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18 Aug 04:00

Ep 168 Insurrection? Military as Police Force feat Danny Sjursen (Swapcast)

Tom Roche

excellent

Guest: Danny Sjursen. Swapcast: Around the Empire’s Joanne Leon and Foreign Policy Focus host Kyle Anzalone. We discuss Danny’s experience on the ground at the protests in Kansas City and the broader protest movement, whether this is an insurrection, the idea of calling in the military to act as a police force or worse, and the parallels between current policing practices and counterinsurgency missions. 

Major Danny Sjursen is a retired US Army strategist, West Point grad and former history instructor at West Point. He served tours with reconnaissance units in Iraq and Afghanistan. He is the author of a memoir and critical analysis of the Iraq War titled: Ghostriders of Baghdad: Soldiers, Civilians, and the Myth of the Surge and a new book available for pre-order now: Patriotic Dissent: America in the Age of Endless War. His articles are published by numerous media outlets: antiwar.com, The American Conservative, Truthdig, TomDispatch and others. He is the co-host of the Fortress on a Hill podcast. 

FOLLOW Danny @SkepticalVet, SUBSCRIBE to the podcast Fortress on a Hill and find his website at skepticalvet.com

FOLLOW Kyle on Twitter: @Kyaaale.  SUBSCRIBE to the podcast Foreign Policy Focus at the Libertarian Institute.

Around the Empire is listener supported, independent media. Pitch in at Patreon: patreon.com/aroundtheempire or paypal.me/aroundtheempirepod. Find all links at aroundtheempire.com

SUBSCRIBE on YouTube. FOLLOW @aroundtheempire and @joanneleon.  SUBSCRIBE/FOLLOW on iTunes, iHeart, Spotify, Google Play, Facebook or on your preferred podcast app.

Recorded on June 5, 2020. Music by Fluorescent Grey.

Reference Links:

  1. Dispatches From Kansas City: The ‘Insurrection’ That Wasn’t (May 30-31, 2020), Danny Sjursen
  2. Do Police Face Less Discipline Than U.S. Soldiers?, Danny Sjursen
  3. Military Officers And Vets Uncomfortable With Trump’s Domestic ‘Battlespace’, Mark Perry
  4. Book: Ghostriders of Baghdad: Soldiers, Civilians, and the Myth of the Surge, Danny Sjursen
  5. Book: Patriotic Dissent: America in the Age of Endless War, Danny Sjursen

17 Aug 16:18

Party Leaders Investigating Origin of Anti-Morse Campaign Helped Orchestrate It, Documents Reveal

by Eoin Higgins
Tom Roche

more loathsomeness from corporate Democrats

As the primary in Massachusetts’ 1st Congressional District turned into a national story following allegations of misconduct against Holyoke Mayor Alex Morse, the state Democratic Party declined to weigh in, citing its policy to remain neutral in contested primaries.

But behind the scenes, the state party had been coordinating with the College Democrats of Massachusetts to launch those very allegations, according to five sources within the state party and connected to the CDMA, a review of messages between party leadership and CDMA leadership, and call records obtained by The Intercept. The documents show that the Massachusetts Democratic Party’s executive director Veronica Martinez and chair Gus Bickford connected the students with attorneys: among them was the powerful state party figure and attorney Jim Roosevelt, who worked with the college group on a letter alleging Morse behaved inappropriately.

The Intercept reported on Wednesday that at least two members of the UMass Amherst chapter had been planning in some form or another to leverage Morse’s use of dating apps in the Pioneer Valley against him and in favor of his opponent in the primary, longtime incumbent and influential House Ways and Means Chair Rep. Richard Neal. On Thursday morning, in the wake of the revelation, Politico reported that Bickford was calling for an investigation “to examine the conduct of College Democrats who leveled the allegations against Morse.”

“They turned to the state party to help them, they thought they’d protect them, but instead the state party is trying to destroy them,” one member of the Democratic State Committee, or DSC, told The Intercept.

Martinez reached out to CDMA members repeatedly by phone and text from at least late July up to and including Thursday, records show. In text messages reviewed by The Intercept, Martinez takes an active role in directing the group on the strategy behind the letter before and after its release, including coaching on how to interact with the press.

On Thursday, the College Democrats posted a statement that apologized to Morse, adding, “We wrote the letter to Alex Morse’s campaign on the advice of legal counsel,” but did not specify who that counsel was.


The grandson of Franklin D. Roosevelt, attorney Jim Roosevelt is a major power broker within the state and national Democratic parties and contributed to Neal’s campaigns in 2008 and 2016, giving $1,000 and $500 respectively, according to records filed with the FEC. He has a history of tangling with the Bernie Sanders-aligned wing of the party. In 2016, he chaired the Democratic National Convention’s credentials committee, rejecting Sanders’s formal request to remove Barney Frank as the chair of the rules committee, after the Vermont senator deemed the former lawmaker too hostile to Sanders and his agenda. A year later, Roosevelt publicly rebuffed the suggestion by Sen. Elizabeth Warren that members of the DNC had tilted the presidential playing field toward Hillary Clinton’s campaign. A former CEO for health insurance giant Tufts Health Plan, Roosevelt will once again co-chair the credentials committee next week at the DNC.

Asked if anyone from the state party leadership ever reached out to him about concerns being expressed by College Democrats, Morse said: “Never.”

Neal was first elected as a representative in 1988, and as chair of Ways and Means, has influence over nearly every piece of legislation that passes through Congress. Morse, backed by Justice Democrats and the Sunrise Movement, has challenged him on his fealty to corporate donors. If Neal falls, the progressive Rep. Lloyd Doggett, D-Texas, would be next in line for the committee gavel.

The would-be scandal broke into public view on Friday, August 7, when the Daily Collegian, UMass Amherst’s student newspaper, reported that the College Democrats had sent a letter to Morse barring him from future events, alleging that he had made students feel uncomfortable by abusing his position of power, making romantic advances, and engaging in sexual contact. Morse acknowledged in a statement that he had had consensual relations with adult students in the region in the past, defending his right to do so, while apologizing if any students felt uncomfortable. The mayor had previously been an adjunct professor at UMass Amherst, teaching a once-a-week course, and denied that he had ever slept with one of his students — behavior which is barred under the university’s policy. No allegation that he has done so has been put forward. (Today, UMass announced it had hired an independent attorney to investigate whether Morse violated university policies.)

The public condemnation was swift and fierce, but there was little evidence behind the allegations. No student has come forward to claim any form of harm. The College Democrats, which had claimed that Morse used their events to meet students, clarified this week that he had in fact only attended a single event throughout his campaign, which began in June 2019. That event was in October.

The allegations landed in part because there had long been rumors about Morse’s sexual life in Western Massachusetts political circles, the kind of vague insinuations that are often referred to as common knowledge, though without specifics. Earlier this year, a Capitol Hill Democrat who works closely with Neal’s staff on the Ways and Means Committee said they approached a senior Neal staffer to ask how serious the threat by Morse was to his boss. He wasn’t concerned, he replied, because the young mayor was known to have slept with college students and that information would emerge at the right time. That doesn’t mean, however, that Neal’s team played any role in surfacing those allegations, and he has denied having done so.

“I learned about the allegations against Mayor Morse the same way everyone else did, in the Daily Collegian last week,” Neal said in a statement Thursday. “I also want to be clear I will not tolerate my name being associated with any homophobic attacks or efforts to criticize someone for who they choose to love. That’s inconsistent with my character and my values.”

“Any implications that I or anyone from my campaign are involved are flat wrong and an attempt to distract from the issue at hand,” Neal added. “I have been and will remain entirely focused on the respective records of myself and Mayor Morse.”

It is undeniable, however, that the state Democratic Party was behind the emergence of the accusations.

The state party is supposed to be neutral in contested primaries. According to the organization’s bylaws, “no officer of the State Committee and no Chairperson of any subcommittee shall use their title or office to endorse and/or otherwise support any candidate prior to a contested Democratic Primary, and no staff member of the State Committee shall endorse or participate in any contested Democratic Primary campaign.” Martinez and Bickford’s decision to push Roosevelt on the group appears to be at odds with that rule.

A DSC member told The Intercept that in their view, the different roles Martinez, Bickford, and Roosevelt played in the development and release of the CDMA letter — as well as the ensuing attempts to cover up their involvement after the fact — make the state party’s hostility to Morse, a young gay man, hard to ignore.

“As a DSC member, it’s pretty angering that party resources and party staff were put into an effort to attack a gay candidate,” the member said. “I don’t know how we can have any trust with the LGTBQ community going forward.”

According to three sources with knowledge of the timeline, party leadership talked to the college group three weeks ago and then referred them to Roosevelt for assistance. The exact nature of that help, however, is a matter of some contention — details that could be illuminated by the forthcoming investigation. Bickford, according to Politico, said that the investigation would not begin until after the September 1 primary, so as not to influence the result.

“The Party was made aware of concerns of several members of organizations connected to the Party,” Martinez told The Intercept, claiming the party retained its neutrality in the contest. “We referred the individuals expressing these concerns to legal counsel and had no further involvement in the matter.” Bickford repeated this version of events to another source close to party leadership on Thursday afternoon, but did not respond to requests for comment.

According to multiple sources close to the state party and the College Democrats, who spoke on condition of anonymity, after Bickford and Martinez recommended him, Roosevelt took control of the process and led UMass College Democrats leadership in the letter’s composition. Reached by phone Thursday, Roosevelt told The Intercept he would not comment on work with clients.

Sources close to the college group told The Intercept that a number of members felt the best way forward was a private letter to Morse that would remain between the young mayor and the organization. Roosevelt dismissed that idea, telling the group that a public letter would be more effective. The leadership of the UMass Amherst College Democrats have denied privately that they leaked the letter, which was published on August 7, according to members of the chapter. Some of the leaders of the College Democrats were caught off guard when the article was published, according to the messages.

Some members of the group, however, had been trying to plant the story since at least April, when CDMA leadership began telling members of the high school affiliate about the group’s intent to sabotage the Morse campaign, according to three sources within the Massachusetts High School Democrats. Around the same time in April, Grace Panetta, a politics reporter at Business Insider, began to receive emails from a “creepyalexmorse@protonmail.com” email address. According to Panetta, the body of these emails contained the names and email addresses of three students involved with CDMA who could confirm the vague accusations against Morse, two of whom discussed a plan to sabotage the Morse campaign as far back as October 2019, as reported in The Intercept’s Wednesday article.

Panetta did not bite, sensing something off about the tip. A subsequent attempt to land the story in Politico in June also fell short. It wasn’t until the new strategy was developed — a private letter to Morse that solicited a response, both of which where published by the Daily Collegian — that the group was able to take long-running rumors about Morse and turn them into a potentially career-ending scandal.

The post Party Leaders Investigating Origin of Anti-Morse Campaign Helped Orchestrate It, Documents Reveal appeared first on The Intercept.

16 Aug 18:31

#768 The Velvet Underground & Nico

by podcasts@chicagopublicradio.org (WBEZ Chicago)
Tom Roche

yet another excellent 'classic album dissection' though the claim (repeatedly made) that all modern rock descends from the 1st VU album is more than a bit hyperbolic

Jim and Greg explore the background and influence of the Velvet Underground’s debut with a classic album dissection.

16 Aug 18:26

Democracy Now! 2020-08-13 Thursday

Tom Roche

Niki Solis aggressively (and IMHO counterfactually) makes the case for Kamala/Kopmala as "progressive." Lara Bazelon by contrast is quite passive and understated--very disappointing. DN! should have gotten Branko Marcetic instead: see https://www.jacobinmag.com/2017/08/kamala-harris-trump-obama-california-attorney-general and https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/08/joe-biden-kamala-harris-vice-president-neoliberalism

Democracy Now! 2020-08-13 Thursday

  • Headlines for August 13, 2020
  • The Case Against Trump Is "Open and Shut": Kamala Harris Slams President's Handling of Pandemic
  • Was Kamala Harris a Progressive Prosecutor? A Look at Her Time as a DA & California Attorney General
  • General Strike & Blockade in Bolivia Enter Day 11 as Protesters Condemn Delayed Vote by Coup Gov't

Download this show

16 Aug 18:19

Death in Rabaul: a forgotten battle from the Pacific War

Tom Roche

rerun

During the Second World War, in 1942, Japan invaded Rabaul, in New Guinea, then a part of Australia. Over a thousand Australians died. Why have we forgotten this?
16 Aug 18:18

Year Zero: a history of 1945

Tom Roche

rerun

How did people in 1945 deal with feelings of revenge, how were collaborators treated and after the trauma of war was it possible to return to any sense of normality? Big Ideas is revisiting this question for the 75th anniversary of the end of WWII. According to academic, author and historian Ian Buruma 1945 was a pivotal year not only for Europe but for the world at large. He discusses China, Japan, human rights and history, sexuality and murder.
16 Aug 16:52

Behind the News: Elizabeth Wrigley-Field and Tom Philpott

by Jacobin magazine
Tom Roche

Philpott/2nd segment (on ecological crises facing US agriculture) is especially good

Host Doug Henwood covers the worlds of economics and politics and their complex interactions, from the local to the global. Doug speaks with Elizabeth Wrigley-Field on race and mortality: years lost to police violence and how many white people would have to die of COVID-19 to equal a “normal” year of black death. (paper here, NYT article here). Then an interview with Tom Philpott, author of Perilous Bounty, on the ecological crises facing US agriculture.
14 Aug 04:26

Behind the News, 8/13/20

Tom Roche

[Elizabeth Wrigley-Field @ U Minnesota](https://cla.umn.edu/about/directory/profile/ewf) on race and mortality: years lost to police violence and how many white people would have to die of COVID-19 to equal a “normal” year of black death? (paper [here](https://osf.io/9csa6/), NYT article [here](https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/08/11/opinion/us-coronavirus-black-mortality.html)) • [Tom Philpott @ Mother Jones](https://www.tomphilpott.net/about-native), author of [Perilous Bounty](https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/perilous-bounty-9781635573138/), on the ecological crises facing US agriculture

Behind the News, 8/13/20 - guests: Elizabeth Wrigley-Field, Tom Philpott - Doug Henwood
13 Aug 19:41

Hotels, mortgages and waxing. It's an episode for grown-ups!

Tom Roche

DeAnne Smith is comedy goddess

From the Cottage Country Comedy Festival, Ward Anderson tells us what he's learned about people's hotel room habits and it's terrifying! And DeAnne Smith shares a waxing story that might encourage women to take a break from waxing altogether.
12 Aug 17:21

The Three of Wands: The Inner Workings of: Arq

Tom Roche

> The Point of Job Libraries

Arq is a job library for Python's asyncio. This article is up-to-date with Arq v0.19

The Point of Job Libraries

The main point of (what I colloquially call) a job library is, essentially, to execute a function (i.e. job) somewhere else, and potentially at a different time. When using a sync approach to web services (such as when using non-async Django or Flask), the limitations of the synchronous IO model basically require the use of a job library to execute logic outside of the context of a single request handler - if you don't want to do the logic in the scope of a request (and make the request take longer), you need to do it somewhere else, so you need a job library like Celery. A simple example might be an HTTP interface to send an email to a lot of recipients. You might not want the request to wait until all the emails have been sent to return a response since that might take a long time, so you would just schedule a job to run somewhere else to do the work.

