way, Christians established their own scriptoria within major centres (e.g., Rome, Ephesus) and as soon as multiply copies of a Gospel began circulating it became necessary to supply them with a title and thus the titles would have been added fairly early.  Further, he argues that their striking uniformity and unconventionality (i.e. to euangelion kata Markon or “the gospel according to Mark” when the usual form of a title was the genitive of the author’s name followed by the title) supports that the titles were not late or else there would have been different titles in circulation.
  8. Helmut Koester’s argues that euangelion continued to be used for oral proclamation well into the 2nd century (though he grants the case for 2 Clem around 150 CE).  Koester argues that Marcion initiated the use of “gospel” as a title of a literary work when he confused Paul’s reference to “my gospel” (cf. Rom 2:16) as a reference to his written gospel, which Tertullian deduces was an edited version of Luke though Marcion’s Gospel is formally anonymous (cf. Tertullian, Against Marcion 4.4.1-2).  Koester’s view would have to be qualified if the reference in the Didache is to a written Gospel text.
  9. Justin Martyr (ca. 140s) prefers the “memoirs of the apostles” but he is familiar with the title “Gospel” in using the plural euangelia (1 Apol. 66; Dial 1o.2).  Among the first to refer to written Gospels by the names of their authors are Theophilus of Antioch (Autol. 2.22) (ca 170s) and Irenaeus of Lyons (ca 175-85).
  10. My view is that the term euangelion evolved from the proclaimation of Jesus’ death and resurrection to universal lordship (Paul) to the whole of his life (Mark, Matthew) to the title of Jesus books for some Christian writers in the first half of the second century (e.g., Didache [late first century?], Marcion, 2 Clement, Justin).  However, I think the standard titles imply a collection of more than one Gospel (for their to be a singular “Gospel” to be told “according to Mark” implies that it was also told in the perspective of another author like Matthew, Luke or John) and may have been applied to the Gospels at the emergence of a fourfold Gospel canon sometime in the latter half of the second century.

For much more details on the points above, here is a short Bibliography:

  • Bird, Mike.  “Mark, Interpreter of Peter and Disciple of Paul” in Paul and the Gospels: Christology, Conflicts and Convergences (ed. Michael F. Bird and Joel Willits; London and New York: T&T Clark, 2011): 30-58.
  • Gundry, Robert.  “EUAGGELION:  How Soon a Book?” JBL 115 (1996): 321-25.
  • Hengel, Martin.  The Four Gospels and the One Gospel of Jesus Christ. London: SCM; Harrisburg: Trinity, 2000.
  • Hill, Charles.  “Ignatius, ‘the Gospel’ and the Gospels,” in The Reception of the New Testament in the Apostolic Fathers.  Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005.
  • Kelhoffer,  James A. “‘How Soon a Book’ Revisited:  EUAGGELION as a Reference to ‘Gospel’ Materials in the First Half of the Second Century.”  Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche 95 (2004): 1–34.
  • Koester, Helmut.  Ancient Christian Gospels: Their History and Development. London: SCM;Philadelphia: Trinity International, 1990.
  • Mason, Steve.  “Methods and Categories:  Judaism and Gospel.”  The Bible and Interpretation (2009).
  • Stanton, Graham.  Jesus and Gospel.  Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004.
  • I also noticed a new WUNT monograph on Euangelion at the SBL bookstall if anyone knows more about it?

20 Jul 13:07

Latest on @HuffPostRelig – Romans 1.26-7

by Joel L. Watts
The Gutenberg Bible displayed by the United St...

The Gutenberg Bible displayed by the United States Library of Congress, demonstrating printed pages as a storage medium. (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

So, this is not everyone’s cup o’tea and some may disagree. That’s fine. Let’s talk.

Romans 1.26-7: The Bible ‘Says’ Homosexuality Is a Sin? | Joel L. Watts.

I referred to a previous post that I *think is supported by a recent post by Dagesh.

Paul is not speaking about homosexuality, but about judging others as unsavable. The detractor (created) was arguing against the salvation of Gentiles, not sinners in general, but Gentiles.

Anyway, there you go.

For those who do not get the point of a HuffPost op-ed, it is not a full-blown academic article, but a short (no more than 1000 words) piece. So, it has to be short, sweet, and to the point, Beau. 

Related Articles:

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My books are now available on Amazon. Mimetic Criticism and the Gospel of Mark: Introduction and Commentary and From Fear to Faith: Stories of Hitting Spiritual Walls is in paperback or Kindle
20 Jul 12:38

Lawrence Schiffman Surveys the Scrolls

by Brian Davidson

I have not found online a more engaging, informative, well-balanced survey of the Dead Sea Scrolls than the video embedded below.

As far as published resources go, you have a few very good options: Timothy Lim’s The Dead Sea Scrolls: A Very Short Introduction, John J. Collins’ The Dead Sea Scrolls: A Biography, and Craig A. Evans’ Holman Quick Source Guide to the Dead Sea Scrolls. All three of these provide clearly written introductions accessible to the general public.

Finding quality, free content online is a different story. YouTube is full of all sorts or crazy videos about the Dead Sea Scrolls. I was delighted to see that Lawrence Schiffman’s lecture provides not only quality information (I knew it would do that much), but also tells the story very well. I think this video made its way around the blogs and Twitter feeds several months ago when Schiffman joined the biblioblogosphere, but I just got a chance to watch it this morning, while carrying my 5 month old around the house as he slept.

Schiffman hits the high points concerning the discovery of the Scrolls, the archaeology of Khirbet Qumran, and surveys the contents of the Scrolls, all in an hour. Enjoy!

20 Jul 01:58

Talmudic Culture and its Discontents: The NLI’s Series on the Talmud and Israeli Society

by Shai Secunda
From its beginnings, classical Zionism dreamed not only of resettling the Land of Israel but also of re-occupying classical Jewish language and literature.  For most Zionists, the language was Hebrew and the literature, the Bible.  After all, it is the Hebrew … Continue reading →
20 Jul 01:16

Virginia Heffernan, Creationism and Deconstruction

by David Sessions

There’s almost nothing as frustrating to someone who studies European philosophy of the 1960s-70s as the sheer volume of idiotic things that are written everywhere, from academic journals to science blogs, about “postmodernism” and “deconstruction.” These labels are scattered wildly about and attached to things they never had anything to do with, and held up as dark warnings against dangerous irrationalism that leads to tyranny (or in the conservative Christian case, denial of God’s truth that leads to tyranny). It’s easy to get annoyed at evangelicals and journalists and science bloggers who perpetuate these empty stereotypes. But this Virginia Heffernan affair has made me realize how much we have to face another culprit: people who actually do dress up bad arguments in Derridean garb, thereby helping all the other culprits keep buying their prejudice on the cheap.

It started with a column in which Heffernan, a technology writer who has a Ph.D. in English, confessed that she is a creationist. She doesn’t so much deny Darwin as she has just “never found a more compelling story of our origins than the ones that involve God.” Heffernan is making a fairly banal argument for a romantic view of the world, not all that different from the one I’ve been encountering in G.K. Chesterton. Darwinism doesn’t explain how we got here or why we exist, so why can’t we believe a cool story about those things? What’s all the fuss about?

Well, the fuss comes mostly from what she says toward the end of the column, where she veers from saying something like “science doesn’t explain everything” to something closer to “science is mostly wrong and doesn’t matter.” I’ll just quote those final two paragraphs:

When a social science, made up entirely of observations and hypotheses, tells us first that men are polygamous and women homebodies, and then that men are monogamous and women gallivanters—and, what’s more builds far-fetched protocols of dating and courtship and marriage and divorce around these notions—maybe it’s time to retire the whole approach.

All the while, the first books of the Bible are still hanging around. I guess I don’t “believe” that the world was created in a few days, but what do I know? Seems as plausible (to me) as theoretical astrophysics, and it’s certainly a livelier tale. As Life of Pi author Yann Martel once put it, summarizing his page-turner novel: “1) Life is a story. 2) You can choose your story. 3) A story with God is the better story.”

So though she is still technically on defensible ground here, Heffernan is doing something slightly insidious: she’s letting one of the very least credible social sciences (evolutionary psychology) stand in for science as a whole, without mentioning that the scientific community itself is very critical of ev-psych. Then she presents “the first books of the Bible” as an alternative to science, which you know, like ev-psych, is all just a bunch of hypotheses anyway. And while I don’t think there’s anything inherently wrong with “You can choose your story,” in this context it comes pretty damn close to suggesting that, at a base level, empirical facts don’t matter and whatever you want to believe about whatever is just fine. In this approach, “science” is insinuated to be on the same level as religious myths: it’s up to you to choose whichever one first your “personality” better (an idea that runs through Heffernan’s commentary elsewhere.)

Things got worse when Heffernan was called upon to defend herself on Twitter, particularly in this revealing exchange with New York Times science writer Carl Zimmer. In this conversation, Heffernan presents herself as some type of literary postmodernist who is radically skeptical of all representation of reality:

@carlzimmer @noahWG I don’t have a positivist’s brain. I suspect there are other mystics/flakes/English PhDs like me who also don’t.

— Virginia Heffernan (@page88) July 11, 2013

@carlzimmer @albertocairo I did read Darwin as literature & Sam Harris &al as cultural docs but my training keeps me from seeing it as truth

— Virginia Heffernan (@page88) July 11, 2013

What she’s basically doing here is saying that her literary personality and her philosophical skepticism allow her to deny that scientific findings have any necessary bearing on life or belief as long as she feels like remaining ignorant of them; all there is is a plane of competing stories. This is, is turns out, exactly what an ideological science blogger, or a quasi-religious scientific fundamentalist like Sam Harris, wants to believe a “postmodernist” is like. In fact, we have a science writer to demonstrate this for us: Telegraph editor Tom Chivers, who launches his jeremiad against Heffernan with one of the most ignorant accounts of “postmodernism” I’ve ever read:

That was true up until around the 1960s or so, whereupon a variety of philosophers in major US universities, mostly French and led by Jacques Derrida, decided that we are, in fact, entitled to our own facts as well. Postmodernist “deconstructionism” began with the perfectly sensible and even banal observation that literature could not be discussed without acknowledging the cultural baggage of both author and reader, and that the meaning of a text was not something fixed and eternal but the product of the reader’s mind in conjunction with the author’s.