Job libraries like Celery basically require you to run special worker processes in addition to your web handler processes, and the worker processes use a database to get instructions to run functions, and then they run them.

Now, technically, using asyncio means you don't need a job library to run logic independent of an individual request. You could simply spawn a new asyncio task (or use an in-process background job library like aiojobs) and return the request result to the caller without waiting for the task to finish. This might work for very simple cases. However, job libraries have some other benefits too.

A job library will generally enqueue the job in some kind of database or messaging queue. This makes the job durable and also allows you to potentially run the job at a later time, and this is very valuable. It also allows you to re-run the job at a later time if it fails, for a number of tries or until it succeeds. At first blush you might think you don't need a job library with a database to run a function later; you could just asyncio.sleep in the same process until the job needs to run, and then run it. This, however, is only true if you never restart your services (like for example when you deploy a new version), and they never crash. In other words, in production environments you need a job library.

Arq Interfaces

Arq has two interfaces: one for enqueing jobs, and one for executing them.

Arq uses Redis as its database. You need an instance of arq.ArqRedis to enqueue tasks, and you get one by calling arq.create_pool with your Redis settings. Assuming you have Redis running on localhost using the default port (6379), you need 3 lines of code to enqueue a job called add, to be called with parameters 1, 2.

>>> from arq import create_pool
>>> p = await create_pool()
>>> await p.enqueue_job('add', 1, 2)

enqueue_job can take some optional parameters:

  • _job_id - if omitted, this gets generated randomly but you can supply your own. It's used to potentially stop a job executing multiple times concurrently.
  • _queue_name - the name of a Redis sorted set to use as the job queue. You need to use this if you have several different services using the same Redis instance. Defaults to arq:queue.
  • _defer_until, _defer_by - used to schedule jobs for later. If omitted, the job will be executed ASAP.
  • _expires - skip executing the job if it hasn't run in this many seconds.
  • _job_try - manually specify the job try. Job try is a variable Arq uses to track how many times the job has been (re-)run.

arq.ArqRedis also has some other methods for retrieving job results and iterating over queued jobs, which are less useful in practice and inefficiently implemented:

  • get_all_job_results uses the KEYS Redis command, which is too inefficient to be used on Redis instances with a lot of keys (i.e. production instances)
  • get_all_job_results, queued_jobs use asyncio.gather on multiple Redis GETs instead of a single Redis MGET, making them inefficient for more than a handful of items

So, buyer beware.

Ok, now that we know how to enqueue jobs, we need to use the other interface to execute them. The job name (add) is the name of the function to run. We need to create an arq.Worker by providing the link to Redis and the functions we want it to run for us, and start it.

The function to run is expected to take an additional parameter, ctx, which is a dictionary with some job-specific metadata. This should be the first function parameter.

Here's a simple code snippet to get our worker up and running:

from arq.worker import run_worker

async def add(ctx, a, b):
    return a + b

class WorkerSettings:
    functions = [add]
    
run_worker(WorkerSettings)

run_worker creates the actual worker and uses asyncio to run it.

Job Queue Implementation

When you enqueue a job (await p.enqueue_job('add', 1, 2)), the following happens:

  1. A job ID is randomly generated, if not provided. This is a random 128-bit number in hex string form, such as 8ea628b67fab4ff0a115a54aed8b2495.
  2. A Redis job key is generated using the job ID. This is a string taking the form of arq:job:8ea628b67fab4ff0a115a54aed8b2495.
  3. A Redis transaction is started, watching the job key. Inside this transaction, Arq checks Redis for presence of the job key or result key (the result key is a string like arq:result:8ea628b67fab4ff0a115a54aed8b2495). If any of these exist, the enqueue operation is aborted.
  4. The job execution time is calculated as an integer, containing the number of milliseconds since the UNIX epoch. This is either the current moment, or calculated using _defer_by or _defer_until, if provided.
  5. The expiry time is calculated, either by the _expires parameter or the default duration of one day.
  6. The job is serialized into bytes so it can be stored in Redis, using the provided serializer or pickle by default. The serialized representation is a dictionary containing what you'd expect: the function name, positional and keyword arguments, the try counter and the enqueue time.
  7. The serialized job is stored at the job key (with expiry set), and the job ID is added to the queue (which is a Redis sorted set), with the score being the job execution time. The Redis transaction is executed.
  8. If the transaction executed with no errors, an arq.Job object is returned. Otherwise, None is returned.

Now let's take a look at how the worker dequeues and executes jobs.

  • The worker runs a coroutine, arq.Worker.main(), which basically runs an infinite loop of polling Redis.
  • Every poll_delay (default to 0.5) seconds, the worker does some bookkeeping (checking if it has capacity to run additional jobs), and if it does gets ready jobs (score less than now) from the queue sorted set using zrangebyscore. Then it attempts to start those jobs.

For each job Arq attempts to start, Arq does the following:

  • Calculate the in-progress Redis key, taking the form of arq:in-progress:8ea628b67fab4ff0a115a54aed8b2495.
  • Using a Redis transaction watching the in-progress key, check if the job has already been started somewhere and if it is still in the queue (If it's not in the queue, it got finished already). If any of these are true, give up on this job and continue to the next job.
  • Set the in-progress key and commit the transaction. If the transaction fails (due to it watching the progress key from before), continue to the next job since the job was started elsewhere.
  • Start the job in an asyncio task.

In the task, perform the following:

  • Fetch the job state from the job key.
  • Increment the retry key (arq:retry:8ea628b67fab4ff0a115a54aed8b2495).
  • Set the expiration on the retry key.
  • If the job is not found under the job key, the job expired. Clean up.
  • If the job retries have been exhausted, abort and clean up.
  • Create a job context to be passed in as the first argument, containing some job metadata: job_id, job_try, enqueue_time and score.
  • Run the actual function, using the configured timeout.
  • Finish using a Redis transaction:
    • If configured to keep the result, store the result under arq:result:8ea628b67fab4ff0a115a54aed8b2495. By default, the results are kept for a day.
    • Clean up the in-progress key, the retry key and the job key.
    • Remove the job from the queue.

Quite the ceremony. To recap, the Redis keys involved are:

  • The job key (arq:job:8ea628b67fab4ff0a115a54aed8b2495). Holds the serialized job. Created when the job is enqueued. Deleted when the job is done, or by Redis when it expires.
  • The in-progress key (arq:in-progress:8ea628b67fab4ff0a115a54aed8b2495). This exists while the job is being executed. Set when the job is started. Deleted when the job finishes.
  • The retry key (arq:retry:8ea628b67fab4ff0a115a54aed8b2495). This is an atomic counter for job retries. Created/incremented when a job is executed. Deleted when the job finishes or by Redis when it expires (~1 day).
  • The result key (arq:result:8ea628b67fab4ff0a115a54aed8b2495). Holds the result, along with some metadata. Set when the job is done, unless specifically configured not to.

Cron Jobs

Arq also supports cron jobs. The point of a cron job is to run a function periodically (on a schedule), and not in parallel (so only once per schedule slot). Here's a simple example, running a function once every second:

from arq.cron import cron
from arq.worker import run_worker

async def my_cron_job(ctx):
    print("I run by myself!")
    
class WorkerSettings:
    cron_jobs = [cron(my_cron_job, minute=0)]
    
run_worker(WorkerSettings)

The worker maintains a list of cron functions. Every poll iteration (~500 ms), the worker goes through this list and checks if any crons need to be enqueued.

If a cron needs to be enqueued, the job ID is generated taking the form of cron:my_cron_job:1591743780123, and a job is enqueued using the normal job queing code path. Crons don't keep results by default. Since the cron job ID is deterministic, normal Arq machinery will make sure it's only executed once even if multiple workers are being run.

12 Aug 03:47

College Democrat at Center of Attack on Alex Morse Hoped to Launch Career Through Richard Neal

by Daniel Boguslaw
Tom Roche

how US Corporate Democrats roll

In the battle raging for Massachusetts 1st Congressional District, currently held by the chair of the powerful Ways and Means Committee Rep. Richard Neal, political operatives are turning up in unlikely places. Last week, tensions flared after a letter, written by the Massachusetts College Democrats, informed Alex Morse, Neal’s challenger, that he was no longer welcome at their events — a letter that was promptly published by the school’s newspaper.

The 31-year-old mayor of Holyoke, Massachusetts, was barred for allegedly having made students feel uncomfortable by sending them messages through Instagram and matching with University of Massachusetts students on Tinder, in addition to having “sexual contact” with students at UMass Amherst, where he was previously an adjunct professor.

Morse has rejected allegations of impropriety from the UMass College Democrats, whose “aim is to train new generations of activists, operatives, and leaders … in the principles of the Democratic Party.” He has said he believes that Neal was behind the College Democrats’ action and timing, a charge Neal has denied. The College Democrats have not alleged that Morse had inappropriate relationships with students he taught, but rather accused him of having relationships with other students in western Massachusetts, some at UMass Amherst. UMass, like most universities, only bars relationships between students and faculty who have a supervisory or teaching relationship — not all students generally.

With the allegations short of details or any student claiming to be a victim, the focus has shifted to the origin of the letter. The man serving as chief strategist for the UMass Amherst College Democrats, Timothy Ennis, recently completed a class with Neal, who teaches a journalism course. Ennis, according to two members of the College Democrats chapter, was open about his hopes of working for Neal in the future.

Meanwhile, an aide with the College of Social and Behavioral Sciences, in which the journalism program sits, alerted the school’s administration of evidence that the recently surfaced allegations against Holyoke Mayor Alex Morse “are politically motivated,” according to communication reviewed by The Intercept. Spokespersons for the administration did not respond to requests for comment.

Clare Sheedy, a rising sophomore and a Morse supporter, was active in the College Democrats chapter and knew Ennis through their joint work on behalf of the Pete Buttigieg campaign for president, with Ennis handing off the reins of the organization to Sheedy. In November 2019, when Ennis was president of the College Democrats chapter, the pair were in New Hampshire together campaigning for Buttigieg, and Ennis, she said, opened up about his respect for Neal in a car ride through New Hampshire. “He spoke very highly of Mr. Neal,” Sheedy said. “What he said to me was he wanted Neal to be his ‘in’ to politics and work his way up from there.”

Sheedy said she asked Ennis what he thought of Morse, and Ennis said Morse socialized with students in a way he found creepy, and that Morse had recently matched with a student on the Tinder dating app. Sheedy said she didn’t think of it again until last week, when she and the other members of the College Democrats were told by leadership that they had written a letter on the members’ behalf to the local college paper, which had published an article based on it.

Helena Middleton, a rising sophomore and former member of the University of Massachusetts College Democrats, said she joined the group to meet other college students on the university campus, where a sprawling undergraduate population of 22,000 can make it difficult to feel like part of a community. A longtime supporter of Morse, she tried to recruit others to join her.

“I tried to share volunteer opportunities [for Morse’s campaign] but the chapter leadership would ignore it while at the same time send out opportunities for candidates like [Ed] Markey and Joe [Kennedy], so it was clear to me that there was something going on there,” said Middleton. Eventually, she said, she learned that a member of the group’s leadership was a student in Neal’s journalism course at the time. “He made it very clear that he supported the election campaign and that he wanted to work for Neal,” Middleton said.

The chief strategist, Ennis, did not respond to requests for comment. A spokesperson for Neal also did not respond to a request for comment. Middleton left the chapter several days ahead of the letter’s publication, frustrated at the anti-Morse bias from leadership; Sheedy left the chapter after the letter was published. The current president, Andrew Abramson, reached out to Middleton last week to apologize for joking about the Morse race in the College Democrats’ group chat.

Morse first ran for mayor as a 21-year-old, single, out gay man in Holyoke. He began teaching a single course per semester as a lecturer in fall 2014, at the age of 25, and taught his last class in the fall of 2019.

Ennis was president of the UMass College Democrats from April 2019 until April 2020, at which point he transitioned to chief strategist. That same month, Morse said, College Democrats requested a donation from his campaign. He declined, saying that his war chest wasn’t large enough. A number of other Massachusetts politicians, including Neal, did make such donations. The president of the state chapter of the College Democrats later took to Twitter to applaud Neal for donating $1,000 to the Amherst chapter. In May, Neal posted a photo of his class, which Ennis, who has since locked his Twitter account, liked.

When asked whether she had any knowledge of accusations against Morse prior to the release of the Massachusetts College Democrats letter, Middleton said she “definitely wasn’t aware of the letter or any issues until after it was released. They just made a statement. I thought it was odd that they never filed any complaints to UMass before this, which is what you’re supposed to do if you’re a registered student org.”

The university, in a statement, said that the letter the College Democrats made public was the first time it had been made aware of the allegations.

The charge that Morse used his status as a congressional candidate to pick up students at College Democrat events is untrue, he told The Intercept. Morse said that since his campaign launched in June 2019, he had been to just one College Democrats event, held in October at a local community college, where Neal and Sen. Ed Markey also appeared. After the event, he messaged the student who’d been on a panel with him to say it had been a pleasure to meet. After a brief and uneventful back and forth, Morse said, there was no further contact, and the two never met in person. After Alex Thompson, a reporter at Politico, reached out to the campaign in June about a potential story involving the College Democrats and DM communications with students, Morse reached back out to say that he was sorry if his message had made the student uncomfortable. The student blocked him. The Intercept’s attempts to reach the student were unsuccessful.

The UMass College Democrats have not published any of the correspondence the group claims was inappropriate. Instead, the organization said that Morse “sought out students that he met at our events privately on social media, in a manner widely understood by our generation to indicate intimacy.” (Morse said he only attended a single event since becoming a candidate.)

Sheedy said that she hopes to become a human rights lawyer in the future and is a passionate supporter of survivors of sexual assault, which was one reason she so resented the approach taken with Morse. She said that she is open to reviewing any evidence or testimony anybody might put forward, but so far has seen nothing that rises to the level of abuse, which undermines genuine survivors. “As someone who has very strong views on sexual assault, it’s tough seeing people mixing up words,” she said.

An internal poll from the Morse campaign posted Monday, taken before the eruption of the scandal, showed the progressive challenger within striking distance, down 45-35 with 20 percent of the vote still undecided. These numbers are similar to those achieved a month out from primary day by other progressives challenging incumbents, including Cori Bush, who won an upset primary challenge in Missouri’s 1st Congressional District, unseating Rep. William Lacy Clay and the Clay family dynasty that controlled the seat since 1969.

The post College Democrat at Center of Attack on Alex Morse Hoped to Launch Career Through Richard Neal appeared first on The Intercept.

11 Aug 14:58

Nina †urner, Marianne WIlliamson & Tim Black on 2020, Aaron Mate on Syria

Tom Roche

Maté (last segment) is particularly good

To hear Aaron Maté on #BountyGate & #CheneyGate, Marianne Williamson on Marx, & Nomiki Konst on the DNC suckage, go to Patreon https://www.patreon.com/posts/40021342
11 Aug 14:43

Diego Zamboni: How to insert screenshots in Org documents on macOS

by Diego Zamboni
Tom Roche

note that (from the article) "the same technique [can] be used in non-macOS systems by invoking a corresponding utility" using tools pointed @ https://stackoverflow.com/q/17435995/915044 and https://github.com/abo-abo/org-download

As I’m taking notes or writing in Org-mode, I often want to insert screenshots inline with the text. While Org supports inserting and displaying inline images, the assumption is that the image is already somewhere in the file system and we just want to link to it. In this post I will show you how to automate the insertion of images from the clipboard into an org-mode document.
11 Aug 04:10

Sherman James on John Henryism

by Social Science Bites
Tom Roche

description above 'buries the lead' in the (very interesting) talk that this phenomenon is about *class*, not ethnicity.

Sherman James
LISTEN TO SHERMAN JAMES NOW!

Have you always felt that you could make of your life pretty much what you want to make of it? Once you make up your mind to do something, do you stay with it until the job is completely done? And when things don’t go the way you want them to, do you just work harder?

And one last question – are your poor, or working class, or live in a highly segregated area?

If you strongly agree with the first questions, and answer yes to the last one, your coping is likely putting you at greater risk for a raft of health problems. That’s a key finding of Duke University epidemiologist Sherman James, who describes what he terms ‘John Henryism’ in this Social Science Bites podcast.

The health effects, which James has studied since the 1980s, have come into sharper focus as the Coronavirus pandemic exacts a disproportionate toll on communities of color in the United States. Based on the John Henryism hypothesis, James tells interviewer David Edmonds, members of those communities are likely to develop the co-morbidities which help make COVID more deadly. And since many of them have to physically go to work, John Henryism helps “elucidate what some of these upstream drivers are.”

James defines John Henryism as “strong personality disposition to engage in high-effort coping with social and economic adversity. For racial and ethnic minorities … who live in wealthy, predominantly white countries – say, the United States – that adversity might include recurring interpersonal or systemic racial discrimination.” It can be identified by using James’ John Henryism Active Coping Scale, (JHAC12, pronounced ‘jack’), which asks 12 questions with responses from ‘strongly agree’ to ‘strongly disagree’ on a 5-point Likert scale.

High-effort coping, over years, results in excessive “wear and tear” on the body, damaging such things as the cardiovascular system, the immune system, and the metabolic system. Focusing on the cardiovascular system, James notes that this “enormous outpouring of energy and release of stress hormones” damages the blood vessels and the heart.

James notes that the damage doesn’t occur solely because someone is a Type A personality – it’s the interaction with poverty or segregation that turns someone from a striver to a Sisyphus (with the attendant negative effects on their cardiovascular health). In fact, James says, research finds that having resources and a John Henry-esque personality does not lead to an earlier onset of cardiovascular disease.

John Henry stamp
As part of its 1996 American folk heroes series of stamps, the U.S. Postal Service issued a John Henry stamp.

The eponymous John Henry is a figure from American folklore. The ‘real’ John Henry probably was a manual worker, perhaps an emancipated slave in the American South, James explains. His legendary doppelganger was a railroad worker, “renowned throughout the South for his amazing physical strength,” especially when drilling holes into solid rock so that dynamite could be used.

A boss challenged John Henry to compete against a mechanical steam drill. It was, says James, “an epic battle of man – John Henry – against the machine. John Henry actually beat the machine, but he died from complete mental and physical exhaustion following is victory.”

A folk song memorializes the battle. As one version (there are many, but all telling the same story) recounts:

John Henry he hammered in the mountains
His hammer was striking fire
But he worked so hard, it broke his heart
John Henry laid down his hammer and died, Lord, Lord
John Henry laid down his hammer and died

That narrative – dying from the stresses of being driven to perfection but in a dire environment – the Jim Crow South – gave its name to James’ hypothesis.

James himself grew up in small town in the rural American South, beginning his higher education in the early 1960s at the historically Black Talladega College near Birmingham, Alabama. Birmingham was the heart of the civil rights struggle in the Civil Rights era, and James was an activist, too. He decided then that “whatever I did would have to have some bearing on social justice, on working to make America a more just society in racial and social class terms.”

He trained as a social psychologist with a special emphasis on personality, earning his Ph.D. Washington University in St. Louis in 1973, and focused his career on identifying social conditions that drive health inequalities.

His own studies conducted amid the farmers, truckers and laborers of eastern North Carolina provided early, and strong, confirmation for John Henryism. While John Henryism seems focused on African-American men, other research – in Finland, on African-American women, and more – bears out John Henryism’s premise in the global population.

In the podcast, James discusses a real John Henry – John Henry Martin – he met while doing research, and offers some societal prescriptions that would allow African Americans and others to “pursue their aspirations in ways that do not accelerate their risk for cardiovascular disease, morbidity and mortality”

James is the Susan B. King Distinguished Professor Emeritus of Public Policy in the Sanford School of Public Policy at Duke, where he is also a core member of the Center for Biobehavioral Health Disparities Research. He was elected to the National Academy of Medicine of the National Academy of Sciences in 2000, and served as president of the Society for Epidemiologic Research in 2007-08. He has received two distinguished awards from the Epidemiology Section of the American Public Health Association:  the Abraham Lilienfeld Award, in 2001, for career excellence in teaching epidemiology, and the Wade Hampton Frost Award, in 2016, for outstanding contributions to epidemiology.  In 2019, he received the Kenneth Rothman Career Accomplishment Award from the Society for Epidemiologic Research.

He is a fellow of the American Epidemiological Society, the American College of Epidemiology, the American Heart Association, and the Academy of Behavioral Medicine Research. In 2016, he was inducted into the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences as the Mahatma Gandhi Fellow, and in 2018-19 was a resident fellow at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences (CASBS) at Stanford University.

To download an MP3 of this podcast, right-click HERE and save.


For a complete listing of past Social Science Bites podcasts, click HERE. You can follow Bites on Twitter @socialscibites and David Edmonds @DavidEdmonds100.

The post Sherman James on John Henryism appeared first on Social Science Space.

10 Aug 15:37

Did the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki really end the Second World War?

Tom Roche

unfortunately very little detail from Pulvers on what is a controversial but now quite well supported thesis: US atomic bombing as a message to USSR to halt operations against Japan

For 75 years, the conventional wisdom has been that the atomic bombing of the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945 was the decisive factor in the surrender of Japan, and the end of the Second World War. But was Japan's defeat already assured and, if so, do the military and ethical justifications for the use of the atom bombs fall away?
10 Aug 15:35

Traitors and Spies: Espionage and Corruption in High Places in Australia

Tom Roche

very excellent

We want to believe our security agencies are good - but the truth is in their early years they were corrupt, violent and targeted trade unionists, the ALP, Italians and even the Jehovah's Witnesses.
10 Aug 15:25

Vast Majority: Why We Don't Have a Labor Party with Barry Eidlin and Chris Maisano

by Jacobin magazine
Tom Roche

excellent

Micah and Meagan speak with sociologist Barry Eidlin, author of Labor and the Class Idea in the United States and Canada, and Jacobin contributing editor Chris Maisano on why the US doesn't have a labor party and why that matters.
10 Aug 15:24

The Black Russian

by Sean Guillory
Tom Roche

very excellent!


Guest: Vladimir Alexandrov on The Black Russian published by Grove Press.

The post The Black Russian appeared first on SRB Podcast.

08 Aug 19:22

On Climate Policy, Biden's Advisers Reveal More Than His Proposals Do

by Miranda Litwak
Tom Roche

prepare for the Biden Climate Scam

Democratic presidential candidate former Vice President Joe Biden speaks at a campaign event at the William "Hicks" Anderson Community Center in Wilmington, Del. on July 28, 2020.

Democratic presidential candidate former Vice President Joe Biden speaks at a campaign event at the William “Hicks” Anderson Community Center in Wilmington, Del. on July 28, 2020.

Photo: Andrew Harnik/AP

Last month, Joe Biden’s presidential campaign released a sweeping climate proposal calling for 100 percent clean energy and net-zero emissions by 2050. Meanwhile, the Democratic Party is working to finalize its 2020 platform. As of now, the platform is more aggressive than the 2016 document, but somehow does not mention fossil fuels in its section on climate change. 

While some climate activists raised concerns about the party tiptoeing around the largest driver of climate change, most mainstream media marveled over Biden’s personal climate promises. These include calls to hold fossil fuel companies and polluters accountable, impose limits on existing oil and gas operations, and incorporate climate change into the country’s foreign policy agenda. To hear one former Republican congressman tell it, Biden is calling for “a version of the Sanders Green New Deal,” and has given progressive populists anything they could ever hope for.

But that’s only if you take platforms and campaign promises at face value. Vague platitudes in a speech or campaign proposal aren’t the best indicator of a candidate’s direction, nor of what will actually influence a Joe Biden White House. There is a better gauge: personnel.

Viewed through that lens, environmental activists may have serious reason to worry about the man who could lead the United States for about half of our remaining years to prevent an irreversible climate catastrophe. For all the warranted celebration of Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez co-chairing a task force on climate policy, Biden has not yet agreed to follow its recommendations. 

Meanwhile, several of Biden’s informal advisers and confidants on energy policy are veterans of the Obama administration’s “all of the above” strategy, which embraced fossil fuel development and technologies like fracking while publicly trumpeting clean energy commitments. These individuals oversaw the BP oil spill and the violent repression of the Dakota Access pipeline protests (a set of tactics which President Donald Trump is now emulating to put down peaceful demonstrators) and then went to work for oil and gas companies or law firms, investment companies, and think tanks funded by the fossil fuel industry. If appointed to key energy and environmental jobs, they could pose an existential threat to even the most ambitious climate plans.

Heather Zichal, deputy Assistant to the President for Energy and Climate Change, center, is joined by Terry Royer, CEO of Winergy Drive Systems Corporation, left, and White House Press Secretary Jay Carney, Tuesday, May 22, 2012, during the daily news briefing at the White House in Washington. (AP Photo/Haraz N. Ghanbari)

Heather Zichal, deputy Assistant to the President for Energy and Climate Change, center, during the daily news briefing at the White House in Washington on May 22, 2012.

Photo: Haraz N. Ghanbari/AP

Heather Zichal

Former Obama climate policy chief Heather Zichal began informally advising the Biden team on climate mere weeks after the former vice president threw his hat into the ring. Zichal served as a liaison between the Obama administration and the energy industry. During her tenure, Zichal worked closely with industry executives to “streamline” federal regulations on fracking, meeting more than 20 times with industry groups and lobbyists in 2012 alone. Leaders in the oil and gas industry have praised her for her efforts to decrease the regulatory burden on their sector.

Immediately after leaving her post in the Obama White House, Zichal joined the fossil fuel industry’s ranks, accepting a lucrative position on the board of Cheniere, one of the largest natural gas companies in the country. While Zichal was still in office, Cheniere was the first company to receive approval from the Obama administration to export fracked gas. The company has since ramped up its exports under this administration, earning praise from Trump.

Zichal also joined the Atlantic Council as a senior fellow, an industry-funded think tank that includes Cheniere as one of its many corporate sponsors. The Atlantic Council’s most recent work includes a report commissioned by Trump’s secretary of energy recommending the administration expand nuclear power, natural gas exports, and oil and gas exploration. Zichal also works as an independent energy consultant, offering up her connections and expertise to fossil fuel companies, including PG&E. 

As an adviser, Zichal provides the fossil fuel industry with a direct line to the Biden camp. Zichal has already sought policy advice from Ernest Moniz, board member of Southern Company, and Frank Verrastro, head of the Center for Strategic and International Studies’ Energy and National Security Program, which is funded by Exxon Mobil. Meanwhile, she has shown little patience for climate activists over the years, dismissing their policy platforms as unrealistic and going so far as to equate them to members of the tea party. Zichal did not respond to a request for comment.

Jason Bordoff, Professor of Professional Practice at Columbia University and Director of the Center on Global Energy Policy during the 2018 Columbia Global Energy Summit in New York, on April 19, 2018.

Jason Bordoff, Professor of Professional Practice at Columbia University and Director of the Center on Global Energy Policy during the 2018 Columbia Global Energy Summit in New York, on April 19, 2018.

Photo: Atilgan Ozdil/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images

Jason Bordoff

Jason Bordoff, who served as a climate adviser to the National Security Council and the Council on Environmental Quality under Obama, is informally advising the Biden campaign on energy and climate issues, providing the industry with yet another path to exert influence on a future administration’s energy policy. Bordoff, like Zichal, has argued in favor of increased natural gas exports and fracking.

Immediately after leaving the administration, Bordoff founded the Center on Global Energy Policy at Columbia University, a reputational laundromat. Underwritten by the oil and gas industry, the center produces reports that coincidentally lend support to industry talking points, such as advocating for privatizing Mexico’s energy sector and expanding fracking efforts in China. Bordoff personally authored a report arguing in favor of lifting the ban on crude oil exports in the U.S., a paper that has been widely cited by the oil and gas industry, as well as Republican legislators.

Bordoff’s assumption that the science and data behind climate change is up for debate should shock Democrats and disqualify him from a role in a potential Biden administration.

Huge oil and gas companies, including BP, Cheniere, Exxon, and Chevron, have opened their checkbooks to support CGEP’s research, which Bordoff hopes will “draw out all arguments on both sides” of the environmental debate. Bordoff’s assumption that the science and data behind climate change is up for debate should shock Democrats across the spectrum and immediately disqualify him from a role in a potential Biden administration. But even if one accepted Bordoff’s premise that there was a debate about the climate crisis, his financial backers and publications clearly reveal on which side he falls. In response to a request for comment, a spokesperson for Bordoff stated that he “has focused on the urgency of the climate crisis” and that he and CGEP “follow the facts and evidence wherever they lead, independently, objectively, and in accordance with the highest academic standards.”

Bordoff also serves on the National Petroleum Council, a federal advisory committee made up of oil and gas industry executives that provides advice to the Department of Energy. The NPC has advocated for lifting restrictions on oil and gas exploration in the arctic and developing new gas pipelines at the request of Energy Secretary Rick Perry. Both the Trump administration and the fossil fuel industry use NPC reports to defend their anti-environmental stances. The NPC has gained notoriety for attempting to shield energy company information from the public, including information on how the fossil fuel industry affects climate change. 

Former U.S. Sec. of Energy Ernest Moniz speaks during the National Clean Energy Summit 9.0 on October 13, 2017 in Las Vegas, Nevada.

Former U.S. Sec. of Energy Ernest Moniz speaks during the National Clean Energy Summit 9.0 on October 13, 2017 in Las Vegas, Nevada.