But its influence spread beyond literature, into other areas of study.  As Barbara Ehrenreich put it, “Students taking courses in literature, film, ‘cultural studies’, and even, in some cases, anthropology and political science, were taught that the world is just a ‘text’ about which you can say anything you want, provided you say it murkily enough.” She claimed that one of her children reported you could be marked down for writing “reality” without putting it in inverted commas. According to Francis Wheen, in his fantastic book How Mumbo Jumbo Conquered The World, science and politics fell under this reality-denying spell: it became impossible to critique either, since they were fictions, “like truth, justice, law and all other linguistic ‘constructs’”. Michel Foucault, another of the great deconstructionists, went to Iran and fell in love with the “beauty” of its savage theocratic regime. Wheen reports that, when asked about the brutal repression of dissidents and free speech in the country, Foucault replied “They don’t have the same regime of truth as ours.”

Okay, so Derrida never said anyone is “entitled to their own facts,” and it happens that things like truth, justice and law, are constructs, even if they’re good and necessary ones. Obviously Chivers knows nothing about Foucault, whose politics are utterly irrelevant to the topic at hand. But however silly and prejudicial a view of Derrida and Foucault this many be (something Chivers’ colleague Tim Stanley wrote a good analysis of), it’s not quite as a silly view of Heffernan. She’s made pretty clear that when she says “you choose your own story,” she means this in a radical way: you choose reality itself, and empirical facts are of little import. This is quite beyond the central “postmodernist” insight that we are situated in history and social structures that we can’t get out of, even by disciplined, “rational” reflection. The fact that there is no logical, rational ground of nature or reality does not mean that nothing whatsoever can be rigorously observed and known about them.

But Heffernan has a history of wrapping herself in a “Derridean cloak” and presenting a kind of ad hominem science denialism as being part of deconstruction. In her infamous 2010 New York Times Magazine column about the website ScienceBlogs, she set up a grand battle between science and deconstruction, and her entire argument against ScienceBlogs was basically that science bloggers are elitist assholes. That is certainly true in some cases—certain internet science communities can be shockingly Taliban-like for people so opposed to religious fundamentalism. But Heffernan’s column made no argument: it really had nothing to do with “science” as an academic pursuit of human knowledge, and certainly had nothing to do with deconstruction as a philosophical approach. She never read ScienceBlogs as someone who was interested in talking about science. She was doing exactly what Tim Chivers is doing in the post quoted above, and very close to what the ScienceBlog writers were doing to fat religious people: lumping together the good and the bad, mocking and dismissing something they really have no clue about.

This is a weird thing for me to write. I’m more inclined to think that, in American knowledge circles, the ideology and hubris of science are not critiqued enough, especially the dangerous ways that ideology colludes with economics and politics. I’ve even studied Derrida a lot, and am fairly sympathetic. I believe that, beyond anything argued by Derrida or Heffernan, we really have no clue what lies at the bottom or beginning of the universe, and every single bit of knowledge we have is an interpretation and a construct. People realized that a long time before Derrida, even if we haven’t always been as aware of it as we should.

So you’d think I’d be more sympathetic to someone pushing back this way. But I’m afraid that’s not what Heffernan is doing: she’s throwing rocks at an imaginary version of “science” as much as Chivers is ranting about an imaginary Derrida. Just like scientists and science writers shouldn’t be taken seriously when they pontificate on “postmodernism,” newspaper deconstructionists shouldn’t be when they dismiss credible, vital enterprises of knowledge as little more than a personality accessory.

20 Jul 01:13

"No! Absolutely not! Not a word of it is true! I did not have... << Ancient Art



"No! Absolutely not! Not a word of it is true! I did not have sex with her!"

1 & 2: Tablet, Yorghan Tepe, Stratum II.

Thus Kushshi-harbe, the mayor of Nuzi, vehemently denied the accusation of illicit sexual relations, one of the numerous allegations of corruption lodged against him by the citizens of Nuzi. Fourteen largely complete tablets, found in the palace at Location A on the site plan, record depositions against the mayor; other fragments have also been identified as belonging to the dossier. None, however, preserves the court’s verdict. In Tablets 1 and 2 Kushshi-harbe and his henchmen are charged, among other things, with making a door for his private house from wood belonging to the palace, looting a sealed house, numerous thefts and kidnapping. (Text: Semitic Museum).

This is one of my favorite artifacts from the museum, really just shows that even after these thousands of years, some things really do not change!

Courtesy & currently located at the Semitic Museum, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA.

19 Jul 23:53

the church loses respect because it demands it

by David Hayward
mirror mirror cartoon by nakedpastor david hayward

shop-a-doodle-do!

Do you know one of the main reasons so many people are so critical of the church? Because it is not critical of itself.

What if the church readily and publicly admitted to its abuses, its greed, its misogyny, its homophobia, its role as accomplice in so many injustices, its coverups, its…, its…, its…? What if the church criticized itself?

Instead we see mostly self-congratulations and defensiveness. It is its pride that brings it down.

It loses respect because it demands it.

19 Jul 19:35

Happy birthday to me (2013 edition) << Christopher Heard (Higgaion)

This is what I found in my office study when I returned from the Biblical Language Center’s Hebrew workshop in Fresno:

Packages in My Office, July 2013

Most of these packages are props and such for my upcoming Hebrew class: toy people, foam swords, blocks, and even some Hebrew Scrabble games. I’ve already appropriated some toy food and animals that my children have outgrown, and some costume props from after-Halloween sales.

Here’s what was in the boxes, with some duplicates outside the frame:

After the Unpacking

These guys will make great additions to my existing stash, which includes:

My Existing TPR/S Stash

On another note, many thanks to all the birthday well-wishers on Facebook and Twitter!

שָׁלוֹם עָלֵיכֶם

19 Jul 19:34

The Resurrection of Jesus in the Gospel of John

by Josaphat Tam

RJGJ

2013.07.16 | Craig R. Koester and Reimund Bieringer, eds. The Resurrection of Jesus in the Gospel of John. WUNT 222. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2008. Pp. viii + 358. ISBN: 9783161495885.

Review by Josaphat Tam, University of Edinburgh.

Many thanks to Mohr Siebeck for providing us a review copy.

facebook.com/RBECS.org

This book is a collection of essays on an important topic desperately needed in Johannine studies, even up to now.  Many of the essays are from papers presented in various “Johannine Writings Seminars” of the Society for New Testament Studies (SNTS) over the period 2005—2007.  The thirteen essays cover various aspects of resurrection in the Gospel of John, from the motif itself, the resurrection appearances, to its connection with the cross, the farewell discourse, the Johannine signs, the ascension motif, the concept of remission of sin, and eschatology.

The first insightful essay of Harold W. Attridge, “From Discord Rises Meaning: Resurrection Motifs in the Fourth Gospel,” reviews strategies to deal with the tension between the “already” and “not yet” aspects of resurrection in John.  Both redactional hypotheses in dialogue with the Gospel of Thomas tradition and an integrative eschatological framework suggested by N. T. Wright are considered as not fully adequate to deal with the concept in John, where resurrection is both in the future and a present reality in encountering Jesus.  From the perspective of the reader, Attridge suggests that the tension could be resolved in appreciating the relationship expressed in abiding in Jesus who abides in the Father.  Such relationship is the core essence of the Spirit-powered forgiveness in John 20—21 and is shown from the experience of lived engagements with the risen Jesus as the ground for belief.  The hopes for a future literal resurrection are realized in living a life of Spirit-filled love, forgiven and rooted in experiencing the resurrected reality of Christ (p.19).

John Painter, in “‘The Light Shines in the Darkness…’: Creation, Incarnation, and Resurrection in John,” argues that the Johannine notion of creation implies incarnation and resurrection; resurrection presumes creation and incarnation.  Both can be traced from the Prologue and its derived body of the gospel.  Interestingly, Painter explores echoes of various Genesis passages in John 20—21.

Craig R. Koester’s “Jesus’ Resurrection, the Signs, and the Dynamics of Faith in the Gospel of John” discusses John’s approach to the question of faith due to the limited time frame of Jesus’ incarnate ministry, especially in light of his resurrection.  John has to deal with Jesus’ absence for his readers.  As such, both the post-resurrection perspective of the gospel (including its treatment on the relationship of signs/resurrection appearances to faith) and the stress on the work of the Paraclete given by the risen Christ are treated under such concern.

Ruben Zimmermann’s “The Narrative Hermeneutics in John 11: Learning with Lazarus how to understand Death, Life, and Resurrection” aims at finding insights from the Lazarus’ account that can “break through” the debate on the historicity of Jesus’ resurrection.  Conducting a literary analysis of John 11, prototypes of faith are identified from the siblings therein.  Zimmerman then attempts to argue that they represent John’s emphasis on the “enduring closeness to the risen Christ” (here-and-now aspect) rather than the eschatological resurrection.  This guides us to understand Jesus’ resurrection similarly as being “drawn into the challenges and encouragement of the present reality of Jesus” and experiencing “the counterfactual reality of life” (p.101).

Jean Zumstein approaches “Jesus’ Resurrection in the Farewell Discourses” by first exploring the hermeneutical perspective of proleptic statements in the farewell discourse.  Exegesis of John 14:18-26 and 16:16-22 are then conducted.  Zumstein argues that these two texts represent “a hermeneutical ‘portal’ allowing one to decode the significance of the end of Christ’s life in its entire meaning” (p.125).

Udo Schnelle’s “Cross and Resurrection in the Gospel of John” starts similarly by making observations from the Johannine post-resurrection perspective.  With this perspective and the understanding of John as a “new literary genre,” Schnelle asks the question that whether “the cross and resurrection belong to the principles that guide John’s narrative and theological presentation of the story of Jesus Christ” (p.130).  (Schnelle’s dialogue partner here is Ernst Käsemann who downplays them as no longer developed theologically, given Jesus’ divinity.)  The answer is obviously yes.  Schnelle shows this by carefully weaving the thread of the cross and resurrection through John.  He argues that “the cross undergoes a semantic enhancement and a literary-rhetorical compression in which it becomes an abbreviation for a complex event” (p.149).

Sandra M. Schneiders, in “Touching the Risen Jesus: Mary Magdalene and Thomas the Twin in John 20,” proposes that Jesus’ resurrection is not “physical” but “bodily” such that “his body continues to mediate his relationship with his disciples but in a way that is both continuous and discontinuous” with the pre-Easter Jesus (p.154).  Stating her presuppositions on the Johannine eschatology and anthropology (where she attempts to differentiate σάρξ and αἷμα from σῶμα), Schneiders discusses Jesus’ seemingly contradictory commands on touching him (to Mary Magdalene and Thomas) in 20:11-18, 24-29.  She argues that, according to John, “faith based on seeing pre-paschal signs” should now be supplanted by “post-paschal faith that will be based on a new kind of sign” (p.169), namely the apostolic testimony mediated by the church as demonstrated in the characters’ experience.  In a dichotomous manner, the resurrection narrative is not about vindicating Jesus but about where and how Jesus’ (first and future) disciples (will) encounter him as their Lord.

Jesper Tang Nielsen’s “Resurrection, Recognition, Reassuring: The Function of Jesus’ Resurrection in the Fourth Gospel” sets the discussion on the text’s “implied reading strategy” aiming at influencing real readers.  Taking insights from Aristotle’s Poetics and from the perspective of narrative theory and communicative levels (narrative and discoursive), Nielsen applies them to issues related to the resurrection in the gospel with regard to John’s main structure, substructure, hamartia, and provoking emotional response.

Reimund Bieringer, in “‘I am ascending to my Father and your Father, to my God and your God’ (John 20:17): Resurrection and Ascension in the Gospel of John,” investigates the ascension theme in the resurrection context.  With a sensible exegesis of different elements in 20:17 and taking tradition-critical and redaction-critical approaches, Bieringer sees the problem of fitting Jesus’ prohibition to touch (v.17b) with his ascension to the father (v.17c) as unsettled.  To him, such chronological approach to the relationship of resurrection and ascension is a dead-end.  Adopting a compositional-critical approach, he compares John 20:14-17 to Matt 28:9-10 (he sees a dependence on the synoptic here) and suggests that John corrects Matthew, by stressing that the Father should be the one to be approached and worshipped, not the risen Christ (touching him).

Johannes Beutler’s “Resurrection and the Remission of Sins: John 20:23 against Its Traditional Background” deals with the forgiveness motif in 20:19-23 and its connection to the New Testament tradition and the Old Testament and Jewish traditions behind.  He shows that (1) the disciples’ forgiving/retaining sins derives its authority from Jesus’ resurrection, his presence among them, and commissioning them; (2) John is probably more influenced by Luke 24:36-49 than Matt 16:19 and 18:18; (3) the eschatological promises in Jewish traditions are at work in the Johannine text based on his study on the relevant semantic fields; the Jewish concept of new covenant also lurks in the background.

R. Alan Culpepper, in “Realized Eschatology in the Experience of the Johannine Community,” discusses the effect the realized eschatology of the early Johannine Christians has on their ecclesiology. Examining the eschatological terms used in John and the elements of Jewish and early Christian eschatology used in John, Culpepper concludes that both confirm John’s emphasis on realized eschatology though a future eschatology is not forsaken.  Culpepper then discusses its implications to the Johannine community, including the Johannine mysticism of oneness with God, participation in the community’s sacred meal, adherence to the ethic of Jesus’ teaching, the issue of sin in the community, new kinship language for community members, and both enmity with and strong missionary mandate to the world.

Hans-Ulrich Weidemann’s “Eschatology as Liturgy: Jesus’ Resurrection and Johannine Eschatology” tackles again the connection of the resurrection account to the Farewell Discourse and the possibility of John’s dependence on the synoptic tradition.  Weidemann considers both traditions derive from an older common tradition.  Treating the three parts of the farewell discourses (13:31-14:31; 15:1-16:4a; 16:4b-33) as presupposing John 20 through Andreas Dettwiler’s model of relecture, he considers Jesus’ predictions, promises, and prophecies made in the farewell discourse to relate to later generations of the Johannine community more than the first disciples through the community’s liturgical Sitz im Leben and experience of the Paraclete.

The last essay, “The Significance of the Resurrection Appearance in John 21” by Martin Hasitschka, explores the numerous verbal connections of the two episodes of John 21:1-14 and vv.15-22 to chapters 1—20.  He argues that John 21 should be read as an integral part of the gospel.  In light of the faith of Easter, the disciples grasp deeper the true meaning of Jesus’ deeds and words before his death and resurrection.

Of these thirteen essays written by well-established Johannine scholars, one will find some of them intriguing but some are more contested or less convincing.  Of course, more can be discussed under the topic of resurrection in John, like the role of John’s (collective) memory in shaping the resurrection motif and the correlation of the idea of testimony in the resurrection account to the gospel as a whole.  Nevertheless, the present collection of essays already proves to be a big feast.  Readers of the Johannine literature know that there is already a huge amount of English secondary literature in the scholarly field in recent decades but they will be benefited by these authors’ bringing in more from the German and French scholarship.

The book appears carefully edited.  Indices of references to scriptures and ancient texts and of modern authors prove useful to readers.  Only minor defects are detected: a few typos (p.76-100 wrong spelling of “Zimmerman” in the page headers; p.125 “johannine” [3x]; p.254 line 10 “have” instead of “has”), missing coma (p.247 line 15), and redundant space (p.258 line 13). They are hoped to be corrected in future reprints.

Josaphat C. Tam
School of Divinity, University of Edinburgh
Josaphat.Tam [ at ] ed.ac.uk


19 Jul 19:32

Figurine of a woman playing a hand-drum, painted terracotta,... << Ancient Art



Figurine of a woman playing a hand-drum, painted terracotta, 8th-7th centuries B.C.E.

The Bible preserves an extensive and well-developed musical vocabulary. Even though precise meanings are sometimes elusive, it is abundantly clear that singing, dancing and playing instruments figured prominently in Temple worship. Musicians, both male and female, were held in high regard.

Terracottas of female drum players and other figurines depicting musicians, both male and female, have been found in Judah and Israel, as well as Phoenicia and Cyprus. Hand-drums, in particular, were associated with women, both among the figures and in the biblical record, indicating that women customarily played this instrument. Female drummers not only provided rhythms for singing and dancing at family and community celebrations, but, as Psalm 68 makes evident, their music was also incorporated into the ceremonies of the Temple.

"Your processions are seen, O God, the processions of my God, my King, into the sanctuary -singers in front, musicians behind, between them young women playing hand-drums." -Psalm 68:25-26 (Eng. Trans. 68:24-25).

(Text: Semitic Museum).

Courtesy & currently located at the Semitic Museum, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA. 

19 Jul 19:27

My Response to Koog P. Hong’s RBL Review of my Jacob and the Divine Trickster

by John Anderson

(Below is a copy of the response I have submitted to RBL in the hopes they will publish and circulate it, as a fitting response to Hong’s review of my book, which you can read HERE).

A Response to Koog P. Hong’s Review of My
Jacob and the Divine Trickster (RBL 3/13)

John E. Anderson, Ph.D.

ImageI welcome this opportunity to respond to a recent RBL review of my book (published 3/22/13), written by Koog P. Hong of Yonsei University. Hong has offered a review that strives to take my work seriously. For this I am appreciative; what more could a scholar want? But there are some missteps and misstatements in the review to which I would like to respond. It is my hope also that this response—motivated by the very tenets of the SBL to “foster biblical scholarship”—will encourage a robust dialogue on some of these questions I raise that are, to my eye, far too often ignored, be it out of theological convenience, Testamental dissonance, and/or personal bewilderment at their presence. There are two basic issues I wish to raise: 1) matters of content and argument; 2) matters of theology and method.


Matters of Content and Argument

Hong’s critiques make constant mention of what I don’t do. Barring the ‘maxim’ that a reviewer is to articulate fairly and accurately the book the author wrote, not what s/he should have written, I take Hong’s points seriously. On nearly every occasion, however, I do indeed discuss—at times in depth—what he suggests I do not.


The Morality and Theology of Divine Deception

For example, Hong writes that “Anderson does not discuss the moral and theological implications revolving around his bold thesis: YHWH the divine trickster. His insistence that YHWH’s deception is intimately bound to the covenantal fidelity to the ancestral promise (i.e., deception is used only to advance the promise) does little to alleviate the moral unease inherent in it” (emphasis added). But I do indeed discuss the “moral and theological implications” in both the introductory and concluding chapters. Indeed, in the final chapter of the book is a bolded subject heading entitled “Theological Implications” (174-77) in which I advance and develop five theological implications arising from this study; in short, they are: unexpected modes of divine fulfillment/fidelity, the “centripetal force of the ancestral promise,” the destabilizing and subversive tendencies of this portrait of God, that the Old Testament and thus our theologies should not “whitewash, sanitize, or domesticate God,” and that one avoid systematic approaches to doing Old Testament theology. This critique is odd given that Hong himself notes in the summary portion of the review that “Anderson concludes with a reflection on the implications of the theology of deception.”