Photo: Isaac Brekken/Getty Images for National Clean Energy Summit

Ernest Moniz

Obama’s secretary of energy, Ernest Moniz, has also joined the Biden team as an “informal adviser.” Moniz was (and remains) a vocal advocate for fracking and natural gas — watch enough of Moniz’s speeches, and you’ll notice that he only ever calls for a “low-carbon future,” not a “zero-carbon future.” Moniz declined to comment.

Moniz has a personal stake in the carbon economy: He currently sits on the board of Southern Company, the Atlanta-based natural gas utility, and he’s called its CEO Tom Fanning “an industry leader.” Fanning says he and Moniz are “kind of a tag team.” Moniz, in other words, is business partners with a man who has publicly denied that human activity causes climate change. “Is climate change happening? Certainly. It’s been happening for millennia,” Fanning said on CNBC in 2017. 

Southern was among the first companies to sue the Obama administration over its Clean Power Plan, which was a set of regulations aimed at cutting power plant emissions by 30 percent. The Center for American Progress found that the litigants on that suit, including Southern, were responsible for 21 percent of all U.S. carbon emissions in 2013.

Fanning isn’t the only fossil fuel CEO with whom Moniz is close. The former CEO of BP, Lord John Browne, is the chair of the advisory board for Moniz’s energy policy think tank, the Energy Futures Initiative. Moniz also sits alongside Browne on the advisory board of private equity fund Angeleno Group

Moniz is business partners with a man who has publicly denied that human activity causes climate change.

The Energy Futures Initiative’s signature proposal is the “Green Real Deal,” a centrist alternative to the Green New Deal, which Moniz has suggested is a “demonstrably impractical, short-term, feel-good solution.” Moniz first pitched the Green Real Deal to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the corporate lobbying group that spent decades denying climate change. And the Green Real Deal has a place for natural gas and fracking, both of which he’s defended against what he calls “the climate elite.”

In a debate at the Oxford Union, Moniz claimed that “the climate elite have done much too much moralizing and hectoring about the path for addressing climate change as opposed to working locally, regionally, [and] recognizing regional differences.” He demanded that college students adamant about ending fossil fuel emissions “translate that into a practical program that involves technology, social dynamics, politics, policy, all of the above.”

But Moniz is a former cabinet secretary. He is a Ph.D and multimillionaire, the very definition of an “elite.” If the energy transition thus far has failed to create the “practical program” he wants, that’s a failure of his own policymaking. In the years since that debate, young people created a “practical program” in the Green New Deal, which was propelled into the national spotlight by the  youth-led Sunrise Movement. Moniz’s response? To castigate that work through a think tank advised by BP’s former CEO.

Brian Deese, global head of sustainable investing at BlackRock Inc., speaks during the Global Climate Action Summit in San Francisco, California, on Sept. 13, 2018.

Brian Deese, global head of sustainable investing at BlackRock Inc., speaks during the Global Climate Action Summit in San Francisco, California, on Sept. 13, 2018.

Photo: David Paul Morris/Bloomberg via Getty Images

Brian Deese

Wall Street’s route into Biden’s climate policy may run through Brian Deese, a former senior Obama aide who now works for BlackRock, the world’s largest asset manager. On Friday, E&E News reported that Deese is working with the campaign, following rumors that have swirled throughout the campaign cycle about him receiving a plum job in a potential Biden administration, especially given Biden’s early favor-currying with Deese’s boss at BlackRock, Larry Fink. This has prompted plenty of fretting from climate-watchers. Reached through a spokesperson, Deese did not respond to a request for comment.

Deese, who helped negotiate the Paris Climate Agreement, now runs BlackRock’s sustainable investing division. This does not mean that he pushes BlackRock to use its wealth and influence for environmentally responsible purposes. Instead, his job is to factor the climate apocalypse into the firm’s investment decisions, such as avoiding “operating in extremely climate-exposed regions, like the coastal United States.” As John Patrick Leary wrote of BlackRock in the New Republic, “Managing the investment risk of climate change, in short, does not mean fighting climate change. It means making sure that your investment portfolio earns the highest returns despite climate change or even from climate change.”

BlackRock is the single largest investor in the fossil fuel industry, but it is also the largest investor in renewables: Due to its sheer size, as Deese puts it, “we end up being one of the top owners of every industry.” But he does not appear troubled by the company’s continued oil and gas holdings, declaring, “This is not just about excluding entire industries or entire classes of companies.”

Of course, for millions not to die, the entire fossil fuel industry must cease spewing carbon into the atmosphere (much sooner rather than later, preferably). But Deese’s job is to prevent low returns on financial investments, not extinction. As he told Christiane Amanpour, “We are very focused on these questions of ‘where is public sentiment?’ but to the degree that it will actually affect how long-term value is created.” Translation: The public only matters to the extent that it impacts BlackRock’s money. 

He had similar aims in the Obama White House: Deese described his White House job to a Bloomberg podcaster as thinking about “how do we create the right conditions for private capital to move into lower-carbon solutions and accelerate the transition to lower-carbon economy?” In other words, his concern was “how do we set up Wall Street to profit from the green economy” — not just “how do we green the economy.”

And then there’s his record on non-climate issues. At a confirmation hearing to become the deputy director of the Office of Management and Budget in 2013, he told Congress that he’d work toward a “comprehensive deficit reduction agreement” (read: austerity) focused on “entitlement reform and tax reform.” What kind of entitlement reform? “I think it is appropriate to look at means-testing Medicare. I think the president has put a proposal out that I think makes some sense, because as part of these overall reforms, I think we have to ask the questions about whether those who are the most fortunate should be paying a little bit more. It’s still going to be a good deal for them as part of the system.”

To this day, Deese advocates for drastic cuts to government spending and gets paid to do it. He gives paid speeches to corporate trade groups through the APB speaking agency, where his page advertises that he can speak about “how the budget process can actually be used to reform entitlements and the tax code.”

The post On Climate Policy, Biden’s Advisers Reveal More Than His Proposals Do appeared first on The Intercept.

08 Aug 04:32

Behind the News, 8/6/20

Tom Roche

[Edwin F. Ackerman @ Syracuse U](https://www.jacobinmag.com/author/Edwin%20F.%20Ackerman) on Mexican president AMLO • [Marcia Chatelain @ Georgetown U](http://www.marciachatelain.com/home-1), author of [Franchise](http://www.marciachatelain.com/), on the impact and role of black McDonald’s franchisees

Behind the News, 8/6/20 - guests: Edwin Ackerman, Marcia Chatelain - Doug Henwood
07 Aug 16:44

AskHistorians Podcast Episode 153 - "Hitler Kaput!": The Death and Afterlife of Adolf Hitler

Tom Roche

too much about too little

In this episode, P.H. Jones and Johannes Breit discuss their research on the death of Adolf Hitler in 1945. Although Hitler’s suicide and subsequent cremation has always been widely accepted within the historical community, it nevertheless spawned numerous conspiracy theories about his survival and escape. Backdropped against the tensions of the Cold War, and internal distrust between Soviet intelligence groups, Jones and Breit trace the origins of these rumors, and the developing historiography concerning Hitler’s final day.

07 Aug 04:02

Peter Frankopan on global history in 2020

Tom Roche

unfortunately too much about Frankopan (for a ~30 min piece) and very little about nominal subject

Five years after the publication of his landmark book The Silk Roads: A New History of the World, historian Peter Frankopan explores some of the major themes in global history and how they relate to life in 2020. Historyextra.com/podcast

 

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05 Aug 18:52

Escape From the Nuclear Family: Covid-19 Should Provoke a Rethink of How We Live

by Intercepted
Tom Roche

pre-transcript comment:
> Caveat: just listened to the 1st segment (on cohousing), but the transcript has not yet come out, so I can't be *quite* sure of the following, but:

> Klein, with Dayaneni et al @ "The Orchard" give a great pitch for cohousing based on ... n=1. Which would be more OK, if they were *much* more clear about this. The 2020 US has a fair amount of cohousing experience: though a tiny share of overall housing, there has been a significant upsurge in cohousing (or "cooperative housing," or whatever you wanna call it) for over 50 years as of 2020. Stop me if you've already guessed this but ... it's not all happy, esp with cohousing projects that scale up beyond what sounds like (again, gotta check the transcript) a small (4 family units), fairly low-density, and affluent compound. (And which also sounds--gotta check the transcript--like a very short history.)

> I totally agree with Klein that the US (et al) as a whole and "left" movements in particular would benefit from more cohousing. But I find this particular presentation astonishingly one-sided. This is not journalism, this is PR.

Subscribe to the Intercepted podcast on Apple Podcasts, Google Play, Stitcher, Radio Public, and other platforms. New to podcasting? Click here.

As Washington cuts off desperately needed aid to the unemployed, millions of families face the reality that many K-12 schools likely aren’t reopening, and young adults look ahead to a bleak future, reality is setting in that the Covid-19 crisis was not a blip. This week on Intercepted: Guest host Naomi Klein argues that it’s time for some big bold thinking about how we can safely live, work, and learn with the virus — and maybe even enjoy ourselves. She takes us to visit friends in Oakland, California, who have been living in a multi-family housing compound for years. Longtime environmental justice organizer and co-founder of Movement Generation Gopal Dayaneni explains that living in a democratic community with friends, rather than a single-family home, has meant far more capacity to deal with the labor of lockdown, and far less isolation for everyone. Klein is also joined by Rutgers University–Newark historian Neil Maher to discuss how a reboot of the New Deal-era Civilian Conservation Corps could provide opportunities for young adults to find work, battle climate disruption, and live in their own communities of peers.

 

Jonathan Swan: Mr. President, thank you for joining us.

Donald Trump: Thank you very much.

JS: When can you commit that every American will have access to the same-day testing that you get here in the White House?

DJT: Ah…ah… Let me explain. The testing. You know, it’s called science, and all of a sudden something’s better. I really don’t know.

JS: I… The figure I look at is death.

DJT: We’re going to look.

JS: Let’s look.

DJT: And if you look at death per…

JS: Yeah. It started to go up again.

DJT: Here’s one. We’re last. Meaning we’re first.

JS: Last? I don’t know what we’re first in.

DJT: The top one, that’s a good thing, not a bad thing. The top… Jonathan. Don’t we get credit for that? They are dying. That’s true. And you ha… And it is what it is.

JS: You said you’ve done so much for African-Americans.

DJT: I have. I did more for the Black community than anybody with a possible exception of Abraham Lincoln.

JS: Who says that?

DJT: Oh, just read the manuals. Read the books.

JS: Manuals? What manuals?

DJT: Read the books.

JS: What books?

DJT: Ah…

JS: You told Fox News recently that you couldn’t say whether you’d accept the results of the 2020 election.

DJT: Jonathan, have you been watching television? Jonathan, I have heard that ah… I don’t want to tell you that. Good luck.

[Musical interval]

Jeremy Scahill: This is Intercepted.

Naomi Klein: Welcome to Intercepted. I’m your guest host, Naomi Klein. I’m senior correspondent here at The Intercept and this is episode 140 of Intercepted.

DJT: It will go away. Just stay calm. It will go away. We want to protect our shipping industry, our cruise industry — cruise ships. We want to protect our airline industry. Very important. But everybody has to be vigilant and has to be careful. But be calm. It’s really working out. And a lot of good things are going to happen. The consumer is ready, the consumer…

NK: Way back in March, in the early days of the Covid era, I called up my old friend Jeremy Scahill, the actual host of this podcast, and we hatched a plan.

Both of our families would do strict quarantines for two weeks, we’d make sure nobody had the virus, and then we’d all get together and hang out. It’d be fun. It’d be fine. Just give it a couple of weeks.

I actually made similar plans with at least three other friends. We were all so confident back then. So in control of our lives. Or so we thought.

Five months later, I’ve seen only one of those friends. And that took two months, not two weeks.

We all now understand that we know… basically nothing. We don’t know if there will be a vaccine. We don’t know if we are headed for a second wave that will make the first one look tame. Thanks to shoddy antibody tests, we don’t even know if we already had the virus or, if we did, what that means.

I don’t know if my son’s elementary school will be open one month from now. Or if it will stay open. The students I teach at Rutgers University don’t know if they’ll be going to school in person — ever. They have no idea how they are going to pay off their student debts since the jobs they thought they were preparing for have vanished.

Families and loved ones, separated by continents and oceans, have no idea when they will see each other again. And as of this week, 25 million Americans are set to lose $600 a week in federal jobless aid — and millions have no idea how they’re going to survive that.

All that we know for certain is this: Contrary to those early optimistic plans we all made, the virus, and all of the other crises it has deepened, aren’t going anywhere soon.

Even if a vaccine is developed, we are many months and perhaps even years away from seeing it rolled out at scale.

So how do we live with a highly contagious, deadly virus — one that surges every time we go back to anything resembling normal?

Capitalism is already offering its answers and they’re bleak: a range of dehumanizing and isolating new adaptations. In Amazon warehouses, screens start flashing and machines start beeping when workers get too close to each other. In factories in China, workers are prevented from looking at each other while they eat, and they’re scanned and examined multiple times a day with the information fed into a central tracking system. Many schools are preparing to reopen by putting students inside plexiglass cubicles.

In short, systems that were already pretty dehumanizing before are being retrofitted to strip out the little bits of joy they once offered. A chat with a colleague in a break room. Recess with friends after hours spent in an overcrowded airless classroom.

Meanwhile, the body count from the virus keeps rising, because none of these measures are actual solutions. They’re performances of solutions designed to get the profits flowing again.

But it’s not enough to reject this dystopia. If we don’t like capitalism’s version of living with the virus — and we shouldn’t — then it’s on us to advance real alternatives for how we can live with it, how we can work and learn in genuinely safe, fulfilling, and maybe even joyful ways despite the virus. To have any chance of success, these ideas will need to be as radical as the times we are living through.

Everything needs to be on the table — reimagining our schools, our food systems, our health care systems, housing. It’s way too much for one podcast episode. So today, we’re going to zero in on just two areas that could use a radical Covid rethink.

Later on, in the show, we’ll look at what our society should be offering to the millions of young people who are just leaving high school or university, beyond brushing up on their Zoom skills while applying for non-existent jobs.

But first, we’ll rethink something even more fundamental — the private single-family home. Because look: If sheltering in place is the new norm, then shouldn’t our respective places feel less like containers for our bodies and more like communities?

Now I’ll be honest with you. I don’t live like this, at least not yet. Since I’ve been an adult, I’ve always either lived alone, in a couple, or in a nuclear family.

But early on in the pandemic, as my husband and I did our best to juggle our jobs, homeschooling our kid, caring for sick friends, making every meal, and being engaged politically, it really hit hard. In a pandemic that confines us to our homes for work, school, and leisure, the single-family home is a really bad technology.

Not only is it isolating — it’s an absurdly wasteful use of resources. Millions of us have noticed it: Without school or babysitters or grandparents to pick up the slack, just keeping everyone fed, sheltered, and possibly educated, while trying to do your job, takes pretty much every waking moment. If someone actually gets sick, with the virus or with something else serious, all bets are off.

And that’s not just bad for us as individuals, it’s bad for society because it means we have less time to show up for our neighbors or to fully participate in a democracy that is hanging on by a thread.