Moreover, while my book is not primarily concerned with issues of morality as it relates to this material, I do discuss it, again in both the introductory and concluding chapters. In the introductory chapter, this point appears as early as page 2. Later in that same chapter, I argue that “in its original context, the Jacob cycle is not a narrative ultimately concerned with matters of ethics” (39). Attached to that statement is a lengthy footnote, maintaining that “there does not appear to be any moral commentary running throughout [these texts]” and that “I disagree with the sentiment that a contemporary reader must deem these texts unethical.” I am, at bottom, here suggesting that there is an inherent danger in importing our modern sensibilities of ethics and morality onto an ancient text. Our primary task—and the task I take up—is to offer a descriptive theology, and only with that in place should we begin to move toward questions of contemporary application. More germane to Hong’s “moral unease” is my final chapter, a section following immediately upon the “Theological Implications” section, entitled “Trustworthy Deception,” where I wrestle with this question as articulated in the biblical text, with ramifications for the life of faith. To be fair, this is not my primary concern in the book, but to suggest I ignore “moral and theological implications” is simply untrue. I don’t ignore them, yet I do seem to argue a perspective contrary to one Hong holds.

One might more appropriately ask whose “moral unease” I should have set out to address and redress. Certainly, given my comments above, I am not persuaded ancient Israel took moral issue with this portrait of Jacob but rather saw it existing in a beautiful and meaningful tension with other portraits of Jacob.[1] Nor am I persuaded the authors and/or compilers of Genesis in its final form felt any sort of ethical impulse to tame Jacob or God (a point I also develop in the book). It seems Hong’s main contention is that I don’t address the “moral unease” of contemporary readers. Surely the God of the Old Testament is unsettling in many respects, but I don’t understand my task—be it in this book, or as a believer, or as a professor—to be to assuage difficulties with or apologize for the Old Testament’s raw portrayal of God. Not that these issues are unimportant to me or are not questions with which I live and wrestle, but not everyone is troubled by a God capable of/complicit in deception. Ancient Israel wasn’t. The authors/compilers of Genesis weren’t. Nor were the authors/compilers of the multitude of other biblical (and ancient Near Eastern) texts I enumerate in my first chapter. I often tell my students, who are unwilling to admit that God may be complicit in deception, violence, or some other unsettling behavior in the Bible, that when the Bible clashes with your theology, one of the two needs to give way; they are free to choose their theology over the biblical text, but they must then be aware of the implications of the choice they have just made (I may here be betraying my Protestant bias, but as an Old Testament scholar I am deeply committed to the text and wrestling with the Bible we have, not the one we wish we had). This is not to say the Bible or its portrait of God is beyond critique or censure, but one must be honest with where the ethical impulse is located: in the text, or the reader?

This may provide little consolation to those who are unsettled by a God who engages in trickery, but this book was not written for those in the pews; it was written for the academy, as an attempt to crack open a larger conversation that occurs far too infrequently. But, I do still feel I have attempted to answer, or what Hong calls a way “to cope with it and present the present-day audience with the message that is still relevant today.” I would affirm, as I do in the book, that the Old Testament challenges and empowers readers to delight in, be challenged by, and puzzle over a God whose trustworthiness can be displayed, in a beautiful paradox, through deception (see pp. 177-86).

I must note, as I do in the book, that I am in good scholarly company in not being repulsed by divine deception: Hermann Gunkel, O. H. Prouser, as well as several others I have become aware of since the publishing of my book. Among the most recent, Marvin Sweeney offers this insightful comment about God in Genesis with which my book resonates: “Freed from the presuppositions of historical analysis that the trickster or deceptive nature of G-d’s character in Genesis is simply the product of a primitive and theological unsophisticated stage in Israelite religious development, scholars are now coming to recognize that divine duplicity and deception cannot be dismissed as the product of primitive culture, but must be taken into account in biblical interpretation.”[2]


God and Deception: “Through” or “Despite”?

Another example warrants mention. Hong writes that “Anderson ignores an interpretive possibility that God works despite human errors.” This is not a new criticism, and it is, again, one I take up in the book.

Hong’s challenge centers on God’s relationship to deception in the Jacob cycle; in the opening chapter I survey at length and engage with extant scholarship on several possibilities, one of which is that God persists with Jacob in spite of his seemingly lackluster character. There is no need to repeat at length the material already in the book, but at bottom I argue the text is clear in its articulation, from beten (Gen 25:23) to Bethel (esp. Gen 28:13-15) to Peniel (Gen 32) and at scattered moments in between that God is not making a concession in dealing with Jacob. Up until this point in Genesis thus far God has felt perfectly free to change course on a number of occasions; the primeval history bears this point out fully. Moreover, while I don’t state this in the book, the ancient Near Eastern evidence I adduce, replete with examples of trickster deities who are happy to work deception for (and sometimes against, but not despite) human characters is informative. Knowing that ancient Israel shared this cognitive environment makes the resonances that much more striking.

The larger operative question is who is to say whether Jacob has erred? Hong seems to assume as much, given his statement cited above. But who is to adjudicate whether Jacob has failed? Whose assessment matters in the world of the text? Us, or God? This is not to suggest we read uncritically and simply accept at face value anything in the text. We should indeed read discerningly. But my argument, that the prenatal oracle in Gen 25:23 animates the conflict (a conclusion I share with Brueggemann, whose bold and daring foray into this oracle is illuminating and honest), and that God’s first appearance to Jacob on the heels (pun intended!) of a family shattering act of deception—where Jacob is met not with punishment but with promise—underscores that God has no moral qualms with Jacob’s shenanigans. The “tragic side of the trickster’s celebrated life” that ensues, mentioned by Hong, no where connects the moments of theophany with divine punishment. Rather, as I argue in the book (and along similar lines as Diana Lipton in her Revisions of the Night), the moments of theophany are revelatory in their ability to communicate that God has been at work, to co-opt a well-worn phrase from Luther, “in, with, and under” Jacob’s many deceptions. Not despite. In, with, and under.

Moreover, it is precisely the “tragic side” of Jacob’s life with Laban that I argue leads to incipient fulfillment of the ancestral promise in Gen 29-31 in and amidst deception (see esp. pp. 97-129). And while Hong contends that I “fail to see that Jacob has to pay a heavy price for his behavior” (in Gen 34, which Hong incorrectly labels the “Tamar incident”; Tamar occurs in Gen 38, while it is Dinah who is subject, and object, in Gen 34), I do not see God as a character here working “despite” or “against” Jacob; even Hong is tentative here in his conclusion, stating that “one may take these as God’s implicit punishment for Jacob’s trickery” (emphasis added). Readers will have to read my arguments for themselves to see whether they find them persuasive.

Matters of Theology and Method

We operate in an age of methodological plurality, where dissonant scholarly voices grapple for a hearing, much like the tensive voices in much of the Hebrew Bible. And to be sure, methods can at times distort the text much more than they can inform it. I have, however, attempted to be up front about these issues in the book, offering as much transparency into my method and the assumptions I bring to the work (handily discussed in a section titled “Assumptions and Methodology,” pp. 33-40). In brief, I work with two mutually-informing vectors—how and what the text means—as an avenue into genuine theological inquiry, channeling scholars such as Robert Alter, Adele Berlin, and Meir Sternberg. Methodologically, I am not treading new ground as much as I am working to put new literary criticism more intentionally in the service of Old Testament theology, a discipline that has, until recently, largely been dominated by historical-critical methodologies.


Modern or Postmodern?

Hong identifies my method as “modernistic” given that I maintain “rhetoric of [my] reading’s superiority over other readings.” While I see the point he is attempting to make, I am hard-pressed to think anyone would come away from a reading of my book and label it “modern.” Perhaps the problem resides more in the sometimes unhelpful and fluid labels modern and postmodern. He is correct that I have followed Brueggemann’s lead (though I would include Leo Perdue as a seminal voice here as well) in embracing polyphony, but this is not tantamount to saying all meaning is up for grabs. Hong critiques me for defending my reading in engagement with others. I remain unclear what he envisions a truly postmodern/polyphonic argument to look like, though it is apparently not one that has an interest in defending an argument critically and thoughtfully. He does suggest “the argumentation would have been more nuanced had he presented his reading as an alternative conditioned reading that adds another facet to the ‘richness’ of the text, candidly admitting his own involvement in its production.” This, however, is precisely what I do. I write: “Old Testament theology is not a monolithic entity; there are, rather, theologies in the Bible. In this book, I offer one such theology, a theology of deception in the Jacob cycle” (34). It is my literary-theological method that helps clear this path, and while I do persist in affirming the integrity and persuasiveness of my own reading, that does not mean that I have exhausted all possible meaning-potential from the Jacob cycle, a point that is true whether one does or does not agree with my method and my conclusions.

Where is Meaning Found?

In a similar vein already alluded to above, Hong expresses the desire that my methodological proclivities would have given me reason for “candidly admitting his own involvement in its [the text’s meaning] production.” But, again, I do make just such an admission. I write: “Readers play a role in discerning a text’s meaning, and this meaning arises in the dynamic relationship between text and reader. While no reading can be entirely disinterested, the text itself serves as a ’control’ for one’s interpretation, and it is against the text that the authenticity of any interpretation must be judged” (35). On that same page is a lengthy footnote that provides even greater clarity, appealing to W. Lee Humphrey’s The Character of God in the Book of Genesis and assuming the posture of a first time reader, ignoring as much as possible “a priori ontological assumptions about God’s character deriving from classical systematic theology” (my words) and “both claims by historians of religion about the God(s) of ancient Israel and early Judaism and particular and fundamental claims about God from theologians and members of religious communities who assert an identity between God in Genesis and the God who commands their worship and allegiance” (Humphrey’s words). ‘Checking’ (as much as possible!) this theological and ecclesiastical baggage leaves, as I have already described, little more than the text and I. I have, in essence, attempted to ‘put off’ the very garb Hong seems to wish I had kept on! Therefore, in conversation with extant scholarship, I fully admit to my own involvement in the production of the text’s meaning. The only caveat I would extend is that I wish more scholars would admit the same.[3]


Psychologizing Biblical Studies

One final point warrants brief mention. At several points Hong engages in little more than psychologizing my thought process or rationale in writing various parts of the book. I don’t find such speculations helpful or warranted in pursuing genuine scholarly inquiry or the conversation I have attempted to begin.