DJT: Somebody got a ballot for a dog. Somebody got a ballot for something else. You got millions of ballots going, nobody even knows where they’re going. You look at some of the corruption having to do with universal mail-in voting… Absentee voting is ok. You have to apply. You have to go through a process.

JS: You have to apply for mail-in.

DJT: Absentee voting…

NK: All of which is why I have been thinking a lot about the people I know who have chosen to house themselves differently – in various co-housing setups of multiple families and friends. Usually, this involves accepting a slightly smaller home for you or your individual family in exchange for more ample shared spaces, like gardens and common rooms.

What struck me when I checked in with these folks is that when the Covid shock came, they weren’t knocked back like the rest of us. To use a much-abused phrase: They were resilient.

They had enough kids and adults to run a halfway decent home school — without it being anyone’s full-time job. They had extra hands to share those daily tasks.

I want to introduce you to a few of the people I’m referring to — friends from the climate justice movement who live in Oakland, California. They are activists, educators, and artists who have already been living in a “pod” for years. It’s a community that includes four small family units, a big backyard, a communal space for common meals and meetings, a garden, and so many fruit trees they call it The Orchard. Here are some of their voices, recorded by Producer Laura Flynn.

Gopal Dayaneni: My name is Gopal Dayaneni and I live here at The Orchard, which is along the Temescal Creek Watershed in unceded Ohlone territories and the birthplace of the Black Panther Party, also known as Oakland. I am one of the founding members of the Movement Generation Justice and Ecology Project. I’m an organizer, activist, parent, and I live in an intentional community.

We are four families, nine adults and eight kids — I guess half those kids are adults now because it’s been a while — who live together, share housing, share common space, share meals. We’re all really close, close comrades and friends. We’re educators, organizers, activists.

Let’s take a tour. This building was here but it was three feet lower and six feet in a different location and we ripped off the back third of it, gutted the interior, lifted it, moved it, and then completely rebuilt it in order to have two families upstairs, a single individual unit for my housemate Mary, who is the elder in our community, and a common space that we could use as shared space. And then of course all of the yard is common space.

-Garden salad!

-Garden salad!

-We’ve been having so many garden salads.

-Did you eat some cucumbers, the lemon cucumbers?

-Yes.

-Yes, we did.

-The lemon cucumbers are delicious.

Deirdre Tansey-Chamberlin: So I’m Deirdre Tansey. We’re sitting in our beautiful yard and we’re sitting around our patio table enjoying happy hour, which we do, I don’t know, in the summertime, more than once a week…

GD: Literally surrounded by the fruits of our labor.

DTC: Yeah. And enjoying some appetizers and drinks. And we’re surrounded by our wonderful trees here, our apple and persimmon and apricot.

Mary Tansey: Mary Tansey. We often check-in — and I think we’ll probably do that more regularly again, every so often — to truthfully, in the morning, say, you know, “how are we?” And that’s… Not too many people have even anyone to say that. You can maybe say it on the phone but that’s not like here.

Kristi Laughlin: I’m Kristi. So I think we’ve all been committed to and invested in the model, but for me I feel like we’re reaping the benefits almost of all those years of investment to say, “Oh community is made for this moment.” And co-housing is made for moments like this when you realize that what you have built has really bearing fruit.

DTC: You know, we’ve been here on this property for 10 years. We completely remodeled, you know, built a house practically from the ground up and have been through deaths and births. And sometimes it felt like going to that meeting this Sunday it was going to be really hard to discuss this topic, but it always comes out, like, OK at the end, you know, because I think we all — I mean, I know I do — love everybody here. We’re a family and we’re going to get through anything together.

Robert (Bob) Chamberlin: Bob Chamberlin. You know, I have a number of single parents that are raising children that instead of asking me, “What’s it like to live in community?” asking me, “How can I find a community? Do you have resources so that I can change the way I’m living.” Because the kind of, you know, they’re realizing how powerful this is, as far as not just for raising families, but also for crises. You know, in a time of crisis, it’s something to have numbers. It’s safe to have numbers. It’s really nice.

KL: Ok, who was it that makes the wonderful sorrel hors d’oeuvres? Bob, is that you?

GD: Isn’t that the… wraps?

NK: It’s not a coincidence that this particular group of friends chose to pool their resources and live this way. As people who work at the intersection of ecology and social justice, they knew that we were headed for some kind of crash. On some level, we all knew it. But unlike most of us, they decided to prepare. And for them, preparing didn’t mean stocking up a private bunker with hundreds of cans of baked beans. It meant pooling space, labor, and skills with people who shared their values. That’s what I wanted to dig into further with my friend Gopal Dayaneni. That and what it would take to liberate land and housing from the speculators so that everyone can have the chance to live in their communities of choice. Welcome to Intercepted, Gopal, and thank you so much for opening your home to us.

Gopal Dayaneni: Thank you for having me.

Gopal Dayaneni on the Benefits of Intentional Community Living During Crises and Making Housing a Human Right

NK: I feel like, for so many of us who don’t live in [an] intentional community like yours, it’s just been such a lonely time. We’ve missed our friends. We’ve missed our extended family. Our kids have missed their friends. And, you know, I found myself thinking a lot about the way you’ve chosen to live.

GD: We are just so blessed and privileged to be navigating this pandemic not alone. You know, we are all a single “germ pod,” or however you want to think about that. And that’s been just enormous for our children, who have their peers to spend time with, for each other, for dealing with the rapidly changing information and just having regular check-ins every day or every other day to navigate, like, the constantly changing dynamics and to create the capacity to do that well. And then to also do that with an eye to the larger community.

DTC: When we first had to go to shelter in place and it was so unnerving and there was so much… I know I was experiencing so much anxiety about, like, what’s going to happen. All of sudden it was Friday and it was like, “Oh, you’re not going back to work on Monday,” and now nobody’s going back to work. And I really appreciated being a part of this community during that time, because it wasn’t just my husband and myself just sitting together having this anxiety and maybe not being able to figure, you know, having to figure it all out ourselves.

KL: I feel like you guys have been my anchor and my saving grace for how to process everything that keeps happening and I really felt unmoored, I think, a little untethered, I think, not having like, “Wait this is the second surge! It’s not getting better, it’s getting worse!” And what do we… You know, how do we integrate that, and now what does it mean for all of us?

NK: What is different about living in community and being prepared for something like this. Let’s start with just, like, supplies and shopping.

GD: I think many of us have been reflecting on, here at The Orchard, is just how quickly and easily we were able to pull ourselves together, sit down, make decisions about what we needed, how to get it, how to minimize the risk and minimize the number of people who were out and being exposed. How to consider at the same time that we were getting our food for ourselves and having it available in our basement and making sure that our very, very, very large earthquake shed was up-to-date and stocked and ready to go because it’s more than just an earthquake shed.

At the same time that we were, you know, that that was happening, I think we all were just very quickly realized like, oh yeah, the daily practice of self-governance over the last, you know, 15 years of living together and raising kids together and building buildings together and making hard decisions together has made us incredibly prepared for responding in a responsible, timely, just manner to the moment that we’re in.

NK: I just want to underline, Gopal, like, there’s so much pod drama going on right now because people don’t have these skills. Where it’s like, you know, you make a decision to be in a pod with another family so that your kids can play and then you find out that somebody in that pod has been doing reckless things and didn’t tell you because people just aren’t used to thinking about their decisions beyond just themselves, right?

GD: You know, I always say the idea that the individual is the smallest unit of society is a lie. And I don’t say that, like, from some ideological perspective. It’s just simply the case that the smallest unit of society is the relationship between two or more individuals. That it’s the complex of relationships that make up society and community, not the individuals because we can’t make meaning of ourselves without each other. And we’ve just been practicing that for a really long time.

In some ways, we take for granted the fact that we know how to make decisions and we, you know, regularly walk out of our homes to get together to just have a check-in and see how each other’s doing, and many times very formally — and a lot of times informally — grapple with big, hard questions about what we’re going to do about this or that thing.

In this moment, we realized that we have been preparing ourselves for being able to make hard decisions in these kinds of moments in ways that actually increase our capacity not just to care for ourselves but to care for others as well. The better we take care of ourselves, the more latitude we have to accommodate the needs of others.

And I think that’s been something really important to us. Like, being able to live in community in this way makes it easy for us to mobilize into the streets to support Black liberation and, you know, engage in the mobilizations that are happening. The more we’re able to have this space for ourselves, the more we’re able to open it up for others. We do really, really regular check-ins about how the conditions are changing and what that means.

DTC: We manage it through WhatsApp.

MT: We have a WhatsApp.

BC: Product placement.

MT: And I go, “Oh, ok, that’s what’s going on today. That’s what may happen today.”

GD: That’s what’s for dinner.

BC: That’s what’s for dinner.

MT: Inno gives us the report of the Covid situation every day.

DTC: He does.

MT: I think he does it at 6:30 in the morning because my phone goes “bing.” Oh, that’s what’s happening with Covid.

GD: The key is, if you want to make pasta for the community dinner, you got to get it in early in the day because every once in a while, you’ll have a community dinner where there’s like six meats and then there’s no vegetables if you don’t communicate.

Martha Hoppe: Or all pasta.

GD: Or all pasta.

GD: It’s amazing how interdependent we are from each other, but that doesn’t mean we don’t have needs outside of our community. So how do we address our relationship to our elders, to our parents? And how do we recognize that we are a large immune system and integrating others and addressing the needs of others is an important part of that?

And, if I sit by myself in my house and think about going to visit my parents, I can spin a story for myself that goes really far down a road of lack of accountability to others. But because we have regular check-ins, I get to share, “This is what I’m thinking about.” And I get the benefit of everybody else’s wisdom and consideration and how we can make it safest for everyone, including my parents, but also including my housemate Mary, who is the elder in our community, who is grandma Mary to my kids. I’m not putting her at risk.

MT: We set up a routine — checking in. We owe allegiance to each other, I think very much so. And of course, I’m very much very senior and they were, would express concern about me, that I, you know, be cautious.

NK: To make it really practical, can we just talk about childcare? Like, you have these kids. Childcare has just been huge and is so huge right now as people think about the fall and the fact that a lot of schools are going to stay closed.

GD: I’ll just start with the very simple thing, which is, you know, we don’t actually have a lot of privacy. You know, we can have some, but we don’t have a lot of privacy. And I actually think that’s good because I think privacy can enable secrecy and secrecy can enable deception or denial. And you know, when I’m having a hard time with my kids, my housemates can hear it upstairs. And I know that they’re going to come down and, you know, say, “Hey, you know, Kavi or Ila, want to go outside?” Or even come down and say, “Hey Gopal, you need to take a break.” It’s a lifesaver, you know, to have other people you know and trust and who care about you and care about your children being a part of your life. We need each other to be our best selves because it’s not as simple as an act of will.

And so having that extra support around parenting and even just coordinating. Like being able to just say, “OK, I need to go and do this thing,” and knowing that there’s always people around and that my kids feel comfortable and safe. That I’m here for my housemates and they’re here for me. That’s hugely important and it creates an enormous amount of resilience in our ability to navigate disturbances, whether they’re small or big. And just the practical reality of, like, you know, being able to say, “How are you managing the online time right now with school?” And us all getting together and seeing how we’re going to do that and seeing if there’s times where we want to have all the kids together working on stuff together or how we do outside activities… All of it… We’re just… I don’t know how else to say it. We’re not alone.

KL: You know my partner hasn’t been working as much and hasn’t been able to work because he’s now doing more childcare, but I don’t feel like we have the freefall that other people would have.

DTC: It’s been, especially for our, my youngest, who’s 13, to have his buddy, Silar and Kavi, to be able to go through this having somebody to be with and to play with and not be completely isolated from their friends. And even for the older ones, who might not, you know, be engaging with each other all the time, they know that they can, you know, come down to community dinner, be a part of a larger group.

BC: You know, you could run to the store if Deirdre was at work or if I was at work, she could run to the store and there was always somebody to take care of the kids. But that first few weeks of shelter in place, it was so comforting to be able to come outside and sit in this really beautiful yard with fruit trees and have this space and have somebody you can talk to like a sibling, and like a family member.

GD: My whole life I’ve been living with these people, basically. My entire adult life, I’ve been living with this same community. I’ve raised my children in this community. Like, I know how to navigate the hard questions because we’ve been doing it. And it’s not easy. It isn’t easy. Like, I don’t want people to think living in community is easy. It’s not easy. But hard and bad are not the same thing. Most things worth doing are hard.

NK: We cannot assume that this is a temporary state. We have to assume that we may not have a vaccine period. It may take a couple of years, which is far likelier than it taking a few months. And we’re still thinking in these sort of incremental time spans about how we’re going to manage this, right? Which is why I wanted to have this conversation that broadens it out to, like, “how are we going to live with this?” This is going to be a period. Very likely we are talking about a Covid era, right?

And so, you know, early on we heard this metaphor of the hammer and the dance, right? That there’s the hammer of social distancing and then there’s like and then it’s like, “Ok, open it up. Let people dance.” And then it spreads some more and then the hammer comes down. We have to have another conversation, which is like how are we going to dance? Like, what is that going to look like, right? Because we need to live as well as we can and we need to live as fairly as we can.

There was an epidemic of loneliness before social distancing started, right? I mean, I’m really haunted by something one of my students said at the beginning of the lockdown. She said, “What scares me most is how little I had to change how I was living in order to comply with the stay-at-home orders.”

We have some great audio of your housemates talking about the importance of community and maybe we can listen in a little bit there.

KL: Just the blessing of not having to socially distance in isolation has just been so good, I think, for my mental health. I feel like reduced anxiety, having to process everything alone, or even in one nuclear family, I think would have been really isolating, really overwhelming, and put so much more stress on my own family unit.

NK: What do you say to people who ask you for advice about how do we move beyond just being jealous of the fact that you guys figured this all out earlier than us? What models are there for people to figure out how to live in a way that the next time we lockdown we aren’t doing it all on our own?

GD: First of all, there’s an enormous number of resources out there. And there are so many ways that folks can create and live in intentional community and in cooperative housing of various forms. And you don’t have to be an “owner.” And there’s a lot of organizing and movement building around creating commons of housing and more cooperative housing, whether it’s through land trusts, permanent real estate cooperatives, tenant right to purchase their building so that they can become cooperatives. There’s [an] enormous number of resources out there and the first step to making this happen for you is to see yourself as part of something bigger. Always see yourself as part of something bigger. Not just bigger than your family because you’re going to get together with a couple [of] other families, but bigger as part of a larger social movement so that the actions that we take are building power and capacity to accelerate the transition towards housing as a human right, community-based living, commons of land and resources. Those are the values at the heart of what we’re trying to do.

You know, I live in the San Francisco Bay Area, in Oakland, unceded Ohlone territories. We have the Sogorea Te’ Land Trust, which is an Ohlone land trust that’s rebuilding the land base for the Ohlone peoples and for indigenous peoples in the Bay Area. There’s resources like the Sustainable Economies Law Center, which is just an incredible resource for helping people think about how to live in intentional community. Everything from the mundane legal structure questions to what the daily practice of compassionate self-governance looks like.

NK: The Bay Area is also kind of a hotbed for radical housing justice movements like Moms for Housing.

Amy Goodman: The deputies then arrested two mothers who were living in the house as well as two of their supporters.

Laura Anthony: The same Moms for Housing are now in negotiations to buy the house from which they were evicted.

Dominique Walker: This movement does not end today with us, with that house on Magnolia Street. We will not stop organizing and fighting until all unhoused folks who want shelter have shelter.

NK: And a lot of this is happening in community, right? It’s multiple families together.

GD: Absolutely, yeah. And there’s, like, the Homefulness Project, which is houseless folks who have been organizing to decommodify land and build community for houseless folks. There’s The Village, which has been land occupation.

The reality is that all of these amazing things are happening in the Bay Area and we also have extremely high property values, high levels of gentrification, and speculation on soil that we’re battling.

For all of the stories that we hear from the Bay Area, there are hundreds and thousands of sort of actions being taken all over the country and of course all over the world, but particularly in the United States, there’s so much movement towards reimagining our relationship to land and housing. For me it’s like, housing is a human right. If housing is a human right, then all economic activity has to be subordinate to that right. And we don’t do that now. So that’s the intervention we need to make, whether it’s through our daily actions of organizing and how we live, and/or through the kinds of policy interventions that need to be made and that may have new openings in this moment.

NK: Let’s talk about land rights. Let’s talk about land reform, at the heart of this, right? Because I think if we’re just talking about it as, “How do we set up homes in ways that makes lockdown more bearable?” then that is a very middle-class discussion.

GD: The movement to decommodify land, to take soil out of the speculative market, is really powerful and growing, both in terms of what’s happening in rural communities around agrarian land reform and land trusts, some of the work, for example, in the Pacific Northwest, where farmworkers are creating cooperatives and acquiring land and holding it in trust and taking over the right to control the land they work. Going back to the squatters’ movements all the way to today where we’re developing new and innovative mechanisms for sharing land and housing as commons, like land trusts and permanent real estate cooperatives and others.

It’s not just about “securing land” or title. It’s also about transforming our relationship to land and each other. It is the nature of enclosure to fragment our ecosystems, our relationships, and living systems. And all of those enclosures are inherently enforced through violence. That’s how you maintain an enclosure, is the ability to execute violence to maintain them. And it doesn’t matter if it’s the border around the nation-state or the fence around my house that’s enforced by cops, whose primary purpose is to enforce property rights. And so we have to think about a different way of being in relationship to land because it changes our relationship to each other.

NK: What kind of housing politics would we need to make it feasible for more people to live in community and with extended family? If we’re thinking federally, obviously a lot of this is contingent on what happens in November, but there has been a lot of talk about the need for a Green New Deal for housing. AOC and Bernie advanced a bill a few months ago that had a lot of great ideas about how to have much, much better public housing that was also zero carbon-emitting. But I’m wondering if you have thoughts about public housing that designs for community, that designs for some of the things that we’ve talked about around the ability to have that kind of flow of multi-family childcare and multi-generational living. What would housing justice look like that recognized that we belong in community and that it’s a relatively recent phenomenon to put people in these little individual boxes?

GD: The best interventions for transforming our relationship to land and housing are going to happen at the local, state, and potentially regional levels. And that, hopefully will either create the conditions by which we can transform some things at the federal level and/or we can try and win some devolution, some drawing down of resources from the federal to support these kinds of local initiatives.

In San Francisco, PODER — People Organized to Demand Economic and Environmental Rights — have done an amazing job of doing a low-income housing on public land that’s going to be cooperatively governed that includes gardens and parks and permaculture and it’s all de-commoditized, meaning the land cannot be bought and sold. And I think that’s key. So long as we’re speculating on soil, we are subordinating the right to housing to capital. We should be building a municipal land trust in which cities can take underutilized public land and even use eminent domain to seize private land that banks are sitting on and seize those and turn them into housing for people to subordinate the financial interest to the right to housing.

The city of Richmond had considered some years ago the idea of declaring eminent domain over underwater mortgages, seizing them from the banks and then keeping people in their homes by refinancing them or, better yet, putting it in a municipal land trust. So, this idea of community-based land trusts, municipal land trusts, real estate cooperatives… Like, if we can win policies that give tenants the right to purchase buildings if an owner is going to sell, then we can use that as an organizing opportunity to organize tenants into cooperative housing. I think those are the kind of things that are really powerful opportunities to bridge policy, organizing, and direct action, which I think is what we need to confront the crisis of housing.

NK: The question that we have to grapple with is how we are going to share space. The answer cannot be the same answer that the system has offered in the past, which is just spread out more, sprawl more. We can’t give up on density. You know, if we think about how we ended up in this mess, it is the stresses that human development and economic activity is placing on the habitat of animals. And, you know, that sprawl manifests in many different ways. If the response to it is, everybody needs a bigger patch, right, then we are going to see more and more of these diseases. We’re going to up our carbon emissions and we’re going to have more and more of these shocks.

GD: What I think is really important is that we don’t separate out the conversation about density and where we live and how we live, from the question of ownership, title, and entitlement. The largest landlord on the planet is a financial institution. The idea that land and housing are super highly concentrated and controlled by a few is a huge part of the land reform conversation we need to have. You know, there’s three aspects of land reform. There’s how we use land. There’s who owns land, so going from the very few to the many. Like, so deconcentrating control of land. So there’s land use, there’s land ownership or tenure. And then there’s the very nature of land governance. And that’s the commons piece. And I think all three of those things have to come together.

NK: Thank you so much for joining us, Gopal, and let’s go one last time to The Orchard.

[Sounds of Silar jumping on a trampoline.]

Silar Chamberlin: Silar. I’m jumping on my trampoline. I can do a backflip, frontflip, just like casual stuff. Nothing too crazy. Well, right now we’re in the backyard of my cohousing complex. Sorry, I’m a bit tired. But, we have a pretty big yard, since we’re a big group. We have a lot of people. There’s a lot of fun stuff though for the kids. We have, like, a climbing wall, a trampoline. I think, I think I’m really lucky to be able to, like, put my… Live in a cohousing area. It makes everything a lot easier. I just like being able to live around other people and, like, get close to them. Just like, it’s just really nice. It’s, like, really fun.

Kavi Dayaneni: My name is Kavi Dayaneni and I live here at The Orchard. I’ll usually run upstairs, see what Silar’s doing. Sometimes we’ll play a video game together, go jump on the trampoline. But then I also do stay in my house sometimes and just relax. And it’s different during the summer and the school year. During the school year, we have all the online classes and stuff. It’s really nice because I can live with my best friend. It makes him feel more like a brother than a friend. You can find enjoyment in a lot of things that you probably couldn’t if you didn’t live in community.

[Musical interlude]

NK: When we talk about being in the midst of a crisis on par with the Great Depression, it isn’t only GDP and employment rates that are depressed. It’s people, seeing their sense of the future and possibility evaporate, who are depressed as well. Many of us know this first-hand, but the figures are stunning.

According to a survey conducted last month by the National Center for Health Statistics and the Census Bureau, 53 percent of people aged 18-29 years old reported symptoms of anxiety and/or depression. Fifty-three percent.

That’s more than 13 points higher than the rest of the population, which itself was off the charts compared to this time last year.

And that still may be a dramatic undercount. Mental Health America, part of the National Health Council, released a report in June based on surveys of nearly 5 million Americans. It found that “Younger populations, including teens and young adults under 25, are being hit particularly hard” by the pandemic. Ninety percent of participants in this group experienced symptoms of depression. Ninety percent.

This is an epidemic and it is intersecting with other epidemics as well. Some parts of the country are reporting that drug overdoses are up by 50 percent since last year.

Live5News: The South Carolina Department of Alcohol and Other Drug Abuse Services is reporting a staggering rise in suspected opioid overdoses since the pandemic began.

CBS Chicago: Alarming numbers out of Cook County show a sharp spike in overdose deaths from opioids. Those on the frontlines of the crisis call it yet another indirect symptom of the coronavirus and the effects of quarantine.

NK: It’s little wonder that young adults — in their late teens and twenties — are feeling particularly anxious or hopeless.

Millions of the service jobs they depend on for rent and to pay off student debt have vanished. Many of the industries young people had hoped to enter are firing, not hiring. Internships and apprenticeships have been canceled via mass email and job offers have been revoked.

These job losses, as well as the decision of many colleges and universities to close residences and move online, have pushed many young people into homelessness, and others back into family homes that are not always safe or welcoming. LGBTQ youth are at heightened risk.

And there has been almost no government response, at least not in the U.S. A few cities and states have expanded their summer job programs, but these are minuscule gestures compared to the need. And Washington is offering little more than a temporary break on student loan repayments, set to expire this fall.

All of this is layered on top of the pain of the virus itself, which has spread grief and loss through millions of families. Add to that the trauma of tremendous police violence directed at crowds of mostly young Black Lives Matter demonstrators, not to mention the looming climate crisis.

Look, this pandemic is hard on everyone. It’s hard on people living alone. It’s hard on couples who fight. It’s hard on parents juggling too much. It’s hard on little kids who are cooped up with cranky parents. And it’s hard on elders who are isolated from their families.

But there is a lot of evidence that it is hardest of all on teens and twenty-somethings who find themselves suddenly severed from their communities of other young people.

This isn’t the first time a generation has looked into this kind of abyss.

In 1934, in the grips of the Great Depression, Eleanor Roosevelt, then First Lady, confessed that “I have moments of real terror when I think we may be losing this generation.”

But in the 1930s, unlike today, the response was not to watch helplessly as this prophecy was fulfilled. Instead, the Roosevelt administration launched several sweeping New Deal programs designed specifically, as Eleanor Roosevelt put it, “to bring these young people into the active life of the community and make them feel they are necessary.”

One of these programs was the National Youth Administration.

Eleanor Roosevelt: The entire emphasis of the NYA training program is on practical work experience using modern production methods under the direction of men who know the requirements of industry.

NK: Four and half million young people went through the NYA, a vast network of projects that paired youth from poor families with publicly-minded work that needed doing.

The jobs were part-time, so they were able to keep up with their studies, make some money, and gain practical skills for the workforce. All while working and sometimes living with other young people.

NYA workers built public parks and playgrounds, repaired thousands of dilapidated schools, stocked classrooms with maps they had hand-painted and libraries with books they had repaired. They helped their communities battle tuberculosis outbreaks, trained to be nursing aids, and even built entire youth centers from scratch.

Like all New Deal programs, the NYA was marred by racial segregation and discrimination, particularly in the South, and the gender roles were, let’s just say that … the girls discovered they could sew, and the boys discovered they could build.

Newsreel announcer: Many girls on NYA projects will go out to make homes of their own, to rear children of their own. NYA teaches them how to care for a household and its furnishings, how to observe cleanliness…

NK: Yet we sure could use some of the good parts of the NYA — all that work done to train more nurses and all of those jobs created repairing broken down schools.

And there’s strong evidence that the U.S. public is ready for New Deal-scale responses to both the economic crisis and the pandemic. A new NPR/Ipsos poll found two-thirds of respondents support strong federal measures to control the virus accompanied by direct economic relief for all Americans. National debt, be damned.

Biran Mann: Mallory Newall is a pollster with Ipsos. This is the firm that worked with NPR on this.

Mallory Newall: And Americans, as they grapple with the reality and just how grave the situation is, I think they’re looking for sweeping, really broad, powerful action here.

NK: But what should that mean — and what should it mean for young workers in particular?

By far the best known of the New Deal Era youth programs was the Civilian Conservation Corps, sometimes referred to as FDR’s “tree army.”

Newsreel: The saving of natural resources was conservation pure and simple. One important phase of the development of these resources was more than that. It was the making of a nationwide system of recreational areas — smaller, more numerous state parks closer to the people, more easily accessible for their use, supplementing the magnificent national parks.

NK: Every few years, we hear calls for a reboot of the CCC to address the many ecological crises we face. This election cycle has been no different, with many calling for a Climate Conservation Corps or a Civilian Climate Corps.

Could a rebooted CCC help battle the many crises young people are facing — mental health, unemployment, isolation — while staying Covid-safe?

I ran this idea past a cross-section of students at the universities where I teach and was surprised by how many of them said, “Sign me up.” They talked about wanting to learn to work with their hands, to plant things, and help take on climate change. Many of them said they needed a break from their screens, and from their childhood bedrooms.

Several of them also said they would be especially excited if they could do it with their friends.

An I.T. student put it to me like this: “I mean, right now I’m sitting at home doing nothing, playing Animal Crossing all day.”

To discuss this and more, I am joined by one the leading historians of the CCC, Neil Maher. Maher is a professor of history at Rutgers University-Newark, and the author of a fantastic book on this subject, Nature’s New Deal.

Neil Maher, welcome to Intercepted.

Neil Maher: Good to be talking with you again, Naomi.

Neil Maher on Rebooting a New Deal-era Civilian Conservation Corps to Respond to Covid-19 and Climate Crisis

NK: So I’d like to start by asking you to give us an overview of the Civilian Conservation Corps — what it was, and what problems it was attempting to address.

NM: You really get an idea of what sparked Roosevelt in creating the Corps in his fireside chat of May 7, 1933, when he first sort of introduces the idea of the Corps to the American people.

FDR: First, we are giving an opportunity of employment to a quarter of a million of the unemployed, especially the young men who have dependents, let them go into forestry and flood prevention work. That is a big task because it means feeding and clothing and caring for nearly twice as many men as we have in the regular army itself. And in creating this Civilian Conservation Corps we are killing two birds with one stone.

NM: And he argued that the Corps could solve both the economic problem by putting young men to work, but to also solve this environmental problem by, you know, having them do conservation work.

FDR: We are clearly enhancing the value of our natural resources and at the same time, we are relieving an appreciable amount of actual distress.

NM: And then he argued that through the CCC we’re conserving not only natural resources, but also our human resources. So he saw it as a much more expansive program than I think people really give it credit for.

FDR: This great group of men, young men, have entered upon their work on a purely voluntary basis, no military training is involved and we are conserving not only our natural resources but also our human resources.

NK: What was the layout of this thing? What was the scale of it? What did it look like?

NM: Ultimately it put over 3 million young men to work. At any given moment, there were about 1,400 camps spread throughout the country. These camps held 200 men each and they were in state forests, national forests, state parks.

Newsreel: Enrollees are taken from the states on a population percentage basis. Their personal care is in the hands of the United States Army, the country’s most experienced organization for a task of such magnitude. The base pay of each enrollee is $30 per month, $25 of which is mailed directly to his declared dependents. Everything the enrollee requires is supplied to him. Clothing, comfortable barracks, good food. Doctors are in regular attendance.

NM: When these young men would travel from their homes, they would go to the state unemployment bureau where they would be enrolled. They would then first go to the military and be examined, physically examined, and then trained for two weeks. And then they would usually be shipped pretty far away from their homes to these camps located in these forests and parks to start doing conservation work.