The Divine Trickster: Moving Forward

I wrote this book with twin objectives: 1) to give uniquely theological expression to an oft-ignored portrait of God that some may deem unsettling or problematic; 2) to provide a fresh reading of the Jacob cycle that honors the textual tension between Jacob’s character and God’s election of him. The topic of God’s character is a hot-button and controversial issue to be sure with much at stake, and I suspect readers will have many visceral reactions to some of what I suggest. It is my hope that whether one finds my arguments compelling or not, that I have opened up new avenues for dialogue on these two very timely issues, dialogue that will not be animated by any animus to my reading but by an honest attempt to wrestle together, theologically, with the unsettling God of Genesis and the Hebrew Bible.

The day Hong’s review was published I received an email from Gershon Hepner, author of Legal Friction: Law, Narrative, and Identity Politics in Biblical Israel, who shared with me an original poem he wrote, inspired by my work and Hong’s review of it. Gershon has kindly agreed to allow me to share the poem here.

JACOB’S TRICKERIES

The theory that Jacob’s trickeries reflect

his imitation of our God

may not  sound religiously correct,

but precisely since it’s odd

should be considered seriously. We see

as soon as the great God of Abram picks

the Jews He does not mind their trickery,

approving the repeated tricks

that Abraham and Isaac choose to play

by claiming that their wife

is just their sister, which each one would

not just to save their life,

but to demonstrate  to every ruler

such tricks are an M. O.

that God, the universe’s Foremost Fooler,

considers not de trop

provided that the end seems good, believing

that to be Machiavellian

when faced by those who’re murdering and thieving

is not rebellion

against His principles, for they’re more real-

istic than we might

have thought, brought up to think we must  repeal

all trickery, and fight

the good fight,  one hand tied behind our backs,

against all tricky foes.

Simplistic views like that the Lord  attacks,

and Patriarchs oppose,

especially the third, whose name means “fraud”—-

Hosea says this clearly.

Fraud is the M. O. that the Lord

does not regard as merely

acceptable for Jacob, but a path

that turn a Forefather

into what some may call sociopath,

but a great hero, rather,

behaving in a way that God  would too

if He lived down on earth,

since Jacob does the sort of things He’d do

to show his godly worth.

In the Torah’s laws God changes all the rules,

and outlaws all deception.

The rules’ great proof, we should be taught in schools,

is Jacob—their exception!
(This poem was inspired by Koog P. Hong’s SBL  review of a book by John E. Anderson at Baylor University, performed under the supervision of Bill Bellinger. The book, Jacob and the Divine Trickster: A Theology of Deception and Yhwh’s Fidelity to the Ancestral Promise in the Jacob Cycle)


[1] On this, see most recently Yair Zakovitch, “Inner-Biblical Interpretation” in Reading Genesis: Ten Methods (ed. R. Henden; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 92-118.

[2] Marvin A. Sweeney, Reading the Hebrew Bible After the Shoah: Engaging Holocaust Theology (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2008), 25.

[3] While I wouldn’t classify my book as attempting the same thing, one may helpfully consult Fortress Press’ new Texts@Contexts commentary series for examples of scholars foregrounding their respective contexts and being open to how context informs and indeed at times creates meaning.

19 Jul 13:47

Tel Hazor Bronze Age Photo Gallery

by jennfitz

Photo Gallery:  Here’s a gallery all the images that appear in Near Eastern Archaeology 76.2 (2013) for Hazor in the Middle and Late Bronze Ages. Smaller versions of some of the images also appear to illustrate the abridged version of the article on Hazor’s Ceremonial Precinct found on the ASOR Blog / ANE Today which you can read here.

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Figure 11: The Southern Temple with favissa in its center (looking south).

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Figure 12: Pottery assemblage from the favissa.

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Figure 13: Cultic vessels from the favissa.

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Figure 14: Bird-shaped vases from the favissa.

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Figure 15: “Eggshell” goblets from the favissa.

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Figure 16: A clay vessel from the favissa with a slotted opening reminiscent of a “piggy bank”

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Figure 17: The Southern Temple during excavations. Note the light-colored stones lining the walls and the fill of earth (upper left).

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Figure 18: The light-colored stones on the cultic platform in the Ceremonial Precinct.

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Figure 19: Aerial view of public buildings in the center of the Upper City at Hazor showing Middle Bronze Age remains including (1) the early palace (the roofed building covers the Late Bronze Age Ceremonial Palace (or temple), (2) the Southern Temple, (3) the maṣṣebot complex, and (4) subterranean storehouses. The Iron Age “Solomonic Gate” is on the lower right of the photo.

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Figure 20: The well-dressed, light-colored stone that sealed the opening of the favissa.

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Figure 21: The Southern Temple (upper right) and corner of the early palace (to its left).

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Figure 22: The Middle Bronze Age maṣṣebot complex near the Southern Temple. During the Late Bronze Age the area was covered and became an open courtyard.

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Figure 23: Subterranean granary (looking northwest)

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Figure 24: Remnants of the early palace. Note the earth fill beneath the later Ceremonial Precinct courtyard (looking west).

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Figure 25: Reconstruction of the Late Bronze Age Ceremonial Palace showing the courtyard, porch and central room. The excavators continue to debate whether the structure is a Palace or Temple.

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Figure 26: The bamah in the courtyard (right) and the Southern Temple (left)

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Figure 27a: Basalt orthostats lining the lower part of the walls of the Ceremonial Palace.

Figure 27b: Lion orthostat, one of a pair of “gate guardians.” The other was found in the Lower City by Yadin’s expedition.

76-2Hazor_Fig28

Figure 28: Fallen mudbricks in the Ceremonial Palace.

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Figure 29: Destruction layer in the Ceremonial Palace

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Figure 30a: Entrance to the Ceremonial Palace. Note the three steps and the basalt orthostats and columns at the top of the steps.

76-2Hazor_Fig30b

Figure 30b: Basalt orthostats and column bases (Alalakh)

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Figure 31a: Ceremonial palace wall

76-2Hazor_Fig31b

Figure 31b: Ceremonial Palace wall (Alalakh)

76-2Hazor_Fig32

Figure 32: Statue of a deity with basin in front of it.

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Figure 33: Pithoi from the Ceremonial Palace.

76-2Hazor_Fig34

Figure 34: Assemblage of bowls from the Ceremonial Palace.

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Figure 35: A faience lion-headed drinking cup from the Ceremonial Palace.

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Figure 36: Figure of bronze deity, possibly Baal, from the Ceremonial Palace.

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Figure 37: Bronze figurine of a Canaanite dignitary with remains of gold leaf decoration from the Ceremonial Palace.

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Figure 38: Bronze figurines of bulls from the Ceremonial Palace

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Figure 39: Wooden jewelry box decorated with bone plaques portraying the goddess Hathor.

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Figure 40: Beads, cylinder seals, and jewelry items found next to the wooden jewelry box above.

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Figure 41: Aerial view of the Podium Complex in Area M.

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Figure 42: The podium (looking east)

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Figure 43: The four depressions on the upper stone of the podium

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Figure 44: Group of scoops from the Podium Complex entrance

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Figure 45: Aerial view of Hazor: note the area excavated by the Yadin expedition on the tell and the Lower City

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Figure 46: Area S against the background of the Upper City.

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Figure 47: Late Bronze Age II domestic building

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Figure 48: Late Bronze Age II pithoi

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Figure 49: Bronze pans of a scale and a lead weight.

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Figure 50: The latest phase of the Late Bronze Age II house; note the blocked entrances.


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19 Jul 13:18

The Yavneh Yam inscription

by noreply@blogger.com (Jim Davila)
A HEBREW OSTRACON: Ancient email: Letter on pottery fragment dates back 2,600 years: It could have been an email to the boss about an unfair manager, but this letter on a pottery fragment from Metzad Hashavyahu dates back to the time of King Josiah. (Mike Rogoff, Haaretz). Excerpt:
The voices of history are typically those of rulers, generals and court historians. The little guy is seldom heard. This ostracon, as an inscribed potsherd is called, was discovered in 1960, in the excavation of a 7th-century BCE Judean fort on the southern Mediterranean shore between Jaffa and Ashdod; and the plaint in this makeshift ceramic notepad could as well have been a desperate email.

The location seems to have been at the port town of Yavneh-Yam, during the reign of the biblical king Josiah. Scholars are divided, however, as to who controlled the garrison: the king in Jerusalem or the pharaoh reasserting Egyptian power along the coastal plain.
Actually, I think formal complaints against an employer of this type usually still come in hard copy. But be that as it may, this is a nice profile of one of the most interesting Iron Age Hebrew ostraca ever to be uncovered, one that may allude to a biblical law.
19 Jul 13:17

Questioning the Consensus, Pt. 1

by timgombis

As I mentioned in a previous post, I think that it is unlikely that when Paul states that Philemon and Onesimus are adelphoi en sarki (“brothers in the flesh”), that he means that they are both human beings.  I say this for at least five reasons, the first of which I’ll elaborate here.

First, this is not at all an assumption that would have been common in the ancient world.  On the contrary, the realities of slavery revealed them to be considered as less than human.  They were thought of as property and slavery was “a state of absolute subjection.  The slave has no kin, he cannot assume the rights and obligations of marriage; his very identity is imposed by the owner who gives him his name” (Wiedemann, pp. 202-203).  Slaves were treated according to Aristotle’s sentiment that a slave is a “living tool, and the tool is lifeless.”

While Roman legal texts distinguished slaves from other commodities that could be owned, our understanding of the realities of slavery must go beyond the legal texts and take into account the “roles played by power abuse and violence” (Wessels, p. 147).  Wessels maintains that this more comprehensive view reveals that “slaves were in reality nothing but chattel, movable possessions, which could be bought and sold by owners without any consideration of the human and cultural relations that slaves might have had” (Wessels, p. 148).

Jennifer Glancy notes that “Slaves in the Roman Empire were vulnerable to physical control, coercion, and abuse in settings as public as the auction block and as private as the bedroom” (p. 9).

Commentators on Philemon quite regularly cite Stoic writers, especially Seneca, to indicate that the equality of all humanity was a common notion in the ancient world.  In his 47th letter to Luciliu, Seneca writes at length about the treatment of slaves, delineating the elements of the model master-slave relationship according to Stoicism: “Kindly remember that he whom you call your slave sprang from the same stock, is smiled upon by the same skies, and on equal terms with yourself breathes, lives and dies.”  Later, he writes that, “all men, if traced back to their original source spring from the gods.”

But Seneca’s moral exhortation has been misused by NT scholars.  Rather than being representative of a widespread conviction, Seneca is exhorting abusive masters who aren’t living up to Stoic ideals.  He is a noteworthy exception, not an instance of the commonly-held conviction that slaves shared the same humanity as their masters.

For Glancy, “Little evidence supports the contention that these philosophers represented or affected wider public perceptions of the institution of slavery.  We cannot assume on the basis of their writings that their philosophical positions on the relative insignificance of legally defined bondage or freedom affected their actual treatment of slaves they encountered or owned, much less that they influenced others to follow either their counsel or their example” (p. 7).

Now, we must keep in mind that there were different sorts of slaves in the ancient world—menial slaves, those who worked the mines, and others who worked in the fields were treated with contempt.  There were also skilled laborers and even slaves who were trained as cooks, shopkeepers, artists, magicians, poets, teachers, and philosophers.  And we simply don’t know what sort of slave Onesimus was, nor whether he was born a slave or became one at some later point.  It may be that his name, which means “useful,” points to his being a menial slave, but this is only speculation.

Much more could be said here, but my point is simply this: Because the assumption was widespread that slaves did not share the same humanity as those born free, or certainly with their masters, it is unlikely that Paul’s expression adelphon en sarki can mean “fellow human.”


19 Jul 13:13

Reddit kills free speech again

by PZ Myers

Reddit finally took action and shut down an incredibly racist forum. How racist? It was called “r/niggers”.

As the offensive name implies, r/niggers was a place for users to bond over their disdain for black people. While Reddit itself boasts 69.9 million monthly users, r/niggers had only 6,000 members. On the other hand, on a percentage basis, it was one of Reddit’s fastest growing online communities this year.

Visiting r/niggers was a mental chore. Emblazoned with icons like watermelons and fried chicken legs, the site maintained a rotating roster of photographs of whites who have presumably been the victims of violence by blacks, as if no white person has ever committed a violent crime. Most of the community’s content was about what you’d expect: news stories about crimes committed by blacks, pseudoscience about black inferiority, and personal anecdotes about troublesome interactions with black people.

But it wasn’t just some dead eddy, a backwater full of inbred ignorant haters slapping each other on the back and telling each other how smart they were to hate black people — no, they proudly intruded on other groups, especially groups frequented by people of the color they hated, to spew out slurs and ignorance. They remind me of a certain other group that will be doing their damnedest to intrude on FtBCON this weekend (and are already dumping crap on the twitter feed).

They also remind me of that group by another attribute: the fetishization of free speech.

Much like posters on r/creepshots and r/jailbait before it, r/niggers subscribers maintain that theirs is firmly a free speech issue; they see themselves as “the last bastion of free speech on Reddit.” They argue that despite their calls for racialized violence and liberal use of slurs, r/niggers is a legitimate “venue for discussing racial relations without censorship or political correctness.”

r/niggers users even see their shadow-bans as “dying” for the cause of free speech. When their accounts are banned, the community’s moderators add their names to r/RedditMartyrs, a kind of online graveyard that honors former r/niggers subscribers with names like CatchANiggerByTheToe and CoonShine. Its sidebar proclaims that they died for their cause, noting, “In 2013, Reddit declared war on freethinking subscribers of an uncensored community known as r/niggers. These martyrs were shadow-banned by reddit admins and turned into ghosts. Gone but not forgotten, we honor their memory and their sacrifice.”

Right — every word plopped out of the mouths of bigots is precious and must be protected.

No, that’s wrong: you get to say it, no one should have any power to reach out and stitch your mouth closed or break your typing fingers, but no one is under any obligation to host bigotry, and free speech shouldn’t mean you are completely free of responsibility for what you say. I’d be more sympathetic to the cause of their free speech if they actually owned their hatred instead of hiding behind demeaning pseudonyms, the internet equivalent of white sheets and hoods, and actually had something intelligent to say.

Here’s one of the milder racist whines posted in that article.

Here’s what anti-whites need to understand. It’s not the skin color that we hate. I mean we hate that too because it looks like the color of shit. But really what we care about is the genetics underneath. Unless you show me a study showing black labs are more likely to murder and rape than golden labs. I’m going to assume they’re the same. That’s the difference between you and us. We look at facts. You think the demise of civilization is something to laugh about.

I really care about the mind underneath. And even if your skin is the same lovely pale shade as mine, the density of your melanocytes says nothing about the quality of your thoughts.

(By the way, a certain word used with high frequency in the linked article — guess which one? — is also on the blocked word list here. Take that into account in your comments.)

19 Jul 13:12

King David's Palace Discovered? No, probably not.

by John Byron
The internet has been alive the last few days with claims that King David's Palace has been discovered (see the Jerusalem Post). Now, with that type of headline many readers are going to associate the discovery with Jerusalem and assume, unless they read the article, that somewhere in the ancient city of Jerusalem archaeologists have finally discovered the home of King David the slayer of Goliath.

The reality, however, is that while the discovery is important, it is not located in Jerusalem and it is not necessarily related to David and it certainly doesn't prove that David killed Goliath.

According to the IAA press release, the discovery was made at a place called Khirbet Qeiyafa.  This city is located 20 miles southwest of Jerusalem in the Shephelah  region which consists of several narrow valleys that served as an important geographical buffer between the Judean mountains, where Jerusalem is located, and the coastal plain where a major highway between Egypt and Assyria/Babylon was located. According to the archaeologists, the foundation stones of what is the largest known building from the tenth century BCE were discovered at this site. Here is some  of what the IAA report says.
Two royal public buildings, the likes of which have not previously been found in the Kingdom of Judah of the tenth century BCE, were uncovered this past year by researchers of the Hebrew University and the Israel Antiquities Authority at Khirbet Qeiyafa – a fortified city in Judah dating to the time of King David and identified with the biblical city of Shaarayim.
One of the buildings is identified by the researchers, Professor Yossi Garfinkel of the Hebrew University and Saar Ganor of the Israel Antiquities Authority, as David’s palace, and the other structure served as an enormous royal storeroom. 
Today (Thursday) the excavation, which was conducted over the past seven years, is drawing to a close. According to Professor Yossi Garfinkel and Sa'ar Ganor, “Khirbet Qeiyafa is the best example exposed to date of a fortified city from the time of King David. The southern part of a large palace that extended across an area of c. 1,000 sq m was revealed at the top of the city. The wall enclosing the palace is c. 30 m long and an impressive entrance is fixed it through which one descended to the southern gate of the city, opposite the Valley of Elah. Around the palace’s perimeter were rooms in which various installations were found – evidence of a metal industry, special pottery vessels and fragments of alabaster vessels that were imported from Egypt. The palace is located in the center of the site and controls all of the houses lower than it in the city. From here one has an excellent vantage looking out into the distance, from as far as the Mediterranean Sea in the west to the Hebron Mountains and Jerusalem in the east. This is an ideal location from which to send messages by means of fire signals. Unfortunately, much of this palace was destroyed c. 1,400 years later when a fortified farmhouse was built there in the Byzantine period.”
The palace and storerooms are evidence of state sponsored construction and an administrative organization during King David’s reign. “This is unequivocal evidence of a kingdom’s existence, which knew to establish administrative centers at strategic points”, the archaeologists say. “To date no palaces have been found that can clearly be ascribed to the early tenth century BCE as we can do now. Khirbet Qeiyafa was probably destroyed in one of the battles that were fought against the Philistines circa 980 BCE. The palace that is now being revealed and the fortified city that was uncovered in recent years are another tier in understanding the beginning of the Kingdom of Judah”. 


While this is certainly an exciting and important discovery, it is impossible to say that this was David's palace. The last paragraph is probably more accurate with the statements: 

 The palace and storerooms are evidence of state sponsored construction and an administrative organization during King David’s reign. “This is unequivocal evidence of a kingdom’s existence, which knew to establish administrative centers at strategic points”, .

The presence of large buildings certainly demonstrates some sort of organized government that is making use of its strategic positions. And the dating of the ruins does suggest that the time frame fits nicely with the period in which David and Solomon's reigns are often placed. But without more specific evidence or some graffiti saying "King David was here," we cannot say much more. 

See the full IAA press release here
19 Jul 12:29

A Palace of David Discovered at Khirbet Qeiyafa?

by lukechandler

The latest big archaeological news is the press announcement that a Palace of King David has been discovered in the Judean foothills at Khirbet Qeiyafa, a city dating to the time of his reign. Besides the palace, a large pillared storehouse to manage taxes in kind (oil, wine, grain, etc.) was discovered along the northern edge of the city.

These discoveries are from the site I’ve worked the past five seasons. I mentioned the Iron Age fortress (“David’s Palace”) last year in a post that included a photo. The long wall was identifiable as the central building of the Iron Age city and was a large factor in the decision to excavate one more season at Qeiyafa in 2013.

The “David’s Palace” title is certainly tweaked for media exposure. For better and for worse, it worked. The story hit Israeli news sources and moved to American media in less than a day. Some interested parties have already written to criticize the sensationalism of the announcement. I understand that point of view. The media consists of people whose training is journalism, not archaeology. Many will readily soup up a headline and a story to gain readers. On the other hand Bible-related stories tend to hit big, so perhaps we should acknowledge up front that any discovery with Davidic implications will not stay small anyway. In any case, I’ll leave this discussion for others and move on.