CCC participant: Everything is going to be swell here now, and I ask nothing better than this chance to cut away from the past and breathe some fresh air.

CCC participant: Camp is a wonderful physical developer. I wouldn’t take $500 for the experience I’m going through here. It beats “Brother, can you spare a dime?”.

NK: So I just want to let listeners know that that sound is a bird, and I think maybe that’s fitting that we have birdsong as we talk about the Civilian Conservation Corps because this period in the 1930s, when we think about the crisis, we think about the economic crisis, but the U.S. was hitting the ecological wall as well as the economic wall. And that was true when it came to deforestation, but it was also true about species extinction. And one of the things that these young men did in the CCC was rehabilitate habitats. Can you talk about that a little bit?

NM: Yeah, it sort of cut both ways, like, the CCC’s work, when it came to, sort of, ecological restoration and ecological problems. We have to remember that the field of ecology, the science of ecology at that point was in its infancy at that point, in the 1930s. So you did have the CCC doing some ecological restoration work. But I have to say that more of the work was really geared towards changing ecological systems to benefit humans, and there were still problems with that. For instance, the CCC drained a lot of swamps to try to control mosquitoes throughout the eastern seaboard and that, as we know, creates problems for migratory birds, and also changing the ecosystem and destroying biodiversity. So what happened is the CCC got pushback on some of these ecological problems that it was causing from ecologists and also from wildlife promoters and the CCC began to change some of its work later on. And that’s when it began to embrace ecological restoration rather than, for instance, draining swamps.

NK: One of the things that always strikes me when I look back on this era, and when I read your book as well, is that the Depression was understood to be an economic depression, obviously. All the economic indicators were pointing down, as they are now. But it was also understood to be a mental state, that there was a mental health crisis, even if that language wasn’t being used at the time. Talk a bit about FDR’s theories about nature as a curative for this mental state of depression.

NM: There’s really a long history of the notion that nature can, you know, rejuvenate people, both physically and mentally, in the U.S.. It goes back to Thomas Jefferson and his idea of the yeoman farmer — you know, Henry David Thoreau’s idea of transcendentalism. During the Progressive Era it got transformed a bit. The Progressives, they believed in an environmentalism of a different sort. It wasn’t the notion of environmentalism that we adhere to today or think about today. But they really believed that one’s environment shaped one’s social behavior. So in that sense, they believed that if you could get people out of the city and into nature, far out from the urban areas, it could help to restore them. And then you had Teddy Roosevelt and his “strenuous life,” of course. And then Franklin Roosevelt really believed in these as well. I mean, his cousin’s ideas were very influential on Franklin Roosevelt, and he had a very similar belief that if we could get these young people from urban areas out into the countryside, we could rejuvenate them.

Newsreel: Inspiring his forest army by a personal visit, President Roosevelt makes his first tour of the Civilian Conservation Corps camps in the Shenandoah Valley. After inspecting Skyland, the commander in chief takes a seat at the head of the table to eat with the boys and he enjoys every bite of the plain, wholesome food furnished at the camp.

FDR: It’s very good to be here at these Virginia CCC camps. I wish I could see them all over the country. And I hope that all over the country they’re in as fine condition as the camps that I’ve seen today. I wish that I could take a couple of months off from the White House and come down here and live with them, because I know I’d get full of health the way they have. The only difference is that they’ve put out an average of about 12 pounds a piece since they got here and I’m trying to take off 12 pounds.

NM: So from the very beginning there was a mental health benefit to the CCC as well that he saw and valued very much.

NK: And a physical health. It’s worth remembering that many of these young people were malnourished. They were not — they were very ill going into it, weren’t they?

NM: Absolutely. The majority of them were, when they were examined by the military — they kept numerous statistics on these young men — they weighed less than the public at large. They were less healthy than the public at large. And the CCC promoted these statistics of the young men coming in and then promoted alternative, much more positive statistics when these young men left the CCC. And the young men enrolled actually combined their feelings about both their physical and their mental rejuvenation.

Newsreel: The first chow call of the day in most Conservation Corps camps are at the early hour of six in the morning. But no one is ever late for breakfast, his appetite won’t let him. Looks like ham and eggs. Luncheon is sometimes served in the field, for the boys frequently work many miles from camp and the camp administrators insist that the workers have hot food three times a day.

NK: So let’s talk about the present. This isn’t just a stroll back to the 1930s. There are these fascinating parallels and there’s a reason the CCC keeps coming up as a model to create jobs today and also deal with the climate crisis. We know we need to plant many, many more trees to sequester carbon. How many trees did the CCC plant, just to give us the scale of it?

NM: They planted over 2 billion trees, which at the time was half the trees planted in U.S. history — twelve trees for every American at the time.

NK: One of the things that made me think about this, to be honest with you Neil, was I was reading an article in the New York Times a few months back about whether it would be possible to reopen sleepaway camps. You know, it was discussing camps that were really for elites, for wealthy kids. But it was making the argument that sleepaway camps should be relatively easy to secure because unlike more porous environments where people are coming in and out every day — like a school, like a day camp, like a workplace — sleepaway camps are places people go and stay. And that made me think about the CCC because, you know, it shouldn’t just be rich kids who are able to get out of their homes and be with their peers and get into nature. The CCC was a working-class program, a program for the poor. So what do you think about this in the context of Covid and what we understand about this virus and how it spreads and where it doesn’t spread as much?

NM: All the young men enrolling in the CCC, their families had to be on relief. So they were definitely working-class people. And when I spoke to some of the men later in life, they said that they thought of it in a way as either a summer camp experience, or even more, they said, as their form of college, right? Where they got away from their families for the first time — their first sort of stab at independence — and it really transformed them. And I think that it does serve as a model, whether it’s summer camp or even, you know, colleges and universities or schools to reopen because, in one sense, these camps were very, very isolated. On purpose, they were many, many miles from the nearest railroad because they didn’t want these men to get homesick and go over the hill, as they called it. You know, basically go back home. But within that isolation, there were nearby communities that the CCC was very involved in. And if we did this today, you’d have to control that much more. Also, each of these camps had an infirmary with medical staff there 24 hours a day. I read a statistic recently where rates of tuberculosis were lower in the CCC than they were in the population at large because they were able to quarantine people much more easily and deal with these issues much more quickly.

So I think the CCC can serve as a real model, especially in the Covid moment, to figure out ways to get young people in large groups that can help them get over that isolation, yet still be safe both for themselves, but also for the wider community that’s worried about the spread of the disease.

NK: What cautions can you offer here? Because we don’t want to be sending young people to, you know, reeducation camps here against their will. That’s not what we’re talking about.

NM: Well I think that it would have to be a new and improved and much more inclusive CCC. So, first of all, you can’t have the military running it. Even when Franklin Roosevelt created it, there was pushback on the military’s role in the CCC. There was fear that it could militarize youth, which was happening at the time in Germany.

Secondly, it needs to be more inclusive. There were no women allowed in the CCC. The idea back then was that only men’s role as breadwinners was protected by federal policy and that women’s roles as homemakers were less — were outside the realm of public policy.

NK: Didn’t we get one camp where we could learn how to do canning?

NM: We did, we got one camp. It was called the She-She-She-Camp, incredibly, and it was only because of Eleanor Roosevelt, who lobbied her husband throughout the 1930s for a female camp and it was in Bear Mountain State Park in New York, right near Hyde Park. And they didn’t let them do conservation work, you’re right, they did home economics work.

And then also again you’d have to have no segregation. The camps were segregated. African Americans had their own camps. Native Americans had a CCC as well, but again it was different. It was separate. They didn’t live in camps, they lived at home and worked on their reservations. I just think the whole thing would need to be reformed and readjusted with environmental justice issues at the forefront. And I mean that both by where the work is being done and also who is being included in the work as well.

NK: So what sorts of projects could you imagine a rebooted CCC taking on?

NM: The CCC enrollees were not just planting trees and rejiggering agricultural crop rows. They were also building infrastructure.

Newsreel: Conservation work in all its many phases is being done in these state park areas from one end of the country to the other. Better facilities for forest fire fighting are being provided through the building of truck trails, fire lanes, and observation towers and the stringing of communication lines.

NM: They were already building infrastructure, so I think if we just rethought that and we reconfigured it towards building infrastructure that would allow us to adapt to climate change better, to increase resiliency in local communities, that could be a really easy shift for the CCC to make.

But I also think it could be proactive in the sense that you could have these young people, they could work on solar panel systems in the Sunbelt. They could help create smart energy grids. All the while perhaps getting credit for school for doing this sort of work. So some of it could be physical labor, some of it could be research-oriented work. But I think that the key here would be to focus this on climate change, in the sense that you could create energy-efficient energy systems that could reduce the amount of carbon that’s being used, but also build an adaptive infrastructure to help us be more resilient in the face of the climate changes that are going to happen.

Newsreel: They’re paying their way with manual service and making an important contribution to the health and happiness of millions now living and still more millions of the future.

NK: FDR believed that these young people had a right to access nature themselves, that they would benefit from being in nature. But a huge part of the CCC’s work was building out the infrastructure that would allow everybody to access nature. I think maybe listeners have encountered CCC infrastructure and not known it, so can you give sort of a picture of some of what they were building in terms of recreation?

NM: Basically, if you’ve been to a state park in the United States you have walked upon CCC infrastructure.

Newsreel: In the Conservation Corps development of state parks is found a perfect blending of conservation and recreation. Besides protecting and saving land and timber and wildlife, this phase of the program develops recreation areas for people who have not had them before. Hiking and bridle trails wind through the parks. Each of these trails being constructed by the Conservation Corps in state parks in 42 states is carefully placed by expert park planners.

NM: Franklin Roosevelt began to shift what conservation meant. So, through recreation he began to make the argument that getting people outdoors and getting them into more healthful environments was actually conserving the human resources of the country. And with the young men in the CCC, that was accomplished through their work in the natural environment and nature. But that recreational infrastructure that they built allowed other Americans not enrolled in the CCC to leave cities and get into nature and in a sense restore themselves through play in nature.

NK: A lot of the infrastructure that was laid out that allowed people to have access to nature in the 1930s and 40s and 50s has fallen into a state of disrepair. So how could a rebooted CCC or Climate Conservation Corps make sure that everybody has access to nature, that it isn’t… that it doesn’t go back to being just something that rich people have access to?

NM: I mean, I think that one thing we need to do is to focus not just on the national parks. I mean, those are the gems of the system, the gems of our outdoor heritage. But I think that, for instance, nature in parks in municipal areas — and I’m not just talking about Central Park, but small towns and cities throughout America — those are the places that the majority of people go to to get outdoors and to get away from, for instance, the hassles of life, but also to be safe in this Covid moment, right? So, rather than focusing only on the national parks, or even the state parks, I think that, you know, reemphasizing — we could call it “backyard nature,” the nature in our backyard. I think that might be a really good way of updating a program like the CCC to make it more equitable, more locally driven. And I think that would have a much larger impact on people both in the Covid era but also in general just for physical and mental health overall.

NK: One of the things that’s happening now in the context of Covid is a lot of outdoor education programs are facing a financial crisis. And as we think about reopening schools and how to make schools safe, there’s a lot of evidence that outdoor education is really key.

NM: I think education is key here, and the CCC promoted education two ways. It had after work education programs, some of which were geared towards conservation — so, classes in forestry, classes in agronomy.

Newsreel: Not enough is known of the civilian conservation or conservation of civilians part of this unique nationwide recovery plan. More than a million young men and war veterans have been participants. Few of them have failed to absorb benefits of even greater value to them than the mere employment and money they have been given. These boys here are being taught many things about tree and plant life, insect pest control and so on, which they can apply in later life.

NM: But it also claimed that these young men learned on the job, while they were performing conservation work. And many of them, after their time in the corps, went into conservation-related jobs and into conservation-related fields. So I think if we could begin to break down the separation between the classroom and the outside environment and we began to see a more fluid movement between the two, it might, first of all, be safer in this current pandemic moment, but it also might influence these students to think more clearly or differently about how they’re going to forge a profession or a job in the climate era.

NK: Do you think young people today would be interested in something like this? What’s your sense of it?

NM: I do. I very much do. My students — I teach in Newark, New Jersey — and my students are on the frontlines during this Covid pandemic. Last semester I had students get ill. I had students’ family members get very, very ill. They’re very much aware of the inequities that are going on right now. They’re living those inequities and I think that they’re also very fearful of the economy and having no job prospects. And they’re also very interested in becoming more socially active. So I think that this would be a perfect moment to create something, a new and improved CCC that could provide them with both a sense of social justice but also perhaps some training, an avenue towards employment later on. The current generation is very much ready for this.

NK: If this really were an environmental justice project, as the Green New Deal is supposed to be, what would that mean for a new CCC?

NM: We should look back not to the history of the conservation movement as a guide, which as we’ve said was white, male, and wealthy. But instead, perhaps look to the history of the environmental justice movement as a guide and starting from the grassroots and trying to get local people to make decisions about what this new CCC might look like. What work might it do? Who is going to control that work? Who is going to be involved in performing that work? That’s one way to start. It’d be a very different approach than what took place in the 1930s.

NK: Yeah, rather than this approach of let’s take young people as far away as possible from their homes, an approach that was about giving young people, particularly from the communities that are most polluted, that have had the worst environmental impacts dumped upon them, the opportunity to help their own communities, right? The funds to help their own communities. And there’s a particular pride that comes from being able to do that work in your own home community. I think it could probably be designed in a way that had these same Covid safeguards.

NM: I mean, in the 30s the idea was to take these young men as far away from their homes as possible because the idea was that those homes and those local communities were in some way deficient — economically, morally. Put them in nature where they could be restored. I think a new and improved CCC would have to not take that approach. It has to rethink the locality of the people involved. It has to reconceptualize these local communities, not as places of hardship and moral problems, but as places of knowledge, as places of resiliency, as places that have assets that we have to acknowledge and learn about to try to figure out ways to improve those local conditions.

NK: So let’s talk about Joe Biden. Could you imagine a Biden administration ruling out something like we’ve been talking about?

NM: I see Biden’s plan as being, in a sense, a combination of a WPA infrastructure plan and a Civilian Conservation Corps environmental or, in this case, climate plan. I’m not sure if Joe Biden has the political will to really see this through, but in his plan it does seem like he’s leveraging this belief in workers, working-class people, and unions, to try to help push both sides of this plan, both with the infrastructure development work that he’s proposing but also the clean energy work that he’s proposing. He’s talking about building a modern infrastructure. He wants to revamp the auto industry to make it more dependent on electric and clean energy, reformulating the power grid to make it pollution-free by 2035. He wants to create a new CCC, actually, that will work on agriculture and conservation issues. And then his last talking point, actually, is to secure environmental justice and an equitable economy. And I was a little bit concerned to see that listed as number seven out of his seven key elements. So that was my read on it.