I have worked Khirbet Qeiyafa for five years and even helped to uncover the pillared “storehouse” building in 2012. My M.A. thesis addressed the transition of Israelite society in the late-11th and early-10th centuries. Having been involved in the site and the period, here are some of my initial thoughts:

Clarify the terminology: The term “palace” does not refer to an opulent castle or some luxurious, spacious estate. It should be understood as an administrative center or fort that extends the influence of some political or military authority. In a relatively poor society such as early Iron Age Israel/Judah, such a building would have practical rather than aesthetic value. It is no surprise one of the surviving rooms has evidence of metal industry for producing weapons and/or tools. It was not built as a royal residence, though a ruler or governor would probably stay there during a visit.

Parallels? This reminds me of the Iron Age fortress building at Lachish. Like the structure at Qeiyafa, it’s by far the largest building at its site and is clearly public in nature. The Lachish structure is a bigger, later building with a couple of expansions, but probably served some similar purpose. Ancient fortified cities typically had a fort or “palace” that served administrative and defensive functions. There are later Iron Age parallels for “palaces” and storage buildings at other sites in Israel and Judah. I’d be interested in a study comparing/contrasting some of them with what has been found at Qeiyafa.

The foundation of the central fortress structure at Lachish. (Photo by Luke Chandler)

The foundation of the central fortress at Lachish. (Photo by Luke Chandler)

Implications: At this moment the fortress structure and the site in general point to a centralized authority over the region in the late-11th or early-10th century B.C. Ancient texts, including the Bible, give us Philistine, Canaanite, and Israelite/Judahite possibilities for that place at that time. The city is clearly not Philistine but carries several markers suggesting Israelite/Judahite inhabitants. Was it Canaanite? That must be demonstrated, along with a purpose for building the city where it is. Whoever built it did so under the nose of the Philistines, who apparently were unable to prevent its construction. Did it belong to an Israelite or Judahite polity led by David? Quite possibly, maybe even probably, though we can’t prove anything that specifically right now. Some individuals are professionally/personally invested in a “fictitious David” paradigm to the extreme and will automatically deny anything suggesting the contrary. Still, we cannot yet rule out other possibilities even if they seem less likely.

Don’t want to accept Israelite or Judahite explanations? One must then ask, who else would be defending the Elah Valley corridor from the Philistines, and why? We have no textual evidence for another expansionist polity in that region at that time. In my view, with the present evidence, it’s hard to make a case for a Canaanite polity producing Qeiyafa. The simpler answer is usually the better one, which points to Israelites/Judahites.

Many words have been and will be written about this fortress and its implications. Here are a few more thoughts, in no particular order.

  • Scholars with opposing views of Kh. Qeiyafa still agree on the general timeframe of the Iron Age city – around the late-11th/early-10th century B.C. This date range comes from the pottery assemblage and multiple C14 results. Barring some evidence to the contrary, the central Iron Age fortress should date to the same period.
  • At this point people have only portions of the puzzle with which to work. When all excavation data is published (within the next two or three years, perhaps) scholars everywhere can analyze everything and form grounded conclusions.
  • Scholarly skepticism is a healthy thing. It keeps people honest and raises standards.
  • However… some people have wired themselves to immediately disparage anything that appears to support contested portions of the Bible. Be skeptical of their skepticism.
  • Only a few seem willing to accept the excavators’ conclusions at this point. That’s okay. The Qeiyafa staff have been immersed in the site and its finds for years. We should expect them to have formed strong conclusions. Most everyone else is just now seeing portions of the evidence for the first time. Give it time, publish everything, and we’ll see how people come to think about things.
  • Those of us who believe in the Bible should learn from the past. Well-meaning people, along with some rascals, have repeatedly “discovered” Noah’s Ark (in many different places), underwater chariot wheels in the Red Sea, the Ark of the Covenant, and other remarkable things that ended up being untrue. There is nothing lost by being patient and, like the residents of Roman Berea, waiting to examine the actual evidence “to see if these things were so.” (Acts 17:11)
  • Remember… Archaeology can never provide all of the answers.

The Qeiyafa staff is working to publish the remaining seasons. The 2007-2008 volume has been out for a while. Two more volumes will cover the 2009 to 2013 seasons.

The Iron Age fortress wall at the end of the 2012 season. (Photo by Luke Chandler)

The Iron Age fortress wall at the end of the 2012 season. As you can see the top surviving course was just a few inches below the modern ground level. (Photo by Luke Chandler)

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The lower outside wall on the bedrock is the Iron Age fortress as it appears at the end of the 2013 season at Qeiyafa. Some inner walls are clearly visible. The walls and corner encompassing the tree are a Byzantine intrusion that obliterated most of the original Iron Age structure.  (Photo by Sky View, courtesy of the IAA)

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An aerial view of Khirbet Qeiyafa from the north. The pillared “storehouse” building is the excavated area marked by white sandbags to the right of bottom center. The central fortress building is above the black shade tents in the middle of the photo. (Photo by Sky View, courtesy of the IAA)

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The pottery assemblage presented at the press announcement. (Photo by Clara Amit, courtesy of the IAA)

I was surprised by the press release this morning. I had been planning to post on the Area W building down the hill from the city. It dates several centuries later and turned out to be very interesting. I’ll now hold off on that for a few days. What we have here in the early Iron Age is already generating plenty of discussion.


19 Jul 12:28

Abbreviations in Greek minuscule manuscripts

by Jan Krans
In a 1735 book I found a nice page with a listing of abbreviations in Greek manuscripts. The book is Johannes Alberti, Glossarium Graecum in sacros Novi Foederis libros. Ex MSS. primus edidit, notisque inlustravit ... Accedunt eiusdem miscellanea critica in glossas nomicas, Suidam, Hesychium et index auctorum ex Photii lexico inedito (Leiden: Luchtmans, 1735).
It was really the time that critics such as Wettstein and Alberti started to carefully study minuscule NT manuscripts, and also the additional information found therein, such as scholia and lists, etc..
Of course those scholars had to learn how to read the handwriting. The image below, in a way, records how Alberti did just that.
It is a folded sheet, between the preliminary matter and the first page of the Glossarium proper. I found the book at Google Books (just try "inauthor:alberti intitle:glossarium"), but the table was only partly visible, because the GB operators more often than not do not bother folding out such pages. Luckily, the book is available in various copies, with different ways of folding the page, so that it was possible to reconstruct the complete page.
19 Jul 12:01

An interesting inscription relating to Christian cryptogram in... << Ancient Art



An interesting inscription relating to Christian cryptogram in Rome.

Romano-British acrostic or word-square. A section of painted wall-plaster with an inscription scratched into the plaster, dating from the second century AD. Found during excavations at Victoria Road, Cirencester, in 1868.

The acrostic is one of only six in the world. One other example is known from this country, found during an excavation in Manchester in 1968. Two others were found at Pompeii and two at Duro-Europos. The inscription consists of five words which read the same both across, down and back to front. The acrostic is held by many to be a secret Christian sign used as a talisman and composed sometime before 79 AD.

The literal translation has been the subject of much debate. Most commonly it is said to mean, ‘The great sower Arepo holds the wheel with force.’ The word TENET (holds) forms a central cross to the design; this is a traditional Christian symbol. The twenty-five letters can be re-arranged as APATERNOSTERO (repeated twice). This contains both the word Paternoster (an amalgram of the first two words of the Lord’s Prayer) and the A and O, alpha and omega, referring to Christ as the beginning and the end.

A community of Christians could have been worshipping secretly in Corinium. Christianity was banned for much of the Roman period. Other theories have postulated Orphic, Mithraic and Jewish origins. No one denies that the cryptogram was used by Christians at a later stage, but there is no conclusive evidence of it original use being Christian.

(Text © Cotswold District Council)

Photo courtesy & taken by Synwell.

19 Jul 12:01

Olga Dogaru, Alleged Romanian Art Destroyer << Paul Barford (Portable Antiquity Collecting and Heritage Issues)

by noreply@blogger.com (Paul Barford)

 
Paintings by Picasso, Monet and Matisse were among the pieces stolen from Rotterdam's Kunsthal museum in October last year. Olga Dogaru last week said she had incinerated them to "destroy evidence" after her son's arrest for the theft. It is a shame that there is no legislation by which such cultural crime, as such, can be prevented or properly punished. Perhaps we need some. This is the face of the woman who, it now seems, did it.

Olga Dogaru
Artwork stolen from Kunsthal museum and burnt in a village stove in Caracliu, Romania.

Monet's Waterloo Bridge
Pablo Picasso's 1971 Harlequin Head
Claude Monet's 1901 Waterloo Bridge, London
Claude Monet's Charing Cross Bridge, London
Henri Matisse's 1919 Reading Girl in White and Yellow
Paul Gauguin's 1898 Girl in Front of Open Window
Meye de Haan's Self-Portrait from around 1890
Lucien Freud's 2002 Woman with Eyes Closed


BBC News:  'Stolen artwork 'burned' in Romania', 17 July 2013
19 Jul 12:00

Conferences: ARAM Decapolis-History and Archaeology 29-31 July << Aerial Photographic Archive for Archaeology in the Middle East

by noreply@blogger.com (boroca)
The ARAM Society for Syro-Mesopotamian Studies Conference on The Decapolis: History and Archaeology is held this year at The Oriental Institute, Pusey Lane, Oxford from the 29-31 July and will host a wide variety of speakers including many colleagues and friends.

You may recall from our last blog that David Kennedy spent some time in Princeton last month with the Achaeological Archive of Brünnow and von Domaszewski. If you wish to know more, David will be presenting on Monday, July 29 16:30 on what they did and didn't have to say about the Decapolis cities.

Brünnow and von Domaszewski in the Jordanian Decapolis.
David Kennedy, Monday, July 29 16:30pm Oriental Institute, Pusey Lane Oxford 
(Afternoon session begins at 14:30 and will be chaired by Prof. Amos Kloner of Bar Ilan University. Speakers include Dr. Kenneth Lönnqvist (University of Helsinki), Dr. Steven Bourke (Sydney University), and Prof. Ben Zion Rosenfeld (Bar Ilan University)).
Abstract: The publication by the two great German scholars of their magisterial Die Provincia Arabia (1904-9) was a landmark in research on Roman Arabia. It remains a marvellous source for an archaeological landscape now transformed by development and a testimony to energy in the field and superb research. Nevertheless, it was never a comprehensive review of the evidence with considerable weight being given to the Hauran and to Petra. The lands in between were treated unevenly and the region encompassed by of the Decapolis cities of Philadelphia, Gerasa, Pella and Gadara were relatively neglected. Research today needs to appreciate both the limitations of the publications of the German scholars and investigate for themselves the rich reports of 19th century travellers in the region. Many of the latter were know to the Germans; others have only come to light in recent years as libraries and archives are digitised and easily accessible.

The ARAM website is not yet updated but you can find out more information by contacting them at
ARAM, the Oriental Institute, Oxford University, Pusey Lane, Oxford OX1 2LE, England.
Tel. 01865-514041 Fax. 01865-516824. Email: aram@orinst.ox.ac.uk

According to information provided by ARAM, the Conference fee is £50 and can be made in person upon arrival at the venue on Monday morning. We hope to see you there.
19 Jul 03:41

Mark as Story Reviewed Again (and Apparently Being Read By Others….)

by Christopher Skinner

This afternoon my buddy, Matt Whitlock (thanks, Matt!) pointed me to a review of my book (co-edited with Prof. Kelly R. Iverson), Mark as Story: Retrospect and Prospect (Society of Biblical Literature, 2011) in the recent fascicle of Catholic Biblical Quarterly. I was pleased to read another very positive review of the book and its contributions. Among other positive comments, the reviewer (Dr. Steven L. Bridge of St. Joseph’s College) remarks that the volume is a “fitting tribute” to the original Mark as Story, and “[o]verall, each contribution is well written and thought-provoking.” He concludes the review praising the inclusion of reflections from David Rhoads, Don Michie, and Joanna Dewey. He writes:

Allowing the original authors (who had been written about for 260 pages) finally to step out from behind the screen and “speak” for themselves proved a satisfying conclusion to this collection. The whole testifies to the results that can be achieved by interdisciplinary collaboration. Mark as Story has had an undeniable impact on NT studies, and this volume is a worthy recognition of it (p. 613).

To date, the book has been reviewed a total of 8 times (JSNT, RSR, JETS, AUSS, Pacifica, twice at RBL, and now CBQ). I am pleased that each review has been overwhelmingly positive, and even more pleased that the book is being used by those working in Markan studies, narrative criticism, performance criticism, and character studies. I was pleasantly surprised when, while sitting at my computer last week, Prof. Chris Keith contacted me via Facebook (gotta love social media) during a meeting of the Mark Group at the International SBL meeting in St. Andrews. He wrote to say that one of the presenters had just held up the book and cited it as a solid resource for those working in narrative criticism. I have also been notified of several institutions in which the book is being used as a course text (something Kelly and I hoped would happen when we wrote the original book proposal).

At the risk of appearing too bold, I would like to point out what I think are some the book’s strengths. When Kelly and I first conceived of putting this book together, we envisioned a resource that would not only celebrate the legacy of David Rhoads and Donald Michie (and later, Joanna Dewey), but would also make original contributions to current narrative critical approaches to the Gospel of Mark. As has been noted by numerous reviewers, the book has a strong focus on more recent movements in orality studies and performance criticism. These are two areas in which Prof. Iverson has particularly distinguished himself in recent years.* Many scholars regard performance criticism as the next organic methodological move arising out of narrative criticism. This is driven in part by the recognition that most of the original audience was unlettered and therefore unable to read for themselves. This means that, necessarily, most early readings of the Gospel of Mark were public recitations/performances. And since every performer would have approached the text a bit differently, every performance would have been distinctive. This raises all sorts of questions about an “original text” (which text critics are so anxious to recover). As an aside, this often makes me think of the Gospel of Mark and Jimi Hendrix in the same context. No one live performance of a Hendrix song was ever identical to his previous iteration. In the same way, we hypothesize that performances of the Gospel of Mark differed from performance to performance (and performer to performer).

Also, since methodologies are always evolving, historical and exegetical conclusions are continually being “tweaked.” Therefore, it’s helpful when you can look both backward and forward and shine light into current and former areas of strength and weakness. I think the book accomplishes this well in several essays. First, the chapter by Mark Allan Powell (“Narrative Criticism: The Emergence of a Prominent Reading Strategy”) distinguishes between three different approaches to doing “narrative criticism,” each with its own exegetical trajectory. Another interest that Prof. Iverson and I share is the function and presentation of characters in ancient biblical narratives. Two chapters in particular look both backward and forward, using Mark as Story as a primary conversation partner, in an effort to discuss narrative conceptions of character. See the essays by Prof. Elizabeth Struthers Malbon and Prof. Stephen Moore.

I could say much more, but I would spoil it for those of you who have now been convinced to go pick up a copy. I’ll make it easy for you. Just click here. :)

* See Prof. Iverson’s articles in the areas mentioned above:

“Incongruity, Humor, and Mark: Performance and the Use of Laughter in the Second Gospel (Mark 8.14-21),” New Testament Studies 59.1 (2013): 2-19.

“A Centurion’s ‘Confession’: A Performance-Critical Analysis of Mark 15:39,” Journal of Biblical Literature 130.2 (2011): 329-50.

“Orality and the Gospels: A Survey of Recent Research,” Currents in Biblical Research 8.1 (2009): 71-106.


19 Jul 03:33

Sacred Tribes Journal podcast interview with Elizabeth Drescher on "The Nones"

by John W. Morehead

In October 2012 the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life released a survey that documented a significant shift in religious demographics in America. A large and growing number of people identified themselves as "The Nones," those who prefer no affiliation with religious institutions. As a result of this survey data, there has been a lot of discussion and controversy over how to interpret this segment of society. In this first podcast for Sacred Tribes Journal, we are privileged to have Elizabeth Drescher as our guest to discuss this phenomenon. Drescher is is a scholar, researcher, and writer. She is a faculty member in religious studies and pastoral ministries at Santa Clara University. She holds a PhD in Christian Spirituality from the Graduate Theological Union and an MA in Systematic Theology from Duquesne University.

Dr. Drescher is the author of Tweet If You [Heart] Jesus: Practicing Church in the Digital Reformation (Morehouse, 2011) and, with Keith Anderson, Click 2 Save: The Digital Ministry Bible (Morehouse, 2012). Dr. Drescher’s current book project, Choosing Our Religion: The Spiritual Lives of America’s Nones (Oxford University Press, 2014), explores practices of meaning-making, self-fulfillment, ethics, and self-transcendence among America’s fast-growing religious demographic, the religiously unaffiliated. Her website can be found at http://www.elizabethdrescher.com.

19 Jul 03:30

Modern Library Opens at Ancient Monastery << Archaeology Magazine

by saraceni@verizon.net (Jessica E. Saraceni)

WADI EL NATRUN, EGYPT—A new library building has opened at the Coptic monastery of Deir al-Surian. Established in the sixth century, the current structure dates to the tenth century. Its 1,000 bound manuscripts and 1,500 manuscript fragments in Coptic, Syriac, Ethiopic, and Arabic had been stored in a ninth-century tower. The new building includes a reading room, a display area, conservation facilities, and basement storage, all with modern security and environmental controls. Some of the earliest texts in the collection date to the fifth century.

18 Jul 20:06

A brighter future for religious progressives?

by Jim Naughton

If Robby Jones of the Public Religion Research Institute is right, progressive people of faith have reason to be optimistic.

[A] new religious orientation scale developed by PRRI and Brookings finds that a significant number of Americans—approximately 1-in-5 (19 percent)—are religious progressives. The findings also show the difference in size between religious progressives and conservatives is smaller than conventional wisdom might suggest: religious conservatives comprise 28 percent of the population, outweighing religious progressives by just nine points.

The new PRRI/Brookings survey also reveals both challenges and potential opportunities for religious progressives as compared to religious conservatives. The biggest challenge religious progressives face is the considerable racial and religious pluralism among their ranks. While more than seven-in-10 religious conservatives are white Christians (including a block of 43 percent who are white evangelical Protestants), religious progressives are strikingly diverse and no religious group makes up more than 20 percent of the whole. Only about four-in-10 are white Christians (including only four percent who are white evangelical Protestants, 19 percent who are white mainline Protestants, and 18 percent who are white Catholics); 13 percent are non-Christian religious Americans such as Jews, Muslims, Buddhists or Hindus; and about one-in-10 are black Protestants (9 percent), other Christians (10 percent) who are mostly comprised of non-black ethnic minorities, or Hispanic Catholics (eight percent). Notably, nearly one-in-five (18 percent) religious progressives are “unattached believers,” those who are not formally affiliated with a religious tradition but who nevertheless say religion is at least somewhat important in their lives. Compared to religious conservatives, this internal diversity presents a formidable organizing handicap for religious progressives, who generally have a more fractured infrastructure, and also raises the bar for advocacy efforts that need to put forward a coherent message.

Despite these serious challenges, there are some signs that religious progressives may have stronger future growth potential than religious conservatives. For example, the average age of religious progressives is 44—just under the average age in the general population of 47—while the average age of religious conservatives is 53. And there is a nearly linear decline in the appeal of religious conservatism with age. Religious conservatives make up smaller proportions of each successive generation, from 47 percent of the Silent Generation (ages 66-88) to 34 percent of Baby Boomers (ages 49-67), 23 percent of Generation X (ages 34-48), and 17 percent of Millennials (ages 18-33). Millennials are nearly twice as likely as the Silent Generation to be religious progressives (23 percent vs. 12 percent). Among Millennials, religious progressives significantly outnumber religious conservatives; additionally, 22 percent of Millennials are nonreligious.