NK: In reading your book and hearing these testimonials from people who went through the CCC, looking back on it, this theme comes up again and again: that people were so happy to be part of something bigger than themselves, right? That the process of healing the country in this time of need was also healing to them. Can you talk a bit about this sort of shared purpose in a moment like this?

NM: One of the things that disturbed me most when I was doing the research on the CCC back in the 1930s was that the shared ideology that these young men came away with was very much orchestrated from the top down and it had to do with being an American. The CCC called itself a “civic melting pot.” Much of the iconography of the CCC had these young men working under waving flags, American flags in the breeze, or patriotic symbolism behind them. And I think that today it’s just a different moment. I don’t think that young people today want to be a part of that civic culture. I don’t think they want to be a part of that. They want to feel a belonging to something else. That something else needs to be defined, not from the top down, but rather from the bottom up. And I think that these young people are working right now to try to figure out what they want to belong to. It’s a much more atomized moment and there’s both promise in that, but there’s also, you know, it’s problematic. And I think this is the major problem facing the United States today. How do we come together as a civic culture but allow room for these personal identities that have become so important to these young people? The old CCC wasn’t good at that.

Newsreel: So it is all these factors join forces in this unique phase of the recovery program. A federal aid project to save and enjoy a country. To keep nature unsullied and unspoiled wherever possible as a healing retreat from the increasing difficulties of modern life. A project directed by that government agency which has given the world the American national parks, the National Parks Service of the United States Department of the Interior.

NK: It’s been such a pleasure to talk with you, Neil. Thank you so much for coming on Intercepted.

NM: Thanks so much for having me, Naomi.

NK: Neil Maher is the author of Nature’s New Deal and a professor of history of Rutgers University-Newark.

[Musical interlude]

NK: One last thing before we go. These conversations have been about how we live – what kind of housing configurations make sense, whether young people are able to get the hell away from their parents for a time and become adults.

But underneath these practical questions is a much deeper one about what we value most. Ask most people that question and they’ll usually tell you things like: “My family.” “My friendships.” Some say: “Time hanging out with my friends.” I know I say: “Time in nature.”

The thing is, as a culture and an economy, we do not actually design to maximize any of these things. In fact we design for the opposite. Our system designs for isolation, from each other and from the natural world. In fact, isolation is the prize. And if Covid has taught us anything, it should be that it is no prize at all.

That was the message of one of my favorite commencement addresses of all time, by the great novelist Barbara Kingsolver. She delivered it at Duke University more than a decade ago but somehow it speaks perfectly to our present moment.

Barbara Kingsolver: Now, the rule of “success” has traditionally meant having boatloads of money. But we are not really supposed to put it in a boat. A house would be the customary thing. Ideally, it should be large, with a lot of bathrooms and so forth, but no more than four people. If two friends come over during approved visiting hours, then the two kids have to leave. The bathroom-to-resident ratio must remain at all times greater than one.

I see our dream houses standing alone, the idealized life taking place in a kind of bubble. So of course, you’ll need another bubble, with rubber tires, to convey yourself to places you must visit, such as an office.

If you’re successful, it will be a large, empty-ish kind of office that you don’t have to share. If you need anything, you can get it delivered. Play your cards right and you’ll never have to come face-to-face with another person. This is the Rule of Escalating Isolation.

And so we find ourselves in the chapter of history I would entitle “Isolation and Efficiency, and How They Have Come Around to Bite Us in the Backside.” Because that’s how it looks to me. We’re a world at war, ravaged by disagreements, a bizarrely globalized people in which the extravagant excesses of one culture wash up as famine or flood on the shores of another. Even the architecture of our planet is collapsing under the weight of our efficient productivity.

It’s an emergency on a scale we’ve never known. So we’ve responded by following the rules we know: efficiency, isolation. We can’t slow down our productivity and consumption, that’s unthinkable.

Can’t we just go home and put a really big lock on the door? No. Not this time. Our paradigm has met its match.

As we track the unfolding disruption of natural and global stabilities, you will be told to buy into business as usual: You need a job. Trade away your future for an entry-level position. Do what we did, preserve a profitable climate for manufacture and consumption, at any cost — even the cost of that other climate, the one that was hospitable to life as we knew it. Is anybody thinking this through? In the awful moment when someone demands at gunpoint, “Your money or your life,” that’s not supposed to be a hard question.

A lot of people are rethinking the money answer.

Looking behind the cash price of everything, to see what it cost us elsewhere: to mine and manufacture, to transport, to burn, to bury. What did it harm on its way here? Previous generations rarely asked about the hidden costs. We put them on layaway. The bill has come due.

As you leave here, remember what you loved most in this place. I mean the way you lived, in close and continuous contact. This is an ancient social construct that was once common in this land. We called it a community. We lived among our villagers, depending on them for what we needed. If we had a problem, we did not discuss it over the phone with someone in Bhubaneswar. We went to a neighbor. We acquired food from farmers. We listened to music in groups, in churches and on front porches. We danced. We participated even when there was no money in it. Community is our native state.

In the last 30 years, our material wealth has increased in this country, but our self-described happiness has steadily declined.

You don’t need so much stuff to fill up your life when you have people in it. You don’t need jet fuel to get your food from a farmer’s market. You could invent a new kind of success that includes children’s poetry, and butterfly migrations, butterfly kisses, the Grand Canyon, eternity. If somebody says “Your money or your life,” you could say: Life. And mean it. You’ll see things collapse in your time: the big houses, the empires of glass, the new green things that sprout up through the wreck — those will be yours.

NK: And that does it for this week’s show. You can follow us on Twitter @intercepted and on Instagram @InterceptedPodcast. A note to our listeners: Intercepted is taking a break this summer but we’ll be back with Jeremy in the chair in just a few weeks.

Intercepted is a production of First Look Media and The Intercept. Our lead producer is Jack D’Isidoro. Our producer is Laura Flynn. Elise Swain is our associate producer and graphic designer. Nicole Weber and Cameron Foster helped with research. Betsy Reed is editor in chief of The Intercept. Rick Kwan mixed the show. Transcription for this program is done by Lucie Kroening. Our music, as always, was composed by DJ Spooky. I’m Naomi Klein.

The post Escape From the Nuclear Family: Covid-19 Should Provoke a Rethink of How We Live appeared first on The Intercept.

05 Aug 17:42

Democracy Now! 2020-08-05 Wednesday

Tom Roche

excellent interview on Big Tech and antitrust @ https://www.democracynow.org/shows/2020/08/05 with Scott Galloway @ NYU

Democracy Now! 2020-08-05 Wednesday

  • Headlines for August 05, 2020
  • "Despair and Destruction": Doctor in Beirut Describes Harrowing Scenes After Massive Port Explosion
  • Journalist Rami Khouri: Beirut Explosion Follows Years of Lebanese Gov't Incompetence & Corruption
  • The End of Big Tech? Calls Grow to Break Up Facebook, Amazon for "Mob-Like" Behavior, Monopoly Power

Download this show

04 Aug 04:21

tycho garen: Running Emacs

by tycho garen
Tom Roche

running emacs daemons under `systemd`

OK, this is a weird post, but after reading a post about running emacs with systemd, [1] I've realized that the my take on how I run and manage processes is a bit unique, and worth enumerating and describing. The short version is that I regularly run multiple instances of emacs, under systemd, in daemon mode, and it's pretty swell. Here's the rundown:

  • On Linux systems, I use a build of emacs with the lucid toolkit, rather than GTK, because of this bug with GTK, which I should write more about at some point. Basically, if the X session crashes with GTK emacs, even if you don't have windows open, the daemon will crash, even if the dameon isn't started from a GUI session. The lucid toolkit doesn't have this problem.

  • I run the process under my user's systemd instance, rather than under the PID 1 systemd instance. I like keeping things separate. Run the following command to ensure that your user's systemd will start at boot rather than at login:

    sudo loginctl enable-ligner $(whoami)
    
  • I have a systemd service file named emacs@.service in my ~/.config/systemd/user/ directory that looks like this:

    [Unit]
    Description=Emacs-tychoish: the extensible, self-documenting text editor.
    
    [Service]
    Type=forking
    ExecStart=/usr/bin/emacs --daemon=%i --chdir %h
    ExecStop=/usr/bin/emacsclient --server-file=hud --eval "(progn (setq kill-emacs-hook 'nil) (kill-emacs))"
    Restart=always
    TimeoutStartSec=0
    
    [Install]
    WantedBy=default.target
    

    I then start emacs dameons:

    systemctl --user start emacs@work
    systemctl --user start emacs@personal
    systemctl --user start emacs@chat
    

    To enable them so that they start following boot:

      systemctl --user enable emacs@work
      systemctl --user enable emacs@personal
      systemctl --user enable emacs@chat
    
    Though to be honest, I use different names for daemons.
    
  • I have some amount of daemon specific code, which might be useful:

    (setq server-use-tcp t)
    
    (if (equal (daemonp) nil)
        (setq tychoish-emacs-identifier "solo")
      (setq tychoish-emacs-identifier (daemonp)))
    
    ;; this makes erc configs work less nosily. There's probably no harm in
    ;; turning down the logging
    (if (equal (daemonp) "chat")
        (setq gnutls-log-level 0)
      (setq gnutls-log-level 1))
    
    (let ((csname (if (eq (daemonp) nil)
                 "generic"
                 (daemonp))))
      (setq recentf-save-file (concat user-emacs-directory system-name "-" csname "-recentf"))
      (setq session-save-file (concat user-emacs-directory system-name "-" csname "-session"))
      (setq bookmark-default-file (concat user-emacs-directory system-name "-" csname "-bookmarks"))
      (setq helm-c-adaptive-history-file (concat user-emacs-directory system-name "-" csname "--helm-c-adaptive-history"))
      (setq desktop-base-file-name (concat system-name "-" csname "-desktop-file"))
      (setq desktop-base-lock-name (concat system-name "-" csname "-desktop-lock")))
    

    Basically this just sets up some session-specific information to be saved to different files, to avoid colliding per-instance.

  • Additionally, I use the tychoish-emacs-identifier from above to provide some contextual information as to what emacs daemon/window I'm currently in:

    (setq frame-title-format '(:eval (concat tychoish-emacs-identifier ":" (buffer-name))))
    
    (spaceline-emacs-theme 'daemon 'word-count)
    (spaceline-define-segment daemon tychoish-emacs-identifier)
    

    Also, on the topic of configuration, I do have a switch statement that loads different mu4e configurations in different daemons.

  • To start emacs sessions, I use operations in the following forms:

    # create a new emacs frame. Filename optional.
    emacsclient --server-file=<name> --create-frame --no-wait <filename>
    
    # open a file in an existing (last-focus) frame/window. Filename required.
    emacsclient --server-file=<name> --no-wait <filename>
    
    # open a terminal emacs mode. Filename optional .
    emacsclient --server-file=<name> --tty --no-wait <filename>
    

    That's a lot to type, so I use aliases in my shell profile:

    alias e='emacsclient --server-file=personal --no-wait'
    alias ew='emacsclient --server-file=personal --create-frame --no-wait'
    alias et='emacsclient --server-file=personal --tty'
    

    I create a set of aliases for each daemon prefixing e/ew/et with the first letter of the daemon name.

And that's about it. When I've used OS X, I've managed something similar using launchd but the configuration files are a bit less elegant. On OS X, I tend to install emacs with cocoa toolkit, using homebrew.

Using multiple daemons is cool, though not required, for a number of reasons:

  • you can have good separation between personal things and professional/work things, which is always nice, but particularly gratifying during the pandemic when it's easy to work forever.
  • Managing multiple separation of email. While mu4e has profiles and contexts, and that's great, I like a firmer boundary, and being able maintain separate email databases.
  • Running emacs lisp applications that do a lot of networking, or do other blocking operations. The main case where this matters in my experience is running big erc instance, or something else that isn't easily broken into async/subprocesses.
[1] And commenting!
03 Aug 19:27

Episode 111: How “Small Business” Rhetoric Is Used to Protect Corporate America

Tom Roche

Quinby is excellent as usual ... when not on Street Fight Radio, which is just too unfocused

“Obama lauds small business owners in his State of the Union,” announced The Washington Post. “I have always said that there is nothing more optimistic – perhaps maybe getting married – than starting a small business,” Speaker Nancy Pelosi tells us. “John Kerry would raise taxes on 900,000 small businesses,” insisted a reelection ad for George W. Bush.

Everywhere we turn we are centering the needs of and reminded of the glowing status of the “small business.” They are the bipartisan holiest of holies in our economy – the scrappy little guy that also props up the moral pillars of capitalism – evidence that with a little elbow grease and knowhow anyone can build a business in their image. Small businesses are one of two major vehicles for COVID-19 relief – a wholly uncontroversial good that both parties, all ideologies, everyone!, can agree are worth protecting and prioritizing.

But what do pundits and politicians mean exactly when they say “small business”? How does our romantic vision of “small business” match up with reality, and how is their plight used as a messaging vanguard to strip away environmental and labor regulations, tort protections, taxes and a host of safeguards against corporate greed?

The rhetoric forces the evocation of a wholesome image of a Mom-and-Pop candy store in Appleton, Wisconsin, in order to push for laws that will ultimately benefit hedge funds, Dupont and Koch Industries, and a murderers row of polluters and worker abusers.

Our guests are Public Citizen's Lisa Gilbert and Street Fight Radio's Bryan Quinby.

03 Aug 16:05

Behind the News: Tobita Chow and Donna Murch

by Jacobin magazine
Tom Roche

Murch piece is excellent, Chow piece is deplorable

Host Doug Henwood covers the worlds of economics and politics and their complex interactions, from the local to the global. This week features Tobita Chow on the roots and dangers of Sinophobia in the US and Donna Murch, author of Living for the City, on the emergence of the Black Panther Party out of early 1960s campus study groups.

03 Aug 02:26

Dr. Robert Gallo on Vaccines, Plus the Democrats' Campaign Strategy | Useful Idiots

Tom Roche

Gallo was unexpectedly excellent--interesting science, but also serious raconteuring

Leading biomedical researcher Dr. Robert Gallo shares his thoughts on the various theories for potential covid-19 vaccines. Matt and Katie caution against overconfidence by the left heading into the presidential election. Katie decries a 'Sharkaganda' story from Australia

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03 Aug 02:25

#766 Chris Frantz and Talking Heads

by podcasts@chicagopublicradio.org (WBEZ Chicago)
Tom Roche

not quite a "dissection" but still excellent

Jim and Greg chat with Talking Heads drummer Chris Frantz about his new book, Remain In Love. The book tracks the bands commercial success and internal strife. Plus, they dig into some of their favorite tracks by the 'Heads’ and Tom Tom Club.

03 Aug 02:22

Everything you ever wanted to know about Ancient Greece, but were afraid to ask (part 2)

Tom Roche

Paul Cartledge excellent as usual

In the latest of our series tackling the big questions on major historical topics, ancient historian Paul Cartledge responds to listener queries and popular search enquiries about one of the most renowned and influential ancient civilisations. Part 1 of this interview aired last Sunday. Historyextra.com/podcast

 

